Republicanism

Review of "The Invention of Market Freedom" by Eric MacGilvray

by Dean Mathiowetz

Published in Perspectives on Politics, June, 2012

No One Is Safe from the Parodist (Part 1) by Barbara Ardinger

by Feminism and Religion

Originally published on the Feminism and Religion project

Now, with only a minimum purchase, you can save your loved ones—your friends—your neighbors—your business... more Now, with only a minimum purchase, you can save your loved ones—your friends—your neighbors—your business associates—from eternities of suffering and torment. Our new Multi-Level Marketing company guarantees Eternal Salvation for you and your entire downline.

"Republicanismo: orígenes historiográficos y relevancia de un debate"

by Ana Marta González

Revista de Occidente, nº. 247, pp. 121-145, 2001. ISSN 0034-8635

"Republicanismo: orígenes historiográficos y relevancia de un debate"

by Ana Marta González

Revista de Occidente, nº. 247, pp. 121-145, 2001. ISSN 0034-8635

A Doctrine for the Hemisphere

by David Cohen

The War of 1812 was more about the expansion of the United States into Canada and Florida than it was about freedom of... more The War of 1812 was more about the expansion of the United States into Canada and Florida than it was about freedom of the seas. The main support for the war came from the frontier regions in the West rather than the maritime region in New England. Vageries in the boundaries of the Louisiana Purchase led to the United States annexed West and East Florida and arranging for a joint occupation of the Oregon Territory. Meanwhile in Latin America, Napoleon's invasion of Spain and placing his brother on the Spanish throne provided the opportunity for the Spanish colonies in Latin America to declare their independence. The paper compares Simon Bolivar to George Washington and Napoleon, all three military leaders, but with different views about government. Finally, the paper views the Monroe doctrine in terms of what William Appleman Williams termed "imperial anticolonialism."

Quelle république pour la révolution?. Souveraineté, loi et liberté au Rio de la Plata, 1810-1812

by Gabriel Entin

Washington's Warning

by David Cohen

In his Farewell Address as President of the United States, George Washington warned against political parties and... more In his Farewell Address as President of the United States, George Washington warned against political parties and entangling foreign alliances. His successors did not heed his advice. Both Washington and Benjamin Franklin were celebrated as heroes in pre-Revolutionary France. Washington was the model of the citizen-soldier who rather than becoming a military dictator, returned to his farm like the Roman general Cincinnatus. Franklin affected the image of Jean Jacques Rousseau's natural man. The French Revolution tested the wartime alliance between the American colonies and France during the American Revolution. Despite the similarities in republican idealogy, the two revolutions took very different courses, with the French Revolution resulting in the regicide of Louis XVI, the Reign of Terror, and the eventual rise to power of the Emperor Napoleon under the guise of Rousseau's concept of the General Will. But what distinguishes the two revolutions, in the last analysis, is the fact that the American Revolution was also an anti-colonial revolution, and the French Revolution was not.

Droit pénal et états d’exception. Entretien avec Anne Simonin

by Guillaume Calafat

Published in "Tracés. Revue de Sciences humaines", 20 (2011)

This interview with French historian Anne Simonin (CNRS) explores the history of French jurisdictions of exception... more This interview with French historian Anne Simonin (CNRS) explores the history of French jurisdictions of exception from the Revolution to the French Liberation.

Politeia and Arete. Archeology of Senses and Hellenic Legacy

by Paulo Ferreira da Cunha

in Η ΕΝΝΟΙΑ ΤΟΨ ΠΟΛΙΤΗ ΣΤΗΝ ΑΡΞΑΙΑ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΕ ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΙΑ, The Notion of Citizenship in Ancient Greek Philosophy, ed. de E. Moutosopoulos e M. Protopapas-Marneli. Ed. E. Moutosopoulos e M. Protopapas-Marneli. Athens: Academy of Athens, 2009, pp. 146-160.

The idea of the Republic and its value is again the order of the day, not only due to Neorepublican theorists, but... more The idea of the Republic and its value is again the order of the day, not only due to Neorepublican theorists, but also because of many current debates, such as multiculturalism, the laicity of states and societies, transparency and corruption, etc.

Along with Republican constitutional rules, principles and values, some proclaimed during the French Revolution (such as Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité), the debate shows the importance of an even deeper question: the importance of virtues, and the Greek legacy of Republican virtues. In this paper, among other points, we remember Pericles’ funereal speech in Thucydides’ History of Peloponnesian War, and some parts of Aristotle’s Nichomachean Ethics, not principally as two important roots of traditional Republican Ethics (although, the first text, is especially influencial, namely in Montesquieu’s theory of the essence of the Republic in De l’Esprit des Lois) but as an inspiration to contemporary new Republican Ethics.

Papel_RRB_Viejo_Topo

by Borja Barragué

Republic, trust, and society

by Fernando Filgueiras

Published in Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais

This article discusses the issue of trust as a central element for structuring virtuous institutions under a... more This article discusses the issue of trust as a central element for structuring virtuous institutions under a republican order. The article argues that trust can be a central concept for republican thinking, since in the contemporary world the issue of virtues is based on the excellency not of citizens, but of political institutions. As opposed to the idea of interpersonal trust, the article deals with another aspect of the trust issue, defended by modernization theory. According to Simmel's positions and John Dewey's democratic experimentalism, the argument presents another modality of the trust issue as social cement and the central element in the construction of the Republic in contemporary politics.

"Thomas Paine amidst the Early Feminists"

by Eileen Hunt Botting

Submitted to The Political Writings of Thomas Paine, eds. Ian Shapiro and Jane Calvert (under contract, Yale Press).

Paine—like many male radicals of the late Enlightenment—was neither a steady nor consistently direct advocate of the... more Paine—like many male radicals of the late Enlightenment—was neither a steady nor consistently direct advocate of the rights of women, particularly women’s equal civil and political rights with men. In this way, he was no different from William Godwin in London, Bishop Talleyrand in Paris, or Charles Brockden Brown in America. Early in his career, from Common Sense (1776) to Rights of Man, Part I (1791), Paine was silent on the issue of women’s rights, and sometimes slipped into using derogatory, patriarchal language to describe women’s inequality with men. The shift from the republican-based discourse of Common Sense and the Crisis series (1776-1783) to the rights-based language of Rights of Man, Part I, seems to have pushed Paine toward a deeper philosophical consideration of women’s possession of the same natural rights as men. Much of what Paine argued in the later part of his career, especially in the second part of Rights of Man, Part II (1792) and Agrarian Justice (1797), either explicitly or implicitly endorses women’s equal rights with men, especially welfare rights but also political rights such as suffrage.

Keywords: Thomas Paine, women's rights, political theory, republicanism, liberalism, feminism

Sociological and Cultural Approaches to Pre-Modern Decision-Making, in: Débates Antiques, hrsg. v. Marie-Joséphine Coquin / Fabian Schulz, Nanterre 2012.

by Andre Krischer

Size and Virtue

by Francisco Herreros

European Journal of Political Theory (2007)

“‘Se è vero secondo Galileo che il mondo ha suo moto quotidiano, non è da maravigliarsi della instabilità d’ogni cosa in esso…’. Charles Longland: un “rivoluzionario” inglese nella Livorno del ‘600,” in Religione, cultura e politica nell’Europa dell’età moderna. Studi offerti a Mario Rosa dagli amici, edited by Carlo Ossola, Marcello Verga, Maria Antonietta Visceglia (Firenze: Olschki, 2003), 591-607.

by Stefano Villani

[Charles Longland: an English Revolutionary in 17th Century Leghorn]. Charles Longland (1603-1688) was an affluent... more [Charles Longland: an English Revolutionary in 17th Century Leghorn]. Charles Longland (1603-1688) was an affluent merchant of the British Factory of Leghorn and during the 1650s was the English agent for the Commonwealth and the Protectorate. An informer of John Thurloe, Longland after the Restoration remained in Leghorn and showed his nonconformist sympathies by refusing to contribute in 1668 for the salary of a chaplain of the Church of England for the Factory. In 1672 Longland was denounced to the Inquisition as a protestant preacher who gathered conventicles in the house of Origen Merchant, a French Huguenot, who converted to Catholicism and was known to own “an entire library of forbidden books.” Longland’s biography, which is here reconstructed analytically for the first time, helps to show the channels of information and intelligence for Oliver Cromwell and highlights the importance that they had for the merchants.

“La prima rivoluzione inglese nel giudizio delle diplomazie veneziana e genovese,” in Repubblicanesimo e Repubbliche nell’Europa di Antico Regime, edited by Elena Fasano Guarini, Renzo Sabbatini, Marco Natalizi (Milano: FrancoAngeli, 2007), 105-132.

by Stefano Villani

[The First English Revolution judged by the Venetian and Genoese Diplomacies]. The Venetian diplomats in London during... more [The First English Revolution judged by the Venetian and Genoese Diplomacies]. The Venetian diplomats in London during the English Civil War sided explicitly and without uncertainties with Charles I and avoided, with clear and firm hostility, any approachs from the parliamentary side. The tendencies of Anglo-Venetian diplomatic relations in the years of civil war and Interregnum give a clear measure of Venetian disinterest towards England; clearly showing their hostility towards the Parliament and their sympathy towards the cause of the monarchy. The Venetian Republic, considered as a possible model, if only for propaganda reasons, by early “Republican” England, was hostile to the English “Republican” revolution and, to the extent permitted by its foreign policy needs, supported the Stuarts and welcomed the Restoration with relief. The history of Anglo-Genoese diplomatic relations during the revolutionary years is completely different from Anglo-Venetian ones. Anglo-Genoese relations, very limited in preceeding years, were never as good as during the Interregnum years mainly thanks to their diplomatic representative Francesco Bernardi, who had access to the closest entourage of the future Protector of England, with whom we know he had private and unofficial meetings, one of whose daughters married a relative of General Charles Fleetwood.

John Stuart Mill's Civic Liberalism

by Dale E. Miller

Although it is frequently overlooked, J.S. Mill's political philosophy has a significant civic component; he is a... more Although it is frequently overlooked, J.S. Mill's political philosophy has a significant civic component; he is a committed believer in the value of active and disinterested participation in public affairs by the citizens of liberal democracies, and he advocates a programme of civic education intended to cultivate public spirit. In the first half of this essay I present a brief but systematic exploration of his thought's civic dimension. In the second half I defend Mill's civic liberalism against various critics who have explicitly or implicitly charged that the civic and liberal components of his political philosophy are inconsistent.

Atomists, Liberals and Civic Republicans: Taylor on the Ontology of Citizenship

by Dale E. Miller

"Fenimore Cooper's The American Democrat and the Political Dimension of Manners."

by Thomas Clark

Civilizing America. Manners and Civility in American Literature and Culture. Ed. Dietmar Schloss. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag C. Winter, 2009: 51-71.

" '...to convert men into republican machines.' Rush, Foucault, and the Making of Virtuous Bodies in the Early Republic."

by Thomas Clark

Making National Bodies: Cultural Identity and the Politics of the Body in (Post-) Revolutionary America.  Ed. Stefan Brandt and Astrid Fellner. Trier: WVT , 2010: 61-79.