Political Participation

Who speaks here? Formality and the politics of gender in Mendi , Highland Papua New Guinea

by Rena Lederman

Tocca a noi! Giovani e nuove forme di comunicazione politica

by sara minucci

Protest Behavior in European Societies. The Role of Individual Incentives and the Political Context

by Bengü Hosch-Dayican

Paper presented at the 7th Dutch-Belgian Political Science Conference (Politicologenetmaal), Berg en Dal, 29-30 May 2008
Co-authored with Hanna Bäck

Empirical research has provided different explanations for political protest. Yet, from a cost-benefit perspective the... more Empirical research has provided different explanations for political protest. Yet, from a cost-benefit perspective the motivation for protest behavior still remains unclear. Why do people engage in protest activities, even though participation is costly and collective outcomes are available to everybody? This paper aims to provide an explanation for this paradox by analyzing which individual-level incentives foster protest participation, and by considering the specific political context in which protest activities take place. We rely mainly upon the European Social Survey (ESS) data from 2002–2003, which covers a large number of countries, and includes important items for measuring political protest. The findings suggest that both individual-level incentives and contextual features are crucial to take into account when explaining protest activity. More specifically, we find that collective and selective incentives motivate protest in most European countries, and that protest levels are higher in systems with proportional representation, in less fractionalized systems and in more polarized systems. Looking at interactions between contextual and individual-level factors, we find that people are less likely to be driven to protest by collective incentives in countries where left parties are in the cabinet.

Desafección cívica, polarización ideológica y calidad de la democracia: una introducción al Anuario Político de América Latina

by David Altman

[2007] Revista de Ciencia Política 27 (EE): 3-29. (With Juan Pablo Luna).

El año 2006 América Latina estuvo dominada por una inusual actividad electoral a lo largo y ancho del continente. A... more El año 2006 América Latina estuvo dominada por una inusual actividad electoral a lo largo y ancho del continente. A nivel de relaciones internacionales, este año se caracterizó por mostrar un nivel infrecuente de conflictividad entre los países, llegando inclusive a manifestarse en roces diplomáticos serios. Al interior de cada país, también resultaron evidentes problemas transversales: déficits persistentes de desarrollo humano
a contramano de la expansión económica, la exclusión casi sistemática de importantes grupos sociales del juego político, la persistencia de discriminación social y política por razones de género y/o étnicas, y la presencia de un creciente nivel de desafección política. En algunos países, además, han existido roces entre los ejecutivos y los legislativos y, en un sentido más amplio, se han observado múltiples deficiencias a nivel de “gobernabilidad democrática”. Si bien la democracia ha logrado instalarse en la gran mayoría del continente y las elecciones son el principal vehículo de selección de gobiernos, hoy resultan evidentes problemas a los que en un momento de transición, y por razones entendibles, la disciplina no otorgó suficiente
importancia. La realidad política de la región se ha vuelto tan dinámica y “fluida” y los nuevos desafíos de nuestras democracias son actualmente tan variados y significativos, que una crónica comparativa anual sobre los procesos políticos vividos por cada país constituye, a nuestro entender, una herramienta de investigación tan fundamental como necesaria. Este trabajo ofrece una introducción a este anuario.

Des black blocks aux alter-activistes: pôles et formes d'engagement des jeunes altermondialistes»

by Geoffrey Pleyers

Pleyers G., “Des black blocks aux alteractivistes : Pôles et formes d’engagement des jeunes altermondialistes”, Lien Social et Politiques, 2004, n°51, pp. 123-134.

Voir aussi le chapitre 3 de
"Alter-Globalization. Becoming actors in the global age", Cambridge, Polity, dec. 2010.
http://uclouvain.academia.edu/GeoffreyPleyers/Books/347185/Alter-globalization._Becoming_Actors_in_the_global_age

Massivement impliqués dans les mobilisations altermondialistes, les jeunes n’ont pas pour autant renoncé à leur... more Massivement impliqués dans les mobilisations altermondialistes, les jeunes n’ont pas pour autant renoncé à leur profond désenchantement à l’égard des structures et acteurs traditionnels de la vie sociale et politique, ni à leur individuation. C’est au contraire sur ces bases et en s’appuyant sur leur adaptation à la société informationnelle qu’ils créent progressivement de nouvelles cultures de l’engagement et des visions différentes du politique.
A partir d’une recherche réalisée en Europe et en Amérique Latine, cet article tentera dans un premier temps de dégager différents pôles parmi ces jeunes altermondialistes. Il se penchera ensuite sur les formes d’engagement privilégiées avant d’analyser leurs conceptions du politique.

The persistence of gender differences in political interest

by Raul Tormos

Co-authored with Tània Verge Mestre

Work, authority and participation: the scenario of circular organizing

by Georges Romme

Published in: Journal of Organizational Change Management, 1997

Explores a scenario for how work can be organized in a circular manner. Outlines two tendencies in work relations: a... more Explores a scenario for how work can be organized in a circular manner. Outlines two tendencies in work relations: a return to authoritarian governance of the workplace, and at the same time, the inevitable and necessary shift towards more participation. Subsequently, explores the possibility of a synthesis of traditional and participative work relationships by organizing work in a circular manner. Circularity implies that, although authority may continue to play an important role in the workplace, an ultimate authority is absent, and each member can participate directly or through representation in decision processes which are organized in circles.

Examining the 'demand' side of the market for political activism. Party and civil society grassroots activists in Spain

by Laura Morales

L. Ramiro & L. Morales

This article examines the ‘demand’ side of the market for political activism and analyses the extent to which... more This article examines the ‘demand’ side of the market for political activism and analyses the extent to which grassroots activists of political parties and politically oriented civil society organizations (CSOs) resemble or differ. With data from several surveys of CSO and Green party activists in Spain we evaluate how much the pool of members from all these organizations are part of what can be identified as a single market of activists. After describing the socio-economic, political socialization and recruitment backgrounds, as well as the internal and external engagement of activists, we conclude that – while sharing some common features – activists of CSOs and Green parties are less alike than frequently assumed and that the analogy of a single market of political activism may be more misleading than helpful in our understanding of the challenges that parties face to counteract declining membership trends.

Being Early on the Curve: Online Practices and Expressive Political Participation

by Hernando Rojas

Social Capital, Age and Participation

by J. Scott Matthews

Co-authored with Richard Johnston
Presented at the AGM of the Canadian Political Science Association, 2004

Turnout and Competitiveness in Space and Time

by J. Scott Matthews

Co-authored with Richard Johnston and Amanda Bittner
Presented at the AGM of the Midwest Political Science Association, 2007

Participación Ciudadana y Espacio Popular Urbano en Medellín: entre ciudadanía insurgente y programas de planeación participativa y urbanismo social - Comuna 1 y Comuna 13. Una reflexión comparativa

by Omar Uran

Publicado en: e-Metropolis. Revista eletrônica de estudos urbanos e regionais.
http://www.emetropolis.net/download/edicoes/emetropolis_n08.pdf

English

Recent changes in public management and urban planning in Medellin (Colombia) are presented most of... more English

Recent changes in public management and urban planning in Medellin (Colombia) are presented most of the time as an undifferentiated whole, where the municipal government has taken the initiative and the local population goes behind him. The fact is that, despite the general dynamic of the city, each Comuna (political-administrative division of the city) has its own logic and way of engage the actions and municipal policies. This is the Comuna 1 case, where we can see, through municipal programs as the Participative Planning and Budgeting and Integrated Urban Projects (PUI), the expression of a kind of insurgent citizenship, who, by means of a dialectic of cooperation and conflict with the municipal government, has been able to build a Local Development Plan, which propose guidelines of urbanism and popular housing for the commune inhabitants. Slightly different is the Comuna 13 case, a complex scenario where despite of the social urbanism and having the biggest social investments in the municipality in the last 8 years, the levels of violence are been reluctant to fall, hiding in the background illegal and politicking practices fighting against the local state and grassroots organization for the territorial control. It shows how an urban project, social or participative, if does not politically recognize the local population, their differences and their spaces, will only be one more physical piece that does not develop the institutionality and democratic local culture.

Portugués:

Mudanças recentes na administração pública e planejamento urbano em Medellín (Colômbia) são frequentemente apresentadas como um todo indiferenciado, onde o governo municipal toma a iniciativa e a população local acompanha tudo passivamente. A questão fundamental é que, apesar da dinâmica geral da cidade de Medellín, cada comuna (divisão político-administrativa da cidade) tem sua própria lógica e seu modo de articular as ações e políticas municipais. Este é, por exemplo, o caso da Comuna 1, no qual podemos ver através dos espaços abertos por programas municipais, como o de Planejamento e Orçamento Participativo e o de Projetos Urbanos Integrais – PUI, a expressão de um tipo de cidadania insurgente que, a partir de uma dialética de cooperação e de conflito com o Governo Municipal, tem sido capaz de propor um Plano de Desenvolvimento Local que inclui linhas de desenvolvimento urbano e habitação para os moradores do município. Caso ligeiramente diferente é o da Comuna 13, onde apesar do urbanismo social e de registrar os maiores investimentos da Prefeitura de Medellín nos últimos oito anos, os níveis de violência parecem relutantes em baixar, escondendo no fundo práticas ilegais e vícios políticos que atuam contra as organizações comunitárias e o próprio Estado nas disputas pelo controle territorial. Assim, este artigo trata de destacar que um projeto urbano, mesmo que seja social e/ou participativo, precisa reconhecer politicamente a população local, suas diferenças e seus espaços, do contrário será apenas mais uma obra vazia que não chega a desenvolver a institucionalidade e menos, ainda, a cultura democrática local.

Young people and political participation: An analysis of European Union policies

by Rachel Brooks

Full reference: Brooks, R. (2008) Young people and political participation: An analysis of European Union policies, Sociological Research Online 14 (1)

“Political participation as a base for legitimacy of democracy in European integrating political space

by Josef Fišer

“Political participation as a base for legitimacy of democracy in European integrating political space” deals with... more “Political participation as a base for legitimacy of democracy in European integrating political space” deals with declining political participation of citizens in European countries, particulary member states of EU against the analytical framework of theories of democracy, legitimacy and theories of european integration. Disengagement and low activity of public sphere in the electoral forms of political participation express scepticism and distrust of policy and its representatives at the national and especially at the European level and open free space for both the conventional and unconventional, non-electoral forms of political participation. This thesis discusses the concept of civil society as a mediating device of convergency of divergent elements: policy of EU anf its representatives and public sphere. In context of low public participation in political process, the thesis finally opens discussion about letitimacy of democracy in the European political space.

Marketing and Efficacy: Does Political Marketing Empower Canadians?

by Royce Koop

In 'Political Marketing in Canada', eds. Alex Marland, Thierry Giasson and Jennifer Lees-Marshment, UBC Press 2012.

Repressing Protest: Threat and Weakness in the European Context, 1975-1989

by Phillip M. Ayoub

Research on state repression of protest focuses on two key factors: threat and weakness.  States repress protest... more Research on state repression of protest focuses on two key factors: threat and weakness.  States repress protest events when they threaten state authorities and social norms (threat), when they lack organizational strength and political voice (weakness), or when they do both.  I test these competing explanations in the context of Western European protests from 1975 to 1989. This analysis goes beyond previous research by exploring the effect of threat and weakness in multiple domestic contexts. The findings suggest that threat is the most powerful explanation of repression, whereas weakness only occasionally predicts repression and depends on country-specific contexts.  The importance of the findings lie in their ability to emphasize (1) the universality of situational threat to police “on-the-ground,” over theories that view a calculating state “up-above” and (2) the seemingly unified perception—in advanced democracies—of protest as an increasingly legitimate form of political participation that does not beget repression.

ETHNOMUSICKING: A VALUED MUSIC OCCUPATION OR AUDACIOUS ANTICS IN THE PURGA MUSIC MUSEUM

by Sandra Kirkwood

This paper appears was delivered at the Cultural Diversity in Music Education Conference held at the Sydney Conservatorium of Music on 11 January, 2010. It appears in the Conference Proceedings -- peer reviewed and accepted for publication 31 October, 2009.

Music history research of Indigenous and Scottish groups in Ipswich, Australia, reveals that people have had varying... more Music history research of Indigenous and Scottish groups in Ipswich, Australia, reveals that people have had varying levels of access and engagement in music making that is related to their music heritage and culture. There is no suitable terminology to describe this active cultural engagement, so I propose the term ‘ethnomusicking.’ In this paper I will outline my concept of ethnomusicking and discuss examples from participatory action research. The aim is to critically analyse the social significance of ethnomusicking and the role of the music museum curator in facilitating community-based education – particularly the design of programs for reconciliation and healing.

O problema da participação política no modelo deliberativo de democracia / The question of the political participation within the deliberativa model of democracy

by Francisco Paulo Jamil Marques

Reference: MARQUES, F. P. J. A. O problema da participação política no modelo deliberativo de democracia. In: Revista de Sociologia e Política (UFPR. Impresso), v.20, n. 41, pp. 21-35. 2012

Title in English: The question of the political participation within the deliberativa model of democracy. Text in... more Title in English: The question of the political participation within the deliberativa model of democracy. Text in Portuguese. Abstract in English: This paper discusses the premises of the deliberative model of democracy as they address the issue of political participation. We attempt to clarify what political participation means for those who use this model, while at the same time looking at some of the major critiques that have been directed toward it. Through a review of an important part of the literature, and without losing sight of earlier systematizations of democratic theory, three fundamental conditions for engendering participation according to this discursive model are pointed to: political institutions should create and offer citizens opportunities to participate in public input; improvement in people's socio-economic condition must be made; attention should be given to particular principles that have consistent regulatory influence on the interactions and arguments in question. This is followed by attention to the criticisms raised and flaws detected by deliberationism's detractors. At the end of the text, a summary of the strengths and weaknesses of the model is presented, along with a discussion of the problem of participation in contemporary democracies.

Keywords: Participation; Deliberation; Democracy; Representation.

Subject political culture in post-communist societies: a comparative study of post-Yugoslav students [Podložniška politična kultura v postkomunističnih družbah: primerjalna študija postjugoslovanskih študentov]

by Andrej Kirbis

Co-authored with Sergej Flere, Published in Družboslovne razprave, 27 (66), 45-66

The present study examined several measures of political culture among 2,178 social science students (M age = 19.8... more The present study examined several measures of political culture among 2,178 social science students (M age = 19.8 years, SD = 1.89) in eight post-Yugoslav entities. The aggregate level results indicated that socio-economically less developed environments had higher average levels of subject political culture, which is characterized by authoritarianism, general traditionalism, traditional gender roles attitudes, state paternalism and general distrust. The only exception from this tendency was the measure of economic egalitarianism, where between-country differences were not significant. Authors demonstrate that nearly two decades after the dissolution of Yugoslavia some of the same value differences are still found in its successor territories. They conclude that the process of democratic consolidation is far from over in post-Yugoslav entities and that Slovenia comes closest to achieving that goal in political-cultural context.

Citizen participation: A comparative analysis of post-Yugoslav entities [Državljanska participacija: primerjalna analiza postjugoslovanskih entitet]

by Andrej Kirbis

Co-authored with Sergej Flere, published in Teorija in praksa, 48 (2), 350-375.

The present study examined the dimensions and levels of citizen participation in eight post-communist entities of the... more The present study examined the dimensions and levels of citizen participation in eight post-communist entities of the former Yugoslavia, using a sample of 2,178 young adults (M age = 19.8 years, SD = 1.89). Principal component analysis yielded three distinct dimensions of citizen participation: electoral and non-electoral political participation and civic-social participation. All three participation dimensions were found to be positively associated at the individual level. In addition, the results demonstrated significant between-country differences with higher levels of non-electoral and civic participation in countries that were socioeconomically and politically (GNP per capita, Human Development Index, Freedom House scores) less developed (Kosovo, Federation BiH, and FYR Macedonia). Electoral participation levels and socioeconomic development were positively related, though not significantly. Authors found that differences in participation were similar to those observed in comparative studies carried out prior to the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Modernization theory did not prove to be valid for explanation of aggregate level participation differences. Authors point to several possible contextual determinants within post-Yugoslav societies, which ought to be taken account in future comparative participation analyses.