Racism

“Raça”, ressentimento e racismo: transformações na África do Sul

by brigitte bagnol

Confronting the racism in research on race and utilization of mental health services

by Charmaine C. Williams

Quando «la voce del cannone è una voce amica»: appunti sull’organicismo del francescano Agostino Gemelli

by Alessandro Ottaviani

This is the version before poof corrections (after in «Giornale critico della filosofia italiana», 89, 2010, pp. 103-147)

This essay reconstructs Franciscan friar Agostino Gemelli’s scientific and cultural path, from his beginnings as a... more This essay reconstructs Franciscan friar Agostino Gemelli’s scientific and cultural path, from his beginnings as a disciple of the well-known histologist Golgi to the outbreak of World War II. The aim of this analysis is to highlight the fundamental continuity between Gemelli’s initial training as a medical doctor and an advocate of a lay and positivist philosophical orientation and his subsequent activity as a psychologist and an exponent of neo-Thomism. Moreover, the analysis intends to show how, by taking into account such continuity, Gemelli’s fundamental acceptance of eugenics and of the anti-Semitic policy of the fascist regime can be understood in a new light.

The angry Black woman scholar

by Charmaine C. Williams

Notes on feminism, racism and sisterhood

by Charmaine C. Williams

from "Under the gaze: Centering Black feminist discourse in the Canadian feminist landscape" (pp.285-295. Toronto: Inanna Publications.

Book Review: Erik Bleich. The Freedom to Be Racist? How the United States and Europe Struggle to Preserve Freedom and Combat Racism

by Mahama Tawat

Working paper. Available upon request.

Fanon's Two Memories

by John E. Drabinski

This essay offers a critical reading of Fanon's Wretched of the Earth, framed by the question of memory. Two memories... more This essay offers a critical reading of Fanon's Wretched of the Earth, framed by the question of memory. Two memories of violence appear in the text: of the colonizer and of intra-African atrocity. Fanon confronts these two memories and argues for the political significance of the former, while dismissing the latter as pre-colonial myth. And so, when read with memory as a frame, we can see how Wretched of the Earth is structured by an imperative to remember a shared history of atrocity (crucial for the formation of the hegemonic class "the colonized") and an imperative to forget the specific experience of atrocity (Fanon's refusal of the memory of Arab and "intertribal" atrocity in sub-Saharan black Africa). For me, this raises real ethical and political problems for Fanon's notion of anti-colonial struggle - due in large part to Fanon's undertheorization of the problem of atrocity and the anarchy of its memory.

Introduction to Levinas, Race, and Racism

by John E. Drabinski

Introduction to the forthcoming (2012) volume of Levinas Studies, special issue on "Levinas, Race, and Racism," ed. John E. Drabinski

This is the introduction to the forthcoming (2012) volume of Levinas Studies: An Annual. The volume, which I edited,... more This is the introduction to the forthcoming (2012) volume of Levinas Studies: An Annual. The volume, which I edited, is on the theme of "Levinas, Race, and Racism." My introduction raises the broad and urgent questions that motivate the collection, as well as providing an overview of each of the essays. Contributors: Lisa Guenther, Simone Drichel, Oona Eisenstadt, Nelson Maldonado-Torres, Mary Gallagher, Anjali Prabhu, Kris Sealey, John E. Drabinski, and Grant Farred. Issues range from historical experience, postcolonial theory, aesthetics, and the idea of Europe. Figures discussed, in addition to Levinas, include Patterson, Spivak, Dussel, Glissant, Fanon, Sartre, Gilroy, D'Oliveira, and others.

Dallo spirito latino allo spirito di razza: il caso Gemelli

by Alessandro Ottaviani

in Sonia Gentili-Simona Foà (a cura di), Cultura della razza e cultura letteraria nell’Italia del Novecento, Roma, Carocci, 2010, pp. 69-92

Racism, Nationalism and Biopolitics: Foucault's Society Must Be Defended, 2003

by Mark Kelly

Contretemps 4, 2004

All-white Australian television fails the reality test

by Melissa Phillips

Opinion piece in National Times, Feb 7 2012

"'Truth Systematised': The Changing Debate over Slavery and Abolition, 1761-1916"

by Robert Pierce Forbes

Original version of an essay that appeared in Timothy Patrick  O'Brien and John Stauffer , eds., _Prophets of Protest: Reconsidering the HIstory of American Abolitionism (The New Press, 2006), pp. 3-22.

An Australian Immunisation to the Extreme Right?

by Aurelien Mondon

Social Identities, 18-1, Feb 2012, iFirst article

Unlike many of its western counterparts, Australia has been spared powerful surges of the extreme right throughout its... more Unlike many of its western counterparts, Australia has been spared powerful surges of the extreme right throughout its history. While the nineteenth and twentieth centuries saw European democracies threatened time and time again by movements relying on ethno-exclusivism and thriving on capitalist crises, Australia suffered only relatively weak extreme right bursts whose impact remained marginal. Even the rise of the One Nation Party in 1996, as sudden as it was impressive, showed the limits in the Australian context for organisations which have proved long-lasting in Europe.

This brief outline could bear a simple conclusion: Australia is immune to the extreme right. However, through a study of some of the most important extreme right failures in Australia, this article shows that rather than being immune, the country was spared an extreme right because of the policies put in place by mainstream parties and governments. By analysing mainstream politics in times of extreme right resurgence, this article highlights that by negating the extreme right’s ability to appear as an alternative to the power in place, Australian mainstream politicians suffocated it.

The conclusion of this article demonstrates that while the Australian extreme right has been mostly inaudible since 2001, extreme right politics, such as ethno-exclusivism, still play a crucial part in the shaping of Australian politics, notably during election campaigns.

Keywords: extreme right, Australian history, ethno-exclusivism, populism, democracy

Nicolas Sarkozy's Legitimisation of the Front National: Background and Perspectives

by Aurelien Mondon

This article will be published in the final issue of this year or the first issue of next year of Patterns of Prejudice.

An electronic copy might be available earlier.

Many commentators saw in the ‘poor’ result achieved by Jean-Marie Le Pen in the 2007 presidential elections the demise... more Many commentators saw in the ‘poor’ result achieved by Jean-Marie Le Pen in the 2007 presidential elections the demise of the Front National. However, when asked by a journalist whether it was the end of her father’s political career, Marine Le Pen replied smiling: ‘I don’t think so. In any case, this is the victory of his ideas!’ In these question and answer lie the whole story of the Front National and its impact on mainstream politics in the past two decades. First, Le Pen’s defeat was exaggerated, the same way his victory had in 2002. In what was seen as the demise of the Front National, Le Pen managed to obtain almost 4 million votes despite the candidature of far right Philippe de Villiers and still ranked fourth in the tally. Furthermore, that Le Pen managed to retain these votes despite the adverse context was a victory in itself. The five years between the 2002 and 2007 presidential elections had indeed led to drastic changes in the way politics was done in France.

What is argued in this article is that the 2002 presidential elections did act as an ‘earthquake’ within French politics. However, this ‘earthquake’ was not so much triggered by a Jean-Marie Le Pen tsunami, but rather by a tidal wave of misinformation and misunderstanding of the real interests and novelty of the results of these elections. By concentrating on the 2002 and 2007 presidential elections, this article will highlight how this reaction led to the consecration of right wing populist politics best exemplified in the landslide election of Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007.

2012 - The Year of the Front

by Aurelien Mondon

Published in Z Magazine - March issue

The Guardian believes she is “the most dangerous woman in France.” Less than 100 days before the 2012 presidential... more The Guardian believes she is “the most dangerous woman in France.” Less than 100 days before the 2012 presidential election on April 22, Marine Le Pen appears to be the best contender the extreme right Front National has ever put forward. A sign of changing times, she is also only the second candidate the party has ever put forward for president in France. In a party like the Front National (FN), where tradition is a core value, there can only be so much change. It is not surprising that it was the daughter of the old chief who was voted president of the party in January 2011. Nor is it surprising that, despite an effort to modernize and moderate aspects of the party, the broad lines of the program remain based on a strong anti-immigrant sentiment and exaggerated nationalism. Right-wing populism, which made Le Pen senior a serious candidate for two decades, remains central to the politics of the party.

Neoliberalising violence: of the exceptional and the exemplary in coalescing moments

by Simon Springer

Springer, S. 2012. Neoliberalising violence: of the exceptional and the exemplary in coalescing moments. Area 44 (2), 136-143.

This paper sets out to develop two related ideas. First, it seeks to identify how both violence and neoliberalism can... more This paper sets out to develop two related ideas. First, it seeks to identify how both violence and neoliberalism can be considered as moments. From this shared conceptualisation of process and fluidity, I argue that it becomes easier to recognise how these two phenomena actually converge. Building upon this conceived coalescence of neoliberalism and violence, the second aim is to recognise how the hegemony of neoliberalism positions it as an abuser, which facilitates the abandonment of those ‘Others’ who fall outside of neoliberal normativity. I argue that the widespread banishment of ‘Others’ under neoliberalism produces a ‘state of exception’, wherein because of its inherently dialectic nature, exceptional violence is transformed into exemplary violence. This metamorphosis occurs as aversion for alterity intensifies under neoliberalism and its associated violence against ‘Others’ comes to form the rule.

Power, C. (2007) Pavees and Muscers: Police Diversity Training, Irish Travellers, and the Limits of British pluralism, in T. Acton and M. Ó hAodha (Eds.) Travellers, Gypsies, Roma: The Demonisation of Difference, Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars.

by Colm Power

Une théorie de l’État esclavagiste, JOHN CALDWELL CALHOUN Gérard HUGUES Aix, Publications de l’Université de Provence, 2004

by Jacques Coulardeau

Un livre sur Calhoun peut être fascinant pour comprendre l’enchaînement des événements qui mènent à la Guerre Civile. Il est donc bon que ce personnage politique soit un peu exploré. Ce volume reprend La Dissertation sur le Gouvernement publié en 1853 dans une traduction de Gérard Hugues et dote ce texte d’une longue présentation de Calhoun lui-même et d’une analyse de l’œuvre. Une remarque préalable s’impose : le texte de la Dissertation est criblé de coquilles, certaines difficiles. Ceci dit la lecture en est facile, même si j’ai remarqué quelques américanismes traduits littéralement.

On regrettera que l’auteur ne mette pas en avant deux questions importantes que Calhoun soulève. D’une part la liberté... more On regrettera que l’auteur ne mette pas en avant deux questions importantes que Calhoun soulève. D’une part la liberté de la presse comme pouvoir d’expression de l’opinion publique. Mais Calhoun neutralise ce pouvoir comme ne pouvant pas assurer un quelconque équilibre dans la société, car la presse défendra nécessairement des intérêts privés. D’autre part les inventions (et il ne considère que la poudre à canon, l’imprimerie et la machine à vapeur) qu’il ne prend en compte que du point de vue militaire ou de l’accroissement de la productivité du travail qu’elles permettent. Il n’a donc compris ni la révolution proto-industrielle des 11ème-13ème siècles, ni la révolution culturelle, urbaine et manufacturière des 15ème-17ème siècles, ni la révolution industrielle des 18ème-19ème siècles. Il n’a pas plus compris l’importance du marché dans le progrès humain, du marché féodal de survivance autarcique au marché libre qui se construit avec la révolution industrielle qui donne à ce marché le rôle de réaliser la valeur ajoutée de la production et pour lequel tout être humain doit devenir un consommateur.

“‘There Are Not Many Negroes Here’: African Americans in Polk County, Arkansas, 1896–1937.” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 70 (Winter 2011): 429–449.

by Guy Lancaster

speaking in silences

by hari stephen kumar

International Review of Qualitative Research, Volume 2, Issue 4, February 2010. pp. 433-444.

I should say, abstractly, that this is about racism, if only I knew what races I should tattoo on my transnational... more I should say, abstractly, that this is about racism, if only I knew what races I should tattoo on my transnational post-colonial narcissistic sub- altern brown body that so enjoys being white. I should rather say this is about silences invoked in my body during moments of misconstructed identity, si- lences between belonging and betrayal, if only I did not love dancing in the tensions between boring and exotic. I am saying much now, but I said little then, while so much was said by me in me for me. So all I have for you here are maddening silences.