Soviet, post-Soviet, Russian politics

Belarus 2012: The Paradox of Europe and its Relations with the EU and Russia

by Sotirios Karampampas

published in Research Program on Foreign Policy, Defence & Security, Center of Russia, Eurasia & Southern Europe (CERE), Institute of International Relations (IIR), vol. 6, pp. 10-15.

Continuities in the formation of Russian political elites

by Elena Semenova

in press (Historical Social Research)

The article investigates continuities in the formation and careers of political elites in post-Soviet Russia. Data on... more The article investigates continuities in the formation and careers of political elites in post-Soviet Russia. Data on the recruitment and careers of MPs (from 1993 until 2003), cabinet ministers (1991 until 2011) and governors (from 1991 until 2011) were used. We identified a partial reproduction of the political elite which may be defined as reproduction circulation. The first form is structural reproduction that is evident in continuities of the socio-demographic profile of political elites. The second-strongest form of path dependency is functional reproduction that was found in career paths of political elites. Finally, individual reproduction was prominent. This reproduction should decrease over time, while functional and structural reproduction are likely to remain.

Misyurov D.A. Dialectical formulas based on the binary notation as the development formulas // Credo New. 2012. №2

by Dmitry Misyurov

The article suggests dialectical formulas based on the binary notation as the development formulas: formula with... more The article suggests dialectical formulas based on the binary notation as the development formulas: formula with dominant and the non-dominant elements; universal formula; formula with symbolic weight of elements; tautological formula. For example, it suggests an opportunity to use the dialectical formulas for modeling and artificial intelligence creation, etc.

Drinking with Vova: SME in Ukraine between informality and illegality

by Abel Polese

This is going to be a chapter in a collection Jeremy Morris and myself are editing on informal economic practices in post-socialism

This chapter is intended to illustrate practices on the boundary between legality and illegality in order
to shed... more This chapter is intended to illustrate practices on the boundary between legality and illegality in order
to shed a different light on some of those engaging in diverse transactions. Challenging the vision of a "culture of corruption" (Miller et al 2001) and that “no discount” should be applied to corrupt practices (Papava and Khaduri 2001), the starting question of this chapter is: what makes a practice “corrupt” or
illegal? In this respect I suggest the need to contextualise and de-normativise illegal practices, since they depend on both social and legal norms. From a juridical standpoint a law is a law, but the value and applicability of a law is ultimately decided by people in social practice. What if there is a law and
the state is unable to enforce control or punish anyone because a substantial number of citizens do not follow it? There is a growing body of literature challenging the very significance of a written law in a context where other rules may apply. For instance, Wanner has remarked how a new moral order may
be applied to some spheres of Ukrainian life where the state’s protection is felt to be lacking. How illegal or immoral is it to try to bribe a court if the same court is issuing an order on the basis of false evidence produced against you? (Wanner 2005)

The present chapter raises questions about the validity of international reports and policy analysis on Ukraine, and possibly on the rest of the former Soviet world, that see illegal practices only as a social evil to eradicate. This is the position of a number of strands of developmentalist thought which
uncritically reject possible alternatives (Nederveen Pieterse 2006), positing that it is only a matter of time before transitional countries will adopt a functioning neoliberal model. In contrast to this, it has been argued that that monetary transactions do not encompass or explain economic activity – this is evident from the work of the growing school of diverse economies (Community Economies Collective 2001, Gibson Graham 1996, 2008). In addition, economic effectiveness might not mean the end of non-market oriented transactions (Williams 2005), which may also serve to partially challenge the de-personalisation of power relations in the labour market and the separation between the social and economic sphere predicted by Polanyi (1946, see also Hann and Hart 2009). Empirical evidence has showed that ‘success’ may also be measured by satisfaction of spiritual obligations, being active in social life (Pardo 1996) and that even the meaning of money differs depending on the social and
economic norms of a society (Parry and Bloch 1989).

Реставрационный versus революционный империализм в путинской Росcии

by Andreas Umland

Заседание Экспертного совета Черноморской миротворческой сети «Правый радикализм на постсоветском пространстве» в помещении киевского офиса ЕАЕК (НаУКМА). 2011. 5 ноября. 13 стр. Видеозапись: http://blogs.korrespondent.net/celebrities/blog/forum2004/a56596

Written oral history: Dimensions of identity of Chukotka’s indigenous people in the works of Rytkheu

by Ivan Sablin

published in AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples, vol. 8, no. 1, 2012, pp. 27–41.

Through the examination of two autobiographic works of Chukchi writer, Rytkheu, this study demonstrates the research... more Through the examination of two autobiographic works of Chukchi writer, Rytkheu, this study demonstrates the research potential of indigenous literatures, offering a new perspective on the past and present of indigenous peoples. The study seeks to provide new interpretations of identity in Chukotka, the northeastern extremity of Asia, of the 1930s and 1940s and to contribute to the identity debate in indigenous studies. In the article identity is understood as a multidimensional whole, with the discussed dimensions being based on ethnicity, nationality, occupation and place of residence. The article pre-eminently addresses the identity of the coastal sea-mammal hunters of Chukotka.

Mapping indigenous Siberia: Spatial changes and ethnic realities, 1900–2010

by Ivan Sablin

co-authored with Maria Savelyeva, published in Settler Colonial Studies, vol. 1, no. 1, 2011, pp. 77–110.

This article discusses spatial changes in the ethnic territories of Native Siberians from the late nineteenth century... more This article discusses spatial changes in the ethnic territories of Native Siberians from the late nineteenth century to the early twenty-first century. A Geographic Information System (GIS) was developed to model and observe these changes. The GIS also features resource-oriented economic activities, major waterways and railroads. Analysis of the model, textual sources and statistical data made it possible to determine what factors constituted Siberia’s ethnographical pattern of the early twentieth century and led to its changes in the ensuing decades and what impact on the indigenous peoples these changes had. Four special maps showing Siberia in the 1900s–10s, 1930s–40s, 1970s–80s and 2000s–10s were produced from the GIS and are included in the article. The current legal status of the indigenous peoples’ territories was also examined. This article presents an interdisciplinary macroscale case study.

Русский ультранационализм: актуальное состояние исследований

by Andreas Umland

Tartaria Magna. 2012. T. 1. № 1. С. 171-189.

Stella, F. “The right to be different? Sexual citizenship and its politics in post-Soviet Russia” In Kay, R. (ed.), Gender, Equality and Difference during and after State Socialism, Palgrave 2007.

by Francesca Stella

Произойдёт ли националистическая эпидемия в путинской России? Риски и шансы недавней эскалации конфронтации про- и антидемкратических сил в Москве

by Andreas Umland

Geopolitika [Центр геополитических исследований, Вильнюс, Литва]. 2012. 3 мая.

Faking It: Neo-Soviet Electoral Politics in Central Asia

by Donnacha Ó Beacháin

Voting for Hitler and Stalin: Elections Under 20th Century Dictatorships, edited by Ralph Jessen and Hedwig Richter (Campus/Chicago University Press, 2012) pp. 204-227

This chapter focuses on the five former Soviet republics of Central Asia and, given the 20th century time frame of the... more This chapter focuses on the five former Soviet republics of Central Asia and, given the 20th century time frame of the book, analyzes primarily, but not exclusively, the practices of the 1990s. The reader is provided with a brief overview of the origins of Central Asian states before being furnished with an appreciation of how elections were conducted during the Soviet era. The ‘menu of manipulation’ at the disposal of the incumbent presidents is discussed and the obstacles facing potential opposition movements identified. Integral to the argument presented here is the assertion that Central Asian political regimes are as much neo-Soviet as post-Soviet. To illuminate this thesis, the chapter examines election campaigns in all five Central Asian states. As the manipulation generally takes place behind closed doors and potential whistle-blowers are rarely given a microphone in the national media, it is difficult to quantify. However, after almost two decades of systemic falsification, an attempt can be made to assess how electoral politics has been conducted in post-Soviet Central Asia.

The Color Revolution Virus and Authoritarian Antidotes

by Donnacha Ó Beacháin

(with Abel Polese) Demokratizatsiya; Spring2011, Vol. 19 Issue 2, pp. 111-132

This paper addresses the post-Communist color revolution phenomenon, utilizing aspects of all the major approaches... more This paper addresses the post-Communist color revolution phenomenon, utilizing aspects of all the major approaches (structure, agency, diffusion). It surveys the varying degrees of success enjoyed by color revolutionary movements and demonstrates that the color revolutions involved a learning process not only for insurgent forces but for the state that such forces aimed to dislodge. Furthermore, it illuminates the factors that facilitated opposition movements to exploit popular disenchantment, framed in the context of contentious elections, and to transform these protests into a force capable of dislodging the regime. We argue that the ability of potentially vulnerable regimes to observe and digest the reasons for initial color revolution successes assisted them in resisting the further spread of the phenomenon. Accordingly, we maintain there is a strong correlation between the attitudes of a regime-in particular its capacity to produce a backlash-and the failure of a color revolution.

The Political Prisoner's Dilemma: Evidence from the Great Terror in the Soviet Union

by Ivan Katchanovski

Ukrainian Quarterly, 62, 2, 2006, pp. 154-180

The prisoner’ dilemma model applied to the Great Terror in the Soviet Union implies that political prisoners had an... more The prisoner’ dilemma model applied to the Great Terror in the Soviet Union implies that political prisoners had an incentive to confess and implicate other prisoners. Since the other prisoners had similar incentives, they also confessed. As a result, all of the prisoners ended up worse off than if they all refused to confess. The analysis of Krawtchouk’s case and related cases, such as the Union of Liberation of Ukraine (SVU), the Jet Propulsion Institute, and UFTI cases, finds weak support for the prisoner’s dilemma model. Among 177 cases of individuals arrested on political charges in these cases, 13 percent gave voluntarily confessions and implicated other prisoners. The absolute majority of the prisoners who provided voluntary confessions and implicated others were Communist party members or secret informers of the NKVD. When this factor is held constant, the rates of voluntary confessions among Ukrainians, Jews and Russians do not differ significantly. The absolute majority of the political prisoners, 70 percent, did not confess voluntarily. Their interrogators had to resort to other methods in the form of physical and psychological torture, such as sleep deprivation, to extract confessions. Most of the political prisoners confessed as a result of the torture by the Soviet secret police. This result does not prove the effectiveness of torture, because these individuals admitted crimes they never committed.

Dynamics of Electoral Politics in Abkhazia - Donnacha O Beachain

by Donnacha Ó Beacháin

Corrected Proof. To be published in Communist and Post Communist Studies, Volume 45, Issues 1-2 (June 2012), pp. 165-174.

Presidential and parliamentary elections in Abkhazia are pluralistic and competitive. They have led to the transfer of... more Presidential and parliamentary elections in Abkhazia are pluralistic and competitive. They have led to the transfer of power from government to opposition forces. This in itself is a remarkable fact in the post-Soviet context, where the outcome of elections very often is determined in advance by the ruling elite. The article explains how and why this form of electoral democracy could occur in Abkhazia, arguably the most ethnically heterogeneous of all post-Soviet de facto states. Drawing on a wide variety of primary sources and data from within Abkhazia, particularly interviews with key players, the author describes the
remarkable willingness of the main political actors to compromise and assesses to what extent Abkhazia’s democratic credentials are sustainable

Social and political perceptions of the Borat phenomenon in Kazakhstan: evidence from a case study of university students

by Donnacha Ó Beacháin

Studies of Transition States and Societies, Volume 3, No. 3 (November 2011) pp. 51-63

This article begins by chronicling and evaluating the reaction of the government of Kazakhstan to Sacha Baron Cohen’s... more This article begins by chronicling and evaluating the reaction of the government of Kazakhstan to Sacha Baron Cohen’s film Borat—Cultural Learnings of America for Make Benefit Glorious Nation of Kazakhstan. It then compares and contrasts the official government reaction with the expressed attitudes of local members of Kazakhstan’s young English-speaking elites. This study is based on the results of a survey of almost five hundred young university students conducted in March 2007 at the Kazakhstan Institute of Management, Economics and Strategic Research (KIMEP), the most prestigious university in the country. The sample gives a snapshot of those most likely to have been aware of Borat – the young, internet-savvy, educated urban elite – and inter alia provides insights into how respondents in Kazakhstan thought the movie impacted their country and would influence how they were treated abroad. The survey results suggest that while responses to Borat were heterogeneous, most students accepted that the choice of Kazakhstan as a target for satire was coincidental rather than conspiratorial. Despite official efforts to ban the movie, a majority of the respondents had seen the film and believed that the ban was a mistake. Also, while recognising that Borat would raise Kazakhstan’s profile in the world, respondents doubted it would increase knowledge, and some feared a change in their treatment when travelling abroad.

“Jan Józef Lipskis europäischer Traum. Zur Geschichtskultur in Polen, Rußland und Deutschland nach 1989“, in: Themenportal „Europäische Geschichte“ bei Clio-online, http://www.europa.clio-online.de/2007/Article=246.

by Jan C. Behrends

Selective Processing: A Strategic Challenge for Public Diplomacy. An Alternative Approach to Russian Public Diplomacy in the United States

by Yelena Osipova

Published in Gnovis Journal, Volume XII, Issue II, Spring 2012

The information age has made public diplomacy an integral component of statecraft. In essence, public diplomacy is... more The information age has made public diplomacy an integral component of statecraft. In essence, public diplomacy is transnational and cross-cultural strategic communication that aims to inform and engage foreign publics. Yet, developments in information and communication technologies (ICTs) have also made it much more difficult to overcome the cacophony and noise, especially in contexts where the audience is not predisposed to listening in the first place. Therefore, there is a need to approach the challenge through alternative communication strategies, incorporating them into the overall nature as well as specific techniques of any public diplomacy strategy. This analysis looks at the case of Russian public diplomacy in the United States, where, even twenty years after the end of the Cold War and various public diplomacy initiatives, public attitude towards Russia is still largely negative. The paper posits that selective processing of information is a potential explanation and suggests relational and network-based approaches to improve the effectiveness of Russian public diplomacy in the US.

Democratic Reversals, Scientific Closure, and Post-Soviet Eurasia

by Paul Goode

APSA Comparative Democratization 9, no. 2 (2011): 1-13.

Nationalism in Quiet Times: Ideational Power and Post-Soviet Electoral Authoritarianism

by Paul Goode

Forthcoming in May-June 2012 issue of Problems of Post-Communism

In explaining the durability of electoral authoritarian regimes, the bulk of existing scholarship focuses on the... more In explaining the durability of electoral authoritarian regimes, the bulk of existing scholarship focuses on the exercise of material and organizational power in accounting for the dynamics of intra-elite unity, the control of opposition, and the likelihood of social mobilization against the regime. This paper argues that this picture is incomplete without the consideration of ideational power in the form of nationalism among post-Soviet regimes. Nationalist practices are necessary because material sources of power are seldom sufficient to secure compliance and support during the “quiet” periods of daily life between noisy election cycles. Hybrid regimes therefore adopt nationalist stances and select among repertoires of nationalist practice associated with successful claims to rule. Yet nationalist practices are also essential in that they are constitutive of sovereignty and legitimacy. In other words, regimes engage in nationalist practice not simply because they choose to do so, but because they must. At the same time, examining nationalism as a source of durability for electoral authoritarian regimes suggests their underlying weakness. Nationalist practices expose regimes to a variety of risks in ways that accounts premised upon material and organizational definitions of power would not predict.

Indentitites in Formation; Nationality, Religion, and Regional Security in former Sovier Central Asia

by Mustafa Aydin

Milletlerarası Münasebetler Türk Yıllığı, 1997