Review - George Kunnath, Rebels from the Mud Houses: Dalits and the Making of the Maoist Revolution in Bihar (New Delhi, 2012)
by Uday Chandra
Forthcoming in Journal of Agrarian Change 12 (4), 2012
Misyurov D.A. Dialectical formulas based on the binary notation as the development formulas // Credo New. 2012. №2
The article suggests dialectical formulas based on the binary notation as the development formulas: formula with... more The article suggests dialectical formulas based on the binary notation as the development formulas: formula with dominant and the non-dominant elements; universal formula; formula with symbolic weight of elements; tautological formula. For example, it suggests an opportunity to use the dialectical formulas for modeling and artificial intelligence creation, etc.
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Seen by: and 16 more"Pedagogy of Unrest: Education Struggles and the Prospect of an Autonomous University" [A Roundtable]
by David Hugill
Featuring contributions by Gigi Roggero, Emma Dowling, Merijn Oudenampsen and Vassilis Christophides.
Students and education workers have been at the forefront of the mass mobilizations that have swept across Europe over... more Students and education workers have been at the forefront of the mass mobilizations that have swept across Europe over the past 18 months. As these movements have developed, their transnational character has become increasingly evident. Student movements have begun to draw connections between their own national contexts and the broader struggles against austerity that have emerged in a wide range of locales, including North America. There are numerous lessons that North American students and workers can draw from the practices, projects, and critiques advanced by European education activists, particularly around issues of organizing and what it means to draw on legacies of struggle. As European universities become subject to increasing homogenization through the adoption of “North American” systems of organization, and as the neoliberal process of university transformation becomes increasingly international, the overt links between our struggles become stronger. At a recent meeting in Paris called to build bridges between student movements from around the world, élise Thorburn and David Hugill spoke with activists from the United Kingdom, Greece, Italy, and the Netherlands in order to uncover what North Americans can learn from the battles currently underway in Europe.
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Seen by:Revolutionary and Insurrectionary Subjects: Reflections on Stirner, Agency, and Rebellion
Presented at WPSA 2012
Political theory (even radical theory) has had an ambivalent relationship with Max Stirner. His The Ego and Its Own... more
Political theory (even radical theory) has had an ambivalent relationship with Max Stirner. His The Ego and Its Own has been regarded as one of the most thoroughly radical and biting works of political theory to ever exist, and is at the same time largely unknown... or more frequently, known about and misunderstood. Stirner's dismantling critiques of a host of ubiquitous abstractions of modern philosophy, including God, Society, Authority, Freedom, Obligation, Morality, and Man, among others, have earned him few friends amidst the theoretical rubble. Nonetheless, Stirner's work provides a powerful and unique conception of political agency that, in some ways, has even greater relevance today.
In the face of recent theoretical attempts to define the new “revolutionary subjects” of the 21st century, Stirner's ideas regarding agency, anti-representationalism, “Ownness,” and insurrection provide a distinct contrast and warning. Rather than ontologically privileging and granting value to a particular abstracted social group (the proletariat, the Multitude, etc.) as the newest primary “revolutionary subjects” of history (implying an ontological subordination or devaluation in others), Stirner firmly situates the value and possibility of rebellion in the hands of every “flesh and blood” person. In this sense, Stirner takes the “pluralist” approach to revolutionary subjectivities to its logical limits, and constructs a unique set of conceptual tools that enable both critique and action.
Reclaiming Revolution Owen Taylor
by Owen Taylor
With the events of the Arab Spring the language of revolution has suffused public and academic discourse. In light of... more With the events of the Arab Spring the language of revolution has suffused public and academic discourse. In light of this it seems timely to open discussion on how the concept of revolution functions in international law. This paper argues that the content specific to the modern concept of revolution involves a necessary connection between structural analysis and social agents of change, but that within critical scholarship the organised and disciplined elements of that agency have been elided. This paper argues that this is indicative of a broader rejection of modernist elements within critical discourse in international law, stemming from a traumatic relationship to history informed by pervasive liberal narratives. This aversion to one side of the concept of revolution severely limits its emancipatory potential within international legal discourse. This paper makes a call for the reclamation of revolution’s analytical and political content, through an engagement with its conceptual history, and a brief examination of revolution’s contemporary theoretical alternatives, such as the Badiouvian ‘event’.
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Seen by: and 3 moreHuman Rights Contested
by Joe Hoover
Draft of review article forthcoming in The Journal of Internvention and Statebuilding
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Seen by:Yemen's Islamists and the Revolution
The Middle East Channel - Foreign Policy, February 9, 2012.
Up till now, the Yemeni revolution has presented both opportunities and challenges to its Islamists. At least five... more Up till now, the Yemeni revolution has presented both opportunities and challenges to its Islamists. At least five different Islamist trends have played important roles in the unfolding events -- and some have fared better than others. Those struggling to help Yemen's political transition must recognize the diversity and internal struggles among these Islamist trends, and be prepared to engage with them as part of the country's political landscape.
Ultras call for retaliation as parliament blames fans and security for Port Said deaths
By James M. Dorsey
An Egyptian parliamentary inquiry into this month’s death of 74 soccer fans in the Suez... more
By James M. Dorsey
An Egyptian parliamentary inquiry into this month’s death of 74 soccer fans in the Suez Canal city of Port Said has blamed fans and lax security for the worst incident in the country’s sports history. The inquiry’s preliminary report also suggests without going into detail that unidentified thugs were involved in the violence that erupted at the end of a match between Port Said’s Al Masri SC and crowned Cairo club Al Ahli SC.
The report is scheduled to be debated in parliament on Monday. It was drafted by a committee headed by Ashraf Thabet, the assembly’s first deputy speaker and a member of the Salafist Al-Nur Party, which is believed to enjoy backing from Saudi Arabia and advocates adherence to Islam in line with 7th century practices at the time of the Prophet Mohammed.
A controversial member of Al Nur, Salafist preacher Sheikh Abdel Moneim El-Shaha, was last week attempting to talk his way out of reports that he had condemned soccer as a sin and said that the 74 fans were killed because they had been watching a forbidden form of entertainment. Mr. El-Shaha charged that he had been misquoted.
The parliamentary report is unlikely to reduce tension between the fans or ultras – militant, well-organized, highly politicized, street battle-hardened soccer support groups modelled on similar organizations in Serbia and Italy – and Egypt’s ruling military and security forces. At least 16 people were killed in the wake of the Port Said incident in six days of fighting between security forces and youths seeking to storm the interior ministry in central Cairo.
The military last week said troops and tanks would ensure security in advance of a general strike last weekend called by activists and youth groups to demand the immediate return of the military to their barracks and the formation of a civilian government. The failure of the strike on the first anniversary of the toppling of President Hosni Mubarak after religious leaders called on Egyptians to ignore it signalled the increasing isolation of the ultras – the military’s most militant opposition – and other activists who led the protests that forced the Egyptian leader to resign after 30 years in office.
Ultras Ahlawy, the Al Ahli support group that lost scores in the Port Said incident, called in a statement on Facebook on the eve of the release of the parliamentary report for retaliation against those responsible for the death of their comrades. The statement also called for the cleansing of the interior ministry, under which the security forces, the focus of their animosity whom they accuse of engineering the fatal brawl, resort.
The interior ministry or dakhliya symbolizes for many ultras their battle for karama or dignity. Their dignity is vested in their ability to stand up to the dakhliya, particularly in the wake of Port Said; a sense that they no longer can be abused by security forces without recourse; and the fact that they no longer have to pay off policemen to stay out of trouble.
“This Wednesday will mark two weeks since the passing of some of Egypt’s finest youth. They died because they refused to live without dignity and screamed loud calling for freedom,” the Ultras Ahlawy statement said.
It demanded an investigation of what it alleged was the failure of the interior ministry and the security forces to ensure safety and security during the match in which Port Said defeated Al Ahli 3:1 as well as “the cleansing of the ministry of interior and a full reconstruction of its system.”
The ultras further demanded that authorities drop references to involvement of a “third” party in the incident, a reference to the military’s attempt to position the Port Said incident as part of a foreign conspiracy to destabilize post-revolt Egypt. The ultras said they would not “accept the outcome of an investigation that blamed an anonymous (group for an incident) that wasted the lives of the martyrs.” They demanded the immediate arrest of the culprits whom they said were known to authorities “so as not to put us in the position of taking the right (into our own hands).”
While the Ultras Ahlawy charge that security forces failed to intervene in the lethal attack on their members and accuse thugs hired by the government of instigating the incident they also appeared to agree with the parliamentary inquiry’s conclusion that television footage documents the involvement of Al Masri fans in the attack on them. Ultras Ahlawy believes it was targeted because of its key role alongside other ultras groups in the toppling of Mr. Mubarak and its opposition since then to military rule.
Leaders of the ultras suggested that the incident was intended to exploit waning public support for the ultras, which were revered for their fearlessness, years of confrontation with security forces in the stadiums, role in manning defending Tahrir Square during the anti-Mubarak protests last year and militant support of their clubs. Their militancy and contentious street politics is however increasingly out of step with the mood in a country that is protest weary, retains confidence in the military despite its brutality, is frustrated that its revolt has not produced immediate tangible economic fruits and yearns for a return to normalcy so that Egypt can recover economically.
Deputy Parliament Speaker Thabet said in parliament Sunday that the Port Said incident had been sparked in part by incitement on sports TV channels. Disclosing details of the inquiry, he charged that thugs and hard core soccer fans had taken "advantage of the tension surrounding the game to achieve some political gains," but gave no details. Mr. Thabet promised to release the names of the instigators a later stage. He said 12,000 tickets had been sold for the match but 18,000 spectators had been admitted to the stadium.
Mr. Thabet said fans were not inspected while entering the stands and there was a lack of order inside and outside the stadium. "Security facilitated, allowed and enabled this massacre," he said, adding that security forces ignored mounting tension in advance of the Al Masri-Al Ahli match. "Both ultras and thugs attacked Ahly fans and this is part of Ultras' culture," he said.
Mr. Thabet acknowledged that similar pitch invasions had occurred in Port Said in the past year. Like in stadiums elsewhere in Egypt, security was often lax and security forces where more interested in avoiding clashes with fans in a bid to shore up their tarnished image as the Mubarak regime’s henchmen than in ensuring security. The Port Said incident has sparked suspicion that more than just laxness was involved because stadium exits that were normally open had been locked and because security forces refused to intervene despite the fact that the brawl had turned lethal.
The parliamentary inquiry also took the Egyptian Football Association (EFA) to task for violating world governing body FIFA’s security standards that call for monitoring by a security official of the security and political situation before, during and after a match.
The charge cast a further shadow over FIFA president Sepp Blatter’s demand for the reinstitution of the EFA board that was last week dismissed by the government in the wake of the Port Said incident. Mr. Blatter’s charge that the dismissal constituted political interference rings hallow given that the board consists of Mubarak appointees who furthered the ousted president’s efforts to control and manipulate the game to his political benefit. It also rings hallow given the fact that despite a nominal 2013 FIFA deadline for a restructuring of Egyptian soccer FIFA essentially tolerated the fact that the vast majority of Egyptian premier league clubs fail to meet the soccer body’s criteria for league membership.
FIFA sources said the Mr. Blatter’s demand was part of a flawed communications strategy designed to position the FIFA president as a leader and defender of soccer in a bid to repair the reputational damage he suffered as a result of a series of scandals in the last year that have rocked the soccer body and tarnished its image and that of its president. One source described the strategy as dating from the 1930s.
The sources said FIFA’s announcement that it was donating $250,000 to the families of those who died in Port Said was part of Mr. Blatter’s strategy. They noted that it was being handled personally by the FIFA president rather than the soccer body’s emergency committee and doubted that there was a mechanism to distribute the funds. In a separate move, the Confederation of African Football (CAF) which is headed by a controversial Blatter ally, Issa Hatou, said it was donating $150,000.
In the first regional fallout of the Port Said incident, Tunisia’s interior ministry ordered that all league matches be played behind closed doors because of concern about deteriorating security. Le Presse sports editor Sami Akrimi said the decision stemmed from the failure of the Tunisian soccer body to work with fan groups to ensure security.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
The Oakland Commune (Film about Occupy Oakland)
co-produced and co-written with Brandon Jourdan
On October 10th 2011, hundreds of people in downtown Oakland occupied Frank Ogawa Plaza in front of city hall. They... more On October 10th 2011, hundreds of people in downtown Oakland occupied Frank Ogawa Plaza in front of city hall. They built a self-organized tent city and began to meet some of the community's most urgent needs. They renamed the plaza Oscar Grant Plaza in honor of a young African-American man who was shot and killed by BART Police in 2009. Although the action was partially inspired by Occupy Wall Street and austerity protests throughout the world, Occupy Oakland's particular character resulted from years of struggle and repression in the Bay Area. This short documentary details the ongoing story of the Oakland Commune.
What should the movement of movements do if we want to win?
by Laurence Cox
(with Alf Gunvald Nilsen), 2005. In online proceedings of Making Global Civil Society, first KnowledgeLab (Lancaster): http://knowledgelab.pbwiki.com/f/Chapter+5+Lancaster+draft.doc
Many people within the movement of movements, while outraged at the global state of affairs, and determined to bring... more
Many people within the movement of movements, while outraged at the global state of affairs, and determined to bring about large-scale systemic change, are nevertheless reluctant to use the language of winning - that is, to consider what it means to bring about that change against determined and powerful opposition. In part this reflects a fear that to think strategically is to act like "the system", and is bound to lead to cynical instrumentalism and the attempt to replace one elite-led system with another.
We start by outlining what is at stake and asking what "winning" means: what actually happens when a social movement project from below achieves its goal of constructing "another world"? We explore the step- by-step processes through which the movement of movements is currently developing the "insurgent architecture" involved in this construction, and noting how this presents a challenge for the powers that be.
We then turn to the massive opposition that the movement has been meeting from above - from multinational institutions, states and corporations. We explore the nature of these responses and argue that while they have failed to defeat the movement, they have brought about something of a temporary stalemate. We ask how the movement can get beyond this stalemate, not by adopting the logic and methods of its opponents, but by taking qualitative steps forward in its own development, according to its own logic.
The paper finishes with some brief discussion of the most important practical steps in constructing another world, and the nature of the moments of confrontation that lie ahead.
Globalization from below? "Ordinary people", movements and intellectuals from Seattle to Genova to war
by Laurence Cox
William Thompson weekend school, Cork (May 2001), NUI Maynooth sociology / anthropology seminar (January 2002)
This paper discusses the long history of popular movements in world-systems terms; distinguishes developments in... more This paper discusses the long history of popular movements in world-systems terms; distinguishes developments in different global regions with particular reference to Ireland; and discusses the practical implications for activists and intellectuals.
Revolution in the air: images of winning in the Irish anti-capitalist movement
by Laurence Cox
(with Liz Curry). Irish Journal of Sociology, 18 (2). pp. 86-105, 2010.
This article explores strategic conceptions within the alter-globalisation movement in Ireland. Based on action... more This article explores strategic conceptions within the alter-globalisation movement in Ireland. Based on action research carried out within the left-libertarian (“Grassroots’) wing of the movement, it notes imbalances in participation in a very intensive form of political activity, and asks how activists understand winning. It finds substantial congruence between organisational practice and long-term goals, noting social justice and participatory democracy along with feminist, environmental and anti-war concerns as central. Using Wallerstein’s proposed transition strategy for anti-systemic movements, it argues that Irish alter-globalisation activists are realistic about popular support and state power, and concerned to link short-term work around basic needs with the construction of alternative institutions and long-term struggles for a different social order.
Barbarian resistance and rebel alliances: social movements and Empire
by Laurence Cox
Rethinking Marxism vol. 13 no. 3 / 4: 155 – 167, 2001.
Empire is a curious and challenging book. Although it sets out to be a latter-day Communist Manifesto, it lacks the... more Empire is a curious and challenging book. Although it sets out to be a latter-day Communist Manifesto, it lacks the concrete aesthetic, the urgent pace of argument, and the practical cutting edge of the latter. There are sound material reasons for this, some of which its authors would doubtless acknowledge: it is not, after all, the product of the needs and temperature of a radical organisation, written in the midst of a great revolutionary wave. What Empire is not, however, is made up for in some ways by what it is. A closer analogy than with the Manifesto would probably be with the German Ideology. Like that work, Empire offers a "a general theoretical framework and a toolbox of concepts" (p.xvi), still some way detached from the actual use of those tools, and a sustained exposure to a particular way of thought which - just maybe - can help particular kinds of militant to see themselves and their situation in new ways, ways they can then practice in concrete movements. An even closer analogy would be with contemporary socialist science fiction. Caught in this same period where the assured languages and strategies of the mid-century have finally broken down, while new senses of potentiality are stirring on the fringes of what can be articulated, authors like MacLeod (1995 etc.), Miéville (2000), Byrne (1999) or Robinson (1993 etc.) show us successful moments of popular revolt, placed in settings which illuminate the present without being allegories and driven by forms of agency which bear a similarly metaphoric relationship to reality. The richly allusive nature of the book makes this a stronger way to read what Empire has to say on social movements than a formal critique of an analysis of movements which it lacks, in that sense of a neat organisation of propositions. It is not a book which is easy to grasp on first reading; like Starhawk or Le Guin(2), it demands rereading ("front to back, back to front, in pieces, in a hopscotch pattern, or through correspondences" (p. xvi)) to enter into its mental world and find new possibilities there. To keep going in the present, an important resource may be to recognise that we do not know as much as we thought we did: like the barbarian priest or the rebel volunteer, we understand our local struggles but find it hard to grasp their insertion within - and challenge to - Empire. In our own provinciality, of campaigns and jobs, gatherings and books, what do we gain - and what do we not find - in Hardt and Negri's alternate world?
"The interests of the movement as a whole": response to David Harvey
by Laurence Cox
Interface vol. 2 issue 1: 298 - 308, 2010.
Response to David Harvey's "Theorizing the anti-capitalist transition". Response to David Harvey's "Theorizing the anti-capitalist transition".
Aspects of ideological and social struggle in Thessaly, from the beginning of the 20th century until the defeat of the First Greek Republic = Πτυχές ιδεολογικών και κοινωνικών συγκρούσεων Θεσσαλία, από την αυγή του 20ου αιώνα έως το τέλος της Β΄ Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας
in : Thessaly. Historical approches, Volos, Historical Archives of the City of Volos, 2006, vol. 1. (in Greek).
Co-authored with A. Antoniou
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Seen by:Occupy: Crossroads in Cairo
See the video here: http://vimeo.com/33842497
Cairo is a city engulfed in violent anticipation. Activists speak with pride about what they are accomplishing as they... more Cairo is a city engulfed in violent anticipation. Activists speak with pride about what they are accomplishing as they enter into their 11th month of struggle. And rightfully so. They “shed their fear” and came together to realise that despite continuous torture, repression, and military dictatorship, they are stronger than the authoritarian state. It’s a strangely powerful feeling that hangs in the air, that permeates conversations, that captures the imagination.
The Egyptian Revolution Did Not Take Place: On Live English Television coverage by Al Jazeera
In this essay I critically examine the Egyptian revolution through my experience watching it via the Al Jazeera... more In this essay I critically examine the Egyptian revolution through my experience watching it via the Al Jazeera English live stream for many hours per day (8 to 12) for most of the days between January 29 and February 12, 2011, intertwining my observations with Daniel Boorstin’s concept of pseudo-events (1961), Jean Baudrillard’s notions of reality TV and the simulacral nature of live television (1978), and Slavoj Žižek’s concepts of objective and subjective violence (2008), all in the spirit of Baudrillard’s seminal series of essays on his experience watching the Gulf War, 'The Gulf War Did Not Take Place' (1991).
Occupy Wall Street: Carnival Against Capital? Carnivalesque as Protest Sensibility
Short version published in The Indypendent (October)
Long version published in e-flux no. 30 (December)
Carnivalesque protest practices meet resistant carnival traditions in a sweeping historical overview of the... more Carnivalesque protest practices meet resistant carnival traditions in a sweeping historical overview of the relationship between carnival and capital as the opposite sides of the same coin.

