43 views
Seen by: and 8 moreBrazil & Turkey: On The Path of Democratic Consolidation
On The Path of Democratic Consolidation
Expanding the Demos in Third Wave Democracies – The Cases of Turkey and Brazil
This study is based on small-N comparative method and historical approach of actual cases to assess whether Third Wave... more This study is based on small-N comparative method and historical approach of actual cases to assess whether Third Wave democracies Brazil and Turkey meet Dahl’s set of conditions favourable to the growth, solidification, and constancy of polyarchy. Various endogenous and exogenous factors, institutions as well as social actors’ perceptions toward them, are analysed. Generalisations are made based upon factors that have been an impediment or a facilitator to a democratic outcome. It is shown that moderate GDP per capita growth and demos expansion are twin processes that are a consequence and at the same time strengthen the conditions propitious to polyarchy development and consolidation.
The Search for a Theoretical Framework for Long-term Disaster Recovery Efforts: A Normative Application of Jane Addams' Social Democratic Theory and Ethics
by Texas State PA Applied Research Projects
Gatlin, Heather Neuroth, "The Search for a Theoretical Framework for Long-term Disaster Recovery Efforts: A Normative Application of Jane Addams' Social Democratic Theory and Ethics" (2006). Applied Research Projects, Texas State University-San Marcos. Paper 125.
http://ecommons.txstate.edu/arp/125
This Applied Research Project is an exploratory study seeking to establish a theoretical framework for long-term... more
This Applied Research Project is an exploratory study seeking to establish a theoretical framework for long-term disaster recovery efforts. Through the use of qualitative interviews conducted with senior managers of national nonprofit agencies working on Hurricane Katrina recovery, this research first tests the feasibility of Jane Addams' social democratic theory and ethics for use as a theoretical framework for long-term disaster recovery. The research also explores the degree to which nonprofit organizations already implement elements of Addams' theory and ethics in their long-term disaster recovery programs. This is tested through the administration of a questionnaire with case managers working with Katrina survivors in Houston, Texas.
The findings of this research strongly support the use of Jane Addams' social democratic theory and ethics as a theoretical framework for long-term disaster recovery efforts. Not only do leaders of nonprofit organizations view the Addams framework as feasible, but case managers report that their organizations are already implementing the main tenets of Addams' theory and ethics in their daily provision of services to Katrina survivors. Therefore, this research suggests that the long-term disaster recovery community may immediately look to Addams' social democratic theory and ethics as a theoretical framework upon which to construct its efforts, both for Hurricane Katrina long-term recovery and for that of future disasters.
Anti-Social Engineering the Hyper-Manipulated Self
by Brian Taylor
When one does philosophy, one dismantles strings of concepts into their respective parts to examine both the parts... more
When one does philosophy, one dismantles strings of concepts into their respective parts to examine both the parts themselves and the relationships the parts have with each other. This semantic reduction provides us the best possible opportunities for finding truth. This was exactly the type of skill Brian Taylor needed to write his new book Anti-Social Engineering the Hyper-Manipulated Self, postpaper publishing, ISBN: 978-0-557-99909-5 http://stores.lulu.com/postpaper
The book began as a series of blogged essays in a response to the “Authenticity” movement presented by the like of Eckhart Tolle, Andrew Cohen and to a lesser extent, Dr. Phil. These men, and others, were coming to conclusions on the idea of authenticity that were, among other things, subjective fallacies, rife with interpretation and possibly counterproductive. On the other side of the coin we had skeptical guru Michael Shermer or perhaps Richard Dawkins making up one half of the “four horseman of the non-apocalypse.” These men, “scientists,” were and still are guilty of the same faults as their spiritual counterparts, interpretations rather than knowledge. Brian Taylor wanted to know, “Are there any actual answers in the arena of the self and its power?” As it turns out, reality is far stranger than ever before known and we actually know so much less than we think we do, if it can be said that we know anything authentically, at all.
After four years of research into our ideas about the self through the ages, the sciences of the self and what the self is, this book comes to the conclusion that the modern self, you and I today, are not only manipulated, but that manipulation is sought out, required and pre-programmed. This is a book about how we are all being intentionally hyper-manipulated without our knowledge, by whom and to what end.
To “anti-social engineer” is to counter this phenomenon of modernity through critical consciousness, dubbed “assignee's prerogative.” This self direction is aimed toward eudaemonia, which is an Aristotelian idea roughly meaning “happiness and promotion,” and it is further suggested that virtue is found in the mean between excess and deficiency, in these concerns. This sounds rather simple in such a paragraph form, rest assured, chasing the meanings and relationships of these ideas to any philosophical depth requires a maze of rabbit holes and someone to guide you through them. Taylor is nothing if not thorough in this regard.
Entertaining, personal, conversational, exact and profound, this book has a strange undercurrent, almost a charge running through it. Most clearly defined in it's most opinionated moments, there is a subtext, not a call to arms but to a social contract. Taylor says, throughout the book, that it is specifically battling social engineering, the command, hidden or not, “think this about that.” Yet, he too wants us to think a certain way, a centrist “golden mean,” a path of no extremes. Making an argument against his ideas is difficult, regardless of the talking points he uses. (These vary from possible moral objections we may hold for prostitution or murder, to social norms such as supporting the troops or the war on terror.) In his most controversial moments, when objectivity is at its thinnest, the author's existentialism shines through and he suggests it's better to not claim to know something than to suspect something incorrectly. The exception to this rule is when the social engineering is secret, malicious, degenerative or merely in error.
There are things that we can do anti-social engineer our hyper-manipulated selves and Taylor spells these tasks out clearly. Firstly, social engineering, be it delivered by a television commercial, ideology, civility, social construct, etc. is to be expected and recognized. Then Taylor presents us his Philosophy Generator which is described as “a dismantling of paradigm” and a way to determine if any particular social engineering is more persuasive or manipulative. If we are able to first know what it is we are deciding, then do our best possible thinking on the matter, which is what working through the Generator is for, we should be able to be confident in our decision, whatever it may be. Furthermore, given the standardization of awareness, contemplation and centrist philosophy, it should be expected that the same benefit experienced by individuals would transfer to societies.
The book ends with a chapter called “God wears a yellow hat.” It is concluded with a list of 24 interesting intentions, (23 actually, one of them is missing,) this list is not meant to be a complete index of the topics discussed, but rather an indication of the book's scope. The war on terror, the war on drugs, food transportation, consumerism, capitalism, communism, false flags, dehumanization via technology, God, 2012, patriotism, culture, globalization, human rights and religion. There is an entire chapter devoted to a reasonable discussion between the two sides divided over the conspiracies associated with September 11, 2001. This book discusses conspiracy as it dismantles thought, which is a strange dichotomy. Taylor seems to want to convince us that he is a reasonable man, with a reasonable method and if such a man can find a reasonable conspiracy, we can take the suggestion from the fringe to the mainstream. He may be right. However, this is not a conspiracy book, this is a book about thinking.
One comes away from the experience of reading this book enticed to do more and this is the goal. Anti-Social Engineering the Hyper-Manipulated Self is about taking responsibility and looking ahead, prudently. It doesn't want to take anything away from you, you're entitled to have your beliefs as the author has his. We need our beliefs and we even need social engineering, these things are part of a natural, healthy species. The dangers of our beliefs are represented by the lack of awareness of them and the inability to think critically about them. Taylor argues that, if in fact we are not thinking well about the things we believe, we are not living up to the reasonable purpose we have as human beings. This appreciation of hyper-reality and our place in it defines our authenticity and is the promise expressed by the 21st Century Enlightenment.
125 views
Seen by: and 23 more"Freedom and the Environment"
Published in Journal of Democracy, July 1995
Since Kant, liberals have argued that a world filled with democracies would suffer fewer wars. Remarkably, a growing... more Since Kant, liberals have argued that a world filled with democracies would suffer fewer wars. Remarkably, a growing body of historical scholarship confirms that democratic states have not fought one another. A burgeoning literature now seeks to explain why this peace results. The present essay explores a different, though related, theme by asking whether democratization portends still other unforeseen but propitious consequences for the community of nations. Specifically, do democratic states take better care of the environment?
Comparative Political Theology
by Erich Kofmel
For a research project I engaged in from 2004-2007, I gathered and analysed statements made by representatives of... more For a research project I engaged in from 2004-2007, I gathered and analysed statements made by representatives of Islamist terrorist movements on the Internet andcompared key themes of their ideology (such as "democracy", "capitalism", "globalization", "colonialism" and "underdevelopment") to the writings and ideology of authors in various traditions of Christian "political theology". In this paper, it is being established that there are clear similarities in the socio-political analysis advanced by Christian political and liberation theologians and representatives of Islamist terrorist movements and radical Islam, respectively. The paper also offers a short history and extended discussion of the concept of "political theology" and elaborates on radical Islam's understanding of theology and politics. Primary and secondary literature on Christian and Islamic political and liberation theologies and radical Islam are being reviewed (including the most recent writings on "political theology" emanating from, mainly leftist, theory circles in Europe and the US). In an attempt to expand the term "political theology" to cover the socio-political analysis, arguments, and ideology of radical Islam, anti-liberalism is revealed as the single most important factor underlying all political theology. The argument is made that being anti-liberal means being (at least potentially) anti-democratic as well. A discussion of future lines of academic inquiry opens up the possibility of a common definition or framework covering all forms of political and liberation theologies and asks whether comparative political theology may be the ultimate political theory.
Fighting Capitalism and Democracy
by Erich Kofmel
in: Erich Kofmel (Ed.), "Anti-Democratic Thought", Imprint Academic, 2008, pp. 187-239
This paper looks at the linkage between democracy and capitalism, particularly in relation to phenomena of... more This paper looks at the linkage between democracy and capitalism, particularly in relation to phenomena of "globalization". It is based on the attempt to systematically gather evidence for such a linkage from different bodies of literature and to relate them to each other. The underlying review covers the linkage between "democracy" and various forms of "capitalism" in a historical perspective, liberal theory, modernisation theory, and the findings of empirical studies in favour of a linkage, as well as the counter argument recently advanced by the anti-(or alter-)globalization movement in the socialist theoretical tradition, and socialist authors affirming a linkage once more. The important finding for political theory is that, independent of their premises, all the authors reviewed (except the anti-/alter-globalization activists) come to the same conclusion: democracy and capitalism are inextricably linked. Being aware of this linkage might transform politics once and for all. Both theory and empirical evidence suggest that the grassroots democratic anti-/alter- globalization movement is contradictory in itself and will not succeed. One cannot fight capitalism, it seems, and replace it with any form of grassroots democracy because any form of democracy, in turn, leads to capitalism. Consequently, I argue that whoever wants to fight capitalism, and maybe sees globalization as today's primary manifestation of it, needs to fight democracy as well. Being anti-capitalist, it appears, one needs to be anti-democratic too.
Re-Introducing Anti-Democratic Thought
by Erich Kofmel
in: Erich Kofmel (Ed.), "Anti-Democratic Thought", Imprint Academic, 2008, pp. 1-16
In a historical and cross-cultural perspective the fact cannot be denied that most democracies failed. Many formerly... more In a historical and cross-cultural perspective the fact cannot be denied that most democracies failed. Many formerly democratic countries do not have a democratic government now. Many countries have never known democracy. Only western democracies for a short while - maybe to be dated from the fall of Soviet communism to the rise of radical Islam - believed themselves invincible. It seems therefore expedient to think about political alternatives once more and to study threats to democracy from within and without as well as common modes of failure of democracy and democratization across times and cultures. Will people's disillusion with democratic practices (such as the impact money has on campaigning), mass politics, and the equal inconsequence of everyone's vote ultimately terminate democracy? Oswald Spengler, in "The Decline of the West", said: "As then sceptre and crown, so now people's rights are paraded for the multitude, and all the more punctiliously the less they really signify." Still, all known political alternatives may have discredited themselves. The competing political systems of the twentieth century lost their struggle for world domination. Anti-democratic thought may be directed against a particular form of democracy only or against every form of democracy imaginable. Wherever a form of democracy arose or was proposed, it also found its critics and opponents. Historically, anti-democratic thought directed against abstract democratic principles and ideals most often originated from supporters of competing political systems such as guardianship, absolute monarchy, aristocratic government, collectivist anarchism, socialism, communism, fascism, or theocracy. Parliamentarism has thus been criticized by thinkers as diverse as Carl Schmitt ("Political Theology"), Vladimir Lenin ("The State and Revolution") and H.G. Wells ("After Democracy"). Many anti-democratic individualists on the other hand have felt coerced by majority decisions regardless of democracy's claim to be the political system least obstructive to individual liberty - as evidenced for example by the individualist anarchism of Max Stirner in "The Ego and Its Own". Criticisms of democracy purporting to propose ways of improving democratic processes and performance and/or the political participation of the people over against liberal democracy have arisen chiefly within the context of particular countries and their singular experience with democracy. Recently proposed measures to address democratic disenchantment and what has been called the post-democratic condition include selection of office bearers by lot (sortition), re-localization of decision-making to the community level, as well as emergent forms of electronic direct democracy. All alternative (that is, non-liberal) forms of democracy that have been proposed - while professing to capture the true essence of democracy - seem virtually indistinguishable from both anti-democratic thought and non-democratic forms of government.
Twenty-First Century Anti-Democracy: Theory and Practice in the World
by Erich Kofmel
Contemporary political philosophy in the West is the philosophy of democracy, is democratic theory. Philosophy under... more Contemporary political philosophy in the West is the philosophy of democracy, is democratic theory. Philosophy under democracy has become complacent. Even the recent reaffirmation of communism by influential philosophers such as Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek failed to inspire a significant following. There has been no radical philosophical reaction to the near-collapse of the capitalist economic system, mainly because any criticism of capitalism would imply a criticism of democracy ("the best possible political shell for capitalism", as Lenin said). Techno-philosophical alternatives to democracy, such as anarcho-capitalist "seasteading", and calls for the suspension of democracy to cure climate change are originating outside academic departments of philosophy. Is there still philosophy if everyone agrees? Is philosophy still philosophy if discontent with the-one-and-only-truth can only be voiced from outside the academy? Or does political philosophy more and more resemble Plato's cave? This paper will venture outside the cave, outside the comfort zone of western academic philosophy as always-already-democratic. Only in this way can it seek to engage in a meaningful dialogue with non-western worldviews. Only by stepping into the light will we illuminate why still, in the twenty-first century, scholars may be justified in studying not democracy, but anti-democracy. Where are the niches of anti-democratic thought that may yet save us from the destruction wrought upon the world by the failing capitalist-democratic complex? What are the political trends against democracy we miss at our peril and what are their philosophical implications, worldwide? What are the new alternatives to democracy that emerge in our day? Free of self-imposed prejudice, this paper rejects the boycott of thought that does not comply with western inhibitions, and refuses to shy away from the encounter of philosophical positions emanating from non-democratic political practices. Philosophy is not blind, it does not condone any ideologies uncritically, and philosophy does not equal democracy.
62 views
Seen by: and 6 morePublic Space as emancipation: meditations on anarchism, radical democracy, neoliberalism and violence
Springer, S. 2011. Public Space as emancipation: meditations on anarchism, radical democracy, neoliberalism and violence. Antipode: A Radical Journal of Geography. 43 (2), 525-562.
In establishing an anarchic framework for understanding public space as a vision for radical democracy, this article... more In establishing an anarchic framework for understanding public space as a vision for radical democracy, this article proceeds as a theoretical inquiry into how an agonistic public space might become the basis of emancipation. Public space is presented as an opportunity to move beyond the technocratic elitism that often characterizes both civil societies and the neoliberal approach to development, and is further recognized as the battlefield on which the conflicting interests of the world's rich and poor are set. Contributing to the growing recognition that geographies of resistance are relational, where the “global” and the “local” are understood as co-constitutive, a radical democratic ideal grounded in material public space is presented as paramount to repealing archic power in general, and neoliberalism’s exclusionary logic in particular.
Public Secrets, Conscious Amnesia, and the Celebration of Autonomy for Ladakh
van Beek, M. (2001). Public Secrets, Conscious Amnesia, and the Celebration of Autonomy for Ladakh. States of Imagination: Ethnographic Explorations of the Postcolonial State. T. B. Hansen and F. Stepputat. Durham, NC, Duke University Press: 365-390.
Orthodoxy and Democracy, an Antiochian Experience
Nahas, G. N. (October 4-6, 2008). Orthodoxy and Democracy, an Antiochian Experience. In The Itineraries of World Religions towards Democracy. American University of Beirut & Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. Byblos. Lebanon.
...
The following presentation will focus on the Orthodox community, which has been present for 20... more
...
The following presentation will focus on the Orthodox community, which has been present for 20 centuries and has become a minority. It is difficult to understand the Orthodox without exploring the ground of Orthodox thought, even if it is not always visible. A very important issue is the problem of Liberty. This is a crucial subject in the Orthodox approach to life and especially to mankind. The liberty of the person is crucial from a theological point of view because it is this liberty that establishes man as a creature in the image of God. Orthodoxy’s position can only be understood if this idea is clearly underscored. The problem of the person’s liberty is at the base of the anthropological approach and it is reflected in two aspects. First, the multitude vis-à-vis the person. Do the free persons submit themselves, against their conscience to a democratic vote by a majority? What is the limit of their liberty then, and to what extent is liberty absolute? Second, for this approach the person is not alone. Human beings are only “persons” when they are in a communication; otherwise, they are individuals who do not have the dimension God intended to give them. This results in a permanent dialectic between the person and the community. The question becomes how this can be lived? ....
56 views
Seen by:Konkordanz, Korporatismus und Politikverflechtung: Dimensionen der Verhandlungsdemokratie
by Roland Czada
Published as:
Konkordanz, Korporatismus, Politikverflechtung. Dimensionen der Verhandlungsdemokratie. In: Holtmann, Everhard / Helmut Voelzkow (eds.), Zwischen Wettbewerbs- und Verhandlungsdemokratie. Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag, 23 – 49.
ENGLISH:
The concept of „negotiation democracy“ applies to political systems, in which substantial decisions are... more
ENGLISH:
The concept of „negotiation democracy“ applies to political systems, in which substantial decisions are made not by majority voting but by political bargaining. Such bargaining processes can take place between political parties or between governments and interest associations or between constitutional parts of governments as well as in a configurative interplay of these arenas. Being a multi-dimensional phenomenon, negotiation democracy cannot be fully understood by abstract single features like constitutional vetoes, maximum winning coalitions or the unanimity principle. To understand its mode of operation requires multidimensional concepts, which grasp the configurative interplay of negotiation practices within specific political systems. Empirical analysis shows that the basic elements of negotiation democracies - party-political concordance, neo-corporatist intermediation and constitutional veto structures - are not compatible with each other. For instance constitutional vetoes can discourage societal associations to get involved in neo-corporatist negotiations with governments. If the distinct dimensions or arenas of negotiated democracy are linked in an additive manner, as in recent democratic theory as well as in empirical research, such systemic interactions are no longer visible and the concept of „negotiated democracy“ tends to lose its explanatory power.
DEUTSCH
Der Begriff Verhandlungsdemokratie bezeichnet politische Systeme, in denen wesentliche Entscheidungen nicht mit Stimmenmehrheit, sondern durch Aushandeln getroffen werden. Solche Aushandlungsprozesse können zwischen politischen Parteien, zwischen Regierung und gesellschaftlichen Verbänden oder zwischen Regierungsorganen sowie im Wechselspiel dieser unterschiedlichen Verhandlungsarenen stattfinden. Verhandlungsdemokratien lassen sich nicht eindimensional durch wenige abstrakte Merkmale wie konstitutionelle Veto-Strukturen, maximale Gewinnkoalitionen oder das Einstimmigkeitsprinzip beschreiben und in ihrer Betriebsweise erklären. Vielmehr bedarf es mehrdimensionaler Analysekonzepte, die das konfigurative Zusammenwirken von Einzelelementen der Verhandlungsdemokratie in einem jeweiligen politischen System erfassen. Die empirische Analyse zeigt, dass die drei wichtigsten Ausprägungen der Verhandlungsdemokratie - parteipolitische Konkordanz, neokorporatistische Verbändeeinbindung und konstitutionelle Vetostrukturen – wechselseitige Inkompatibilitäten aufweisen. So können konstitutionelle Vetostrukturen gesellschaftliche Verbände daran hindern, sich in neokorpatistische Verhandlungen mit Regierungen einzulassen, die in ihrer Handlungsfähigkeit geschwächt sind. Wenn die Dimensionen beziehungsweise Arenen der Verhandlungsdemokratie additiv verknüpft werden, wie es in der Demokratietheorie und in der empirischen Demokratieforschung zunehmend geschieht, geraten solche systemischen Interaktionseffekte aus dem Blick, und dadurch verliert das Konzept seine Erklärungskraft.
Engaging "Primitive Democracy," Mideast Roots of Collective Governance
Isakhan, B. (2007). Engaging "Primitive Democracy," Mideast Roots of Collective Governance. Middle East Policy, 14(3), 97-117.
Many of the works on Middle Eastern democracy, whether from the neo-Orientalist camp or from those who avidly detail... more
Many of the works on Middle Eastern democracy, whether from the neo-Orientalist camp or from those who avidly detail and support the region’s democratic developments, are based on a Western conception of democracy. This is the result of a discursive lineage that has its antecedents in the erroneous belief that democracy miraculously sprang out of Greek civilization in the fifth century B.C. This superior system of governance was later utilized by the Roman Empire and arguably gave rise to those great moments in the construction
and propagation of Western civilization. Democracy, in its modern, representative form, resurfaced later as a result of the major social upheavals that transformed Europe and America during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. However, many of the scientific methods, literary motifs and political systems that have formed the major cultural discourses of Western civilization ironically have their origins in the ancient Afro-Asiatic world. By placing the emphasis on the common heritage of both parts of wider Eurasia in the urban revolution of the Bronze Age, these scholars are not only able to undo the longstanding binaries between East and West, but are also able to gain new insights into the origins of some of humankind’s greatest achievements. Specifically, as is detailed below, these achievements include the earliest political mechanisms for human governance, “primitive democracy.”
229 views
Seen by: and 10 moreThe Value Theory of Democracy
Politics Philosophy Economics October 2006 vol. 5 no. 3 259-278
Liberal political theorists often argue that justice requires limits on policy outcomes, limits delineated by... more Liberal political theorists often argue that justice requires limits on policy outcomes, limits delineated by substantive rights. Distinct from this project is a body of literature dedicated to elaborating on the meaning of democracy in procedural terms. In this article, I offer an alternative to the traditional divide between procedural theories of democracy and substantive theories of justice; I call this the ‘value theory of democracy’. I argue that the democratic ideal is fundamentally about a core set of values (political autonomy, equality of interests, and reciprocity) with both procedural and substantive implications. Further, I contend that limits on policy outcomes can be newly understood as part of the democratic ideal.
The Streets of Iraq: Protests and Democracy after Saddam
Isakhan, B. (2011). The Streets of Iraq: Protests and Democracy after Saddam. In Isakhan, B., & Stockwell, S. (Eds.) The Secret History of Democracy (p. 191-203). London: Palgrave Macmillan.
This chapter seeks to document and examine the Iraqi people’s exercise of their right to protest and the influence... more This chapter seeks to document and examine the Iraqi people’s exercise of their right to protest and the influence these protests have had on the political landscape of the post-Saddam era. Since 2003, the Iraqi people have frequently taken to the streets en masse, to air their concerns about everything – from the ongoing US-led occupation to the government’s failure to provide basic security and infrastructure and to the airing of ‘indecent’ programmss on Iraqi television. This paper concludes by arguing that Iraqi citizens who play an active role in their own governance and participate in democratic mechanisms such as elections and mass demonstrations are helping to create a more robust democracy.
Demokratické vládnutí ve středni a východní Evropĕ - problémy a vyhlídky" (Democratic governance in Central and Eastern Europe – problems and prospects)”),
published in 'Politologická revue', 1999, no. 1, pp. 23-42.
A decade of transformation in East-Central Europe legitimates our intents to make a tentative, but in no way... more
A decade of transformation in East-Central Europe legitimates our intents to make a tentative, but in no way preliminary, balance of hitherto reforms and changes. After ten years of the systemic transformation, some of the former Communist bloc countries have reached quite an advanced level of regime stability, economic transformation and social change. In the realm of politics, the most spectacular achievement of those leading post-Communist states and societies has been a continuous and generally successful process of democratic consolidation. Various indicators, like the dynamics and scope of legislative changes, stability of party systems, level of social participation, stabilization of electoral patterns, show that in some East-Central European countries, namely Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary, the consolidation of democratic structures, norms and values is well advanced.
However, these "new democracies" still experience a great number of problems, defficiencies and shortcomings, stemming mostly from the gap between the perception of democracy as an ideal and the practice of democracy, especially regarding the rule of law and political culture. Hence, one of the biggest dilemmas and doubts persecuting societies of the new democracies is why democracy does not satisfy many social expectations and aspirations, does not prevent conflicts and cleavages, is not identified with judicious, responsible, just rule enjoying popular support and legitimacy. This apparently rhetorical question contains a germ of uncertainty, so typical for democratic régime, but reflected in a special kind of structural relationships between state institutions and society. That special relationship may be called governance.
The present analysis comprises four countries of East-Central Europe: the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. The lively discussion about the prospects for successful consolidation, and especially the debate concerning ways and means of establishing, reinforcing and consolidating postcommunist régimes, has been increasingly centred on conditions, ways, means and opportunities of effective fulfillment and successful accomplishment of the grand strategy of systemic transformation. The essence of that strategy laid in making the new political system governable and securing favourable conditions for stable, legitimate and efficient democratic rule. The concepts of governability and governance became to be applied as a criterion of "maturity" of transitory regimes, measuring the level of their consolidation. This is a standpoint adopted in this paper.
Set up to fail: consociational political structures in post-war Iraq, 2003–2010
Published in Contemporary Arab Affairs, Volume 4, Issue 1, 2011.
Since Arend Lijphart’s development of the theory of consociationalism in 1969, dominant schools of thought have... more Since Arend Lijphart’s development of the theory of consociationalism in 1969, dominant schools of thought have accepted that ‘power sharing’ and ‘group autonomy’ are the basic preconditions of democratic governance in divided societies. The constitution and electoral framework adopted by post-invasion Iraq instituted many of Lijphart’s recommendations, including proportional representation, federalism and a parliamentary system with a weak presidency. But this democratic framework has failed Iraq. Eight months on from its 2010 parliamentary election and still struggling to establish an effective government, Iraq is facing constitutional crisis. This article uses the case study of Iraq to uncover fundamental flaws in orthodox arguments about democracy in divided societies and it goes on to recommend changes that would better enable stable and effective governance.

