English in India’s National Development: Hindi-Dravidian Politics and the Retention of a Colonial Language
Asian Englishes, Vol. 15, No. 1, Summer 2012.
The widespread usage of the English language in India today has been explained in numerous ways. Theorists most... more The widespread usage of the English language in India today has been explained in numerous ways. Theorists most commonly view it as a consequence of structural forces such as colonialism or contemporary globalization. Others stress local initiative in the form of prescient top-down language policy decisions or individual rational choice on the part of language learners. Although cultural diversity is occasionally mentioned as a factor promoting English in India, the role inter-ethnic language conflict has played in the process has been downplayed or received less attention. Focusing on Indian political developments in the colonial and postcolonial eras and assessing the impact of key actors and events on language policy formulation, this paper argues that sustained resistance from the Dravidian-speaking South to New Delhi’s plans to make Hindi India’s sole official language and eliminate English in education and government after independence was the key factor that laid the foundations for the spread of English in postcolonial India. If globalization in more recent years has encouraged Indians to learn and use English in ever increasing numbers, earlier linguistic and ethnic disputes between the North and South and the ad hoc language policy decisions they engendered were pivotal for making this possible. With this in mind, the paper recommends that social theorists revisit Indian history and reflect more deeply on the role played by ethno-linguistic discord in conditioning local and global patterns of English language diffusion.
Herabai Tata and Sophia Duleep Singh: Suffragette Resistances for India and Britain 1910-1920
In Rehana Ahmed and Sumita Mukherjee (eds), South Asian Resistances in Britain, 1858-1947 (Continuum, 2011)
High-Modernist Hubris in the 1905 Partition of Bengal
by Nolan Bensen
My final paper for South Asian History 1500-2000, last fall.
This uses theories from James C. Scott's Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have... more This uses theories from James C. Scott's Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed to examine the 1905 Partition of Bengal.
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Seen by:The Uses of Max Weber: Legitimation and Amnesia in Buddhology, South Asian History, and Anthropological Practice Theory
Revisiting an old interest in the reception of Max Weber, published in a big fat handbook volume that not many are likely to buy.
The Two Husbands of Vera Tiscenko: Apostasy, Conversion, and Divorce in Late Colonial India
by Rohit De
Published in Law and History Review (2010), 28: 1011-1041
Emasculating the Executive: Judicial Activism and Civil Liberties in Late Colonial India
by Rohit De
Forthcoming in in The Legal Complex in Postcolonial Struggles for Political Freedom, ed. Terrence Halliday, Lucien Karpik, Malcolm Feeley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011)
The paper focuses on a series of confrontations between the colonial judiciary and the colonial state in India in 1942... more
The paper focuses on a series of confrontations between the colonial judiciary and the colonial state in India in 1942 and 1944. By the summer of 1942, the Japanese were advancing towards British possessions in India, the Indian nationalist parties had launched a civil disobedience movement which was spiraling out of control and discontent was rising due to famine and severe rationing. The government was quick to retaliate, with demonstrators being fired upon and over a 100,000 people arrested. It was to suppress these nationalist activities in face of war, that the government fashioned special legal instruments, such as the Defence of India Act and its various rules which allowed the government to hold people without trial. In a well publicized series of judgments the Federal Court struck down these laws and ordinances. What was remarkable was that the court in question had been perceived as a weak court, set up by the colonial government and had been staffed by consciously selected pro-establishment judges. Ironically, almost identical repressive ordinances in Britain were upheld by British courts. I hope to use judicial response to the Quit India movement as a prism to open up a discussion of law, state and legal culture in colonial India.
The role played by the Federal Court pushes us to revisit the consensus on the "rule of law" in colonial India, particularly the belief that "law was far from autonomous in practice, its autonomy nothing more than legal fiction and its practice pure farce". Placing the Indian and British judicial experience in a same discursive framework helps focus our attention on the "rule of colonial difference" and question our understandings of judicial behavior. I hope to show that the emergence of the legal public sphere and self perceptions of the legal profession played a constitutive role in shaping both the colonial and the postcolonial states. Finally, since the Federal Court was the immediate predecessor to the Supreme Court of India and consisted of the same judges, this study hopes to excavate the foundations of judicial independence in South Asia.
Mumtaz Bibi's Broken Heart: Personal Law, Identity Politics and Civil Society in Colonial South Asia
by Rohit De
published in Indian Economic Social History Review January/March 2009 vol. 46 no. 1 105-130
This article investigates the formation of a political consensus between conservative ulama, Muslim reformers,... more This article investigates the formation of a political consensus between conservative ulama, Muslim reformers, nationalist politicians and women's organisations, which led to the enactment of the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act in 1939. The Act was a radical piece of social legislation that gave South Asian Muslim women greater rights for divorce than those enjoyed by other women in India and Britain. Instead of placing women's rights and Islamic law as opposed to each other, the legislation employed a heuristic that guaranteed women's rights by applying Islamic law, allowing Muslim politicians, ulama and women's groups to find common ground on an Islamic modernity. By interrogating the legislative process and the rhetorical positions employed to achieve this consensus, the paper hopes to map how the women's question was being negotiated anew in the space created in the legislatures. The legislative debate over family law redefined the boundaries of the public and the private, and forced nationalists to reconsider the ‘women's question’. The transformation of Islamic law through secular legislation also gave greater licence to the courts in their interpretation, and widened the schism between traditional practitioners of fiqh and modern lawyers.
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Seen by:Centralizing Historical Tradition In Precolonial Burma: the Abhiraja/Dhajaraja Myth In Early Kon-Baung Historical Texts
South East Asia Research, Volume 10, Number 2, 1 July 2002 , pp. 185-215--link (subscription required): http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/ip/sear/2002/00000010/00000002/a

