Strategic Studies

Scenario planning for construction companies

by Chris Goodier

Unraveling the Stuxnet Effect: Of Much Persistence and Little Change in the Cyber Threats Debate

by Myriam Dunn Cavelty

Military and Strategic Affairs, 3/3, December 2011, pp. 11-19

This article aims to provide a balanced picture of the phenomenon of cyberwar. It will show how and why the... more This article aims to provide a balanced picture of the phenomenon of cyberwar. It will show how and why the meaning  of “cyberwar” has evolved from the narrow conception referring exclusively to military interaction to its broad meaning, which has become detached from “war” and encompasses almost every activity linked to the aggressive use of computers. In particular, it will distinguish between different forms of cyber conflict in order to lay the ground for a levelheaded threat assessment

A Diplomatic Surge in Afghanistan, 2011-2014

by Daryl Morini

Published in 'Strategic Studies Quarterly', Winter 2010: 68-100.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member states and their coalition partners—encompassing some 40... more The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member states and their coalition partners—encompassing some 40 democracies—are not the only players with high stakes in the current war for Afghanistan. Influential players such as Russia, Pakistan, Iran, India, and China all have legitimate interests.1 Without a commensurate multilateral diplomatic surge, efforts toward lasting peace and stability in Afghanistan will most likely fail. But the potential of international cooperation in facilitating a long-term political settlement in that country remains woefully underexploited. Diplomatic cooperation among the main external players, along with coalition forces, will be essential to success in the Afghan campaign. Only by tapping into the global convergence of interests in Afghanistan can the United States and its NATO–ISAF (International Security Assistance Force) partners hope for a political victory or, at the very least, an international environment conducive to the conflict’s peaceful resolution.

Paradigm Shift: China's Rise and the Limits of Realism

by Daryl Morini

Published in 'Security Challenges', Vol. 7, No. 1 (Autumn 2011): 91-112.

The Australian strategic debate about the rise of China is heating up. In the hallways of power, as in the lecture... more The Australian strategic debate about the rise of China is heating up. In the hallways of power, as in the lecture rooms of reason, the possibility of a future Sino-American war is no longer considered outrageous or alarmist. It is accepted as a distinct possibility, if not an increasingly likely one. One of Australia‟s most prominent thinkers on the matter, Hugh White, argued in his widely-acclaimed essay, Power Shift, that the US response to China‟s rise is a choice between competing against Beijing and risking war, withdrawing from the western Pacific, or sharing power with China in a geopolitical Concert of Power. However, the structural realist assumptions underpinning Power Shift are open to debate, as is the policy prescription that an exclusive Concert of Asia would best serve regional peace and stability in the decades ahead. Australian and regional policy-makers ought to question the limits of realism as the theoretical grounds of defence contingency planning for a potential war between the United States and China, lest they forget the national instrument which can and frequently has averted war: diplomacy.

Missile Defence Discourses and Practices in Relevant Modalities of 21st-Century Deterrence

by Nik Hynek

published in "Security Dialogue", Vol. 41, No. 4, pp. 435-459. ISSN 0967-0106

The Network Force

by Mark Tempestilli

The Haganah and SOE: Allies and Enemies - Irregular Warfare & Politics in Mandatory Palestine - Given at SMH 2012

by Jacob Stoil

Strategic Culture and Alliance Shifts: Exploring New Zealand and Australia’s Divergent Security Engagement with the United States, 1987­‐2011

by Matt Hill

Unpublished paper presented at the Australian and New Zealand Studies Association of North America annual conference, Toronto, ON (February 17 2012)

Australia and New Zealand’s security relationships with the United States have developed along divergent trajectories,... more Australia and New Zealand’s security relationships with the United States have developed along divergent trajectories, following Wellington’s ejection from the Australia, New Zealand, United States (ANZUS) security alliance in 1986. Explanations for the emergence and persistence of distinctive forms of strategic engagement between the respective Australasian states and Washington have tended to focus on various domestic New Zealand political dynamics, including the emergence of national consensus around popular anti-nuclear movements, pragmatic concessions to allow socio-economic reforms, and genuine political internalisation of ideological shifts. This paper advances an additional explanatory variable, namely the distinctive impact of national strategic culture on national security preferences. It is contended that despite decades of security cooperation, the manner in which strategic culture defines the geographic scope and content of New Zealand security preferences has remained independent of U.S. perspectives. In the context of the ANZUS crisis, these idiosyncratic policy preferences encouraged policy-makers in Wellington to the point where they were faced with the reality of making ad hoc trade-offs between New Zealand’s alliance relationships and internal domestic political objectives. Moreover, the persistence of New Zealand’s distinctive strategic cultural perspectives, particularly with regards to the scope of its national interests, holds implications for the extent of ongoing security rapprochement between Wellington and Washington.

Deterrence e Détente: uma breve discussão metodológica

by Daniel Rio Tinto

Published in "Polímnia", Nº2, Vol. 1, 2011. Article in Portuguese.

EN - Several important authors attain causal relation between the Cold War Détente to the establishment of a mutual... more EN - Several important authors attain causal relation between the Cold War Détente to the establishment of a mutual assured destruction system supported by nuclear weapons. This article will discuss the methodological validity of this analysis, verifying the relation between the theory of nuclear dissuasion and it's practice during the Détente. I will argue that there is no causal relation and the nuclear weapons are mostly a interdependent variable.

PT - Uma série de autores consagrados relacionam de forma causal o período da Guerra Fria que ficou conhecido como Détente ao estabelecimento do sistema de destruição mútua assegurada por meio da obliteração nuclear. Este artigo pretende discutir a validade metodológica desta análise, verificando a relação entre a teoria da dissuasão nuclear e a prática durante o período da Détente. A linha de argumentação seguida é a de que não há relação de causalidade e que a as armas nucleares atuam no máximo como variável interveniente.

Przemoc i jej przekształcenia w XX wieku: tezy wykładu 2008

by Wojtek Lamentowicz

unpublished draft only

to be continued

Granice strategii państwa: Efekt Tsunami 2011

by Wojtek Lamentowicz

When no strategy works? Can we do something in such an extreme case?

The Gordian Knots and Alexandrian Solutions: New Approach to Strategic Thinking

by Wojtek Lamentowicz

Türkiye-AB Yakınlaşması: 1999 AB Helsinki Zirvesinden 2003 Irak Savaşına Stratejik Algılamalarda Dönüşüm Süreci

by Uluslararası İlişkiler

Ramazan Gözen, "Türkiye-AB Yakınlaşması: 1999 AB Helsinki Zirvesinden 2003 Irak Savaşına Stratejik Algılamalarda Dönüşüm Süreci", Uluslararası İlişkiler, Cilt 3, Sayı 10 (Yaz), 2006

Bu makale, 1999 Helsinki Zirvesinden itibaren ama özellikle ABD’nin Irak’ı işgalinin etkisi altında Türkiye ve AB... more Bu makale, 1999 Helsinki Zirvesinden itibaren ama özellikle ABD’nin Irak’ı işgalinin etkisi altında Türkiye ve AB arasında görülen çarpıcı yakınlaşma sürecini incelemektedir. Soğuk Savaş sonrasında Türkiye ve AB’nin farklılaşan anlayışları ve algılamaları sonucu, Türkiye-AB üyelik süreci iyi işlememiş, hatta büyük bir “ yapısal” krize girmişti. Ancak, 1999-2003 yılları arasında AB, Türkiye ve dünya politikasında görülen değişimler sonucu, Türkiye ve AB birbirlerini yeniden keşfetmişler ve daha önceleri hiç görülmeyen bir şekilde yakınlaşmışlardır. Bu yakınlaşmanın temel karakteristiği, iki tarafın birbirini algılamalarında görülen stratejik dönüşümdür.

Thirty years after: Argentina and the United Kingdom towards a new Falklands war?

by Davide Borsani

La contre-insurrection en Colombie: vers une économie politique stratégique

by Philippe Dufort

M.A. Thesis, published in 'Archipel UQÀM', 2008, 190p.

Book Chapters "Stratégie"

by Philippe Dufort

Published in Alex Macleod, Frédérick Guillaume Dufour et Évelyne Dufault (dir.), Dictionnaire des relations internationales et de sécurité : Théories et concepts,  3e édition, Montréal, éditions Athéna, 2008.

Africa: la Cina ringrazia e Washington spazia

by Irene Panozzo

in Osservatorio Scenari Strategici e di Sicurezza di Nomisma (ed.), "Nomos & Khaos. Rapporto Nomisma 2006 sulle prospettive economico-strategiche", Roma: Agra Editrice.

Fundamentos teoricos da estrategia

by sonia ribeiro

Publicado no Relatório SaeR - Geopolítica & Prospectiva de 2001

Strategic Thinking in the EU – Aspiration or Reality?

by Mihai Sebe

Co-authored with Oana Mocanu and Gabriela Andreica. This paper reflects the Summary Report on the EPIN Conference “Strategic Thinking in the EU”, organized by the European Institute of Romania (EIR) and the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS - Brussels), with the support of the
Representation of the European Commission in Romania, in Bucharest on 30th September 2011.
The purpose of this paper is to make know the EPIN conference discussions among the RJEA readers, the members of the European Policy Institutes Network (EPIN) and other potential contributors to the journal.
Published in Romanian Journal of European Affairs, vol. 11, no. 4, December 2011

The aim of this paper is to show the most important points of view presented by high officials and representatives of... more The aim of this paper is to show the most important points of view presented by high officials and representatives of the academic milieu from European countries on the occasion of the EPIN conference regarding the strategic thinking in the EU, held in Bucharest on September 30th, 2011. There were proposed to the audience several topics related to macro-regional strategies such as: Danube Strategy and Baltic Sea Strategy, the Europe 2020 Strategy and some key points on strategic thinking in EU foreign policy. The conference consisted of three sessions in which speakers stressed out the main topics of the day. The first session outlined the main aspects regarding the Baltic Sea Strategy and the Danube Strategy. The Europe 2020 Strategy was the central point of the second session of the conference, and in the last session, the speakers highlighted some important aspects on the strategic thinking in EU Foreign Policy. The series of speeches was completed by a Conclusions session in which the most important results of the debate were brought to the attention. Also, it left open for further discussion the need for the strategic thinking of the EU to become a reality.

The contribution of Foreign Direct Investment into home country’s development

by Ali Haj Aghapour

Global foreign direct investment (FDI) trends are likely to modify during the period 2004-2007. FDI has promoted to... more Global foreign direct investment (FDI) trends are likely to modify during the period 2004-2007. FDI has promoted to effective economic growth in a number of developing countries and the role of the foreign direct investment in this field has been extensively known in China and India, the world‘s two most populous growing economics have been using FDI as a stimulus in the growth process. For several decades FDI and economic growth have relationship which it has been a topical issue in policy market. Policymarkers in a large number of countries are engaged in creating all kind of incentives (e.g. export processing zones and tax incentives) to attract FDI, because it is proposed to affect local economic development positively. Many countries have regarded FDI increasingly as contributing to their development strategies for the technology and capital it applies, and therefore have made to compete for FDI. Policies about investment have become liberal at the national and regional level, but scientists still do not find the comprehensive framework for FDI at multinational level. Home countries are hoping to push FDI into developing countries using guarantee funds and match marketing. There is optimistic view about the medium prospects for FDI that are explained in number of reasons. Broadly speaking, FDI has positively impact on economic growth, domestic market and international trade. These consider as the ongoing global trend towards the better business environment, and the search for competitively priced skills; and sharper global competition pushing companies to find lower cost destination. Generally, most host and home governments will tend to go on encouraging FDI.