La légitimité du premier usurpateur : violence, pouvoir, droit.
A paraitre in J.-F. Kérvegan - L. Jaffro, La violence et la norme, 2012
Legittimità
Effettività
Legalità
Legittimità
Effettività
Legalità
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Seen by:O problema da participação política no modelo deliberativo de democracia / The question of the political participation within the deliberativa model of democracy
by Francisco Paulo Jamil Marques
Reference: MARQUES, F. P. J. A. O problema da participação política no modelo deliberativo de democracia. In: Revista de Sociologia e Política (UFPR. Impresso), v.20, n. 41, pp. 21-35. 2012
Title in English: The question of the political participation within the deliberativa model of democracy. Text in... more
Title in English: The question of the political participation within the deliberativa model of democracy. Text in Portuguese. Abstract in English: This paper discusses the premises of the deliberative model of democracy as they address the issue of political participation. We attempt to clarify what political participation means for those who use this model, while at the same time looking at some of the major critiques that have been directed toward it. Through a review of an important part of the literature, and without losing sight of earlier systematizations of democratic theory, three fundamental conditions for engendering participation according to this discursive model are pointed to: political institutions should create and offer citizens opportunities to participate in public input; improvement in people's socio-economic condition must be made; attention should be given to particular principles that have consistent regulatory influence on the interactions and arguments in question. This is followed by attention to the criticisms raised and flaws detected by deliberationism's detractors. At the end of the text, a summary of the strengths and weaknesses of the model is presented, along with a discussion of the problem of participation in contemporary democracies.
Keywords: Participation; Deliberation; Democracy; Representation.
38 views
Seen by:On the value of political legitimacy
Published in Politics, Philosophy, Economics, Nov 2011, Vol 10, No 4.
Theories of political legitimacy normally stipulate certain conditions of legitimacy: the features a state must... more Theories of political legitimacy normally stipulate certain conditions of legitimacy: the features a state must possess in order to be legitimate. Yet there is obviously a second question as to the value of legitimacy: the normative features a state has by virtue of it being legitimate (such as it being owed obedience, having a right to use coercion, or enjoying a general justification in the use of force). I argue that it is difficult to demonstrate that affording these to legitimate states is morally desirable, and that obvious alternative conceptions of the value of legitimacy (notably epistemic and instrumental) are not without problems of their own. The intuitive triviality of establishing the value of normative legitimacy may mask a serious problem.
‘Victors’ Justice’? Historic Injustice and the Legitimacy of International Law
by Daniel Butt
in Lukas H. Meyer (ed) Legitimacy, Justice and Public International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009)
The Legitimacy of multilateral climate governance: a deliberative democratic approach
Co-authored with John S. Dryzek.
Working Paper, Centre for Deliberative Democracy and Global Governance
For almost three decades, the international community has
grappled with the challenge of avoiding dangerous... more
For almost three decades, the international community has
grappled with the challenge of avoiding dangerous global climate
change. The failure to produce a new comprehensive treaty in
Copenhagen, in 2009, provoked debate about appropriate decisionmaking processes. Multilateralism has lost favor and credibility, while ‘minilateralism’ appears to be an idea whose time has come. Reconciling this approach with growing demands for legitimacy in global governance will be difficult but essential. Existing proposals for reforming multilateral negotiations promise greater effectiveness, but fall short on legitimacy. We propose that the dilemma of securing
both effectiveness and legitimacy can be resolved in a deliberative democratic model that combines minilateralism with discursive representation. Legitimacy is therein sought in the resonance of collective decisions with public opinion, defined in terms of the provisional engagement and contestation of discourses.
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Seen by: and 7 moreAbsence Makes the State Grow Stronger: Preliminary Thoughts on Revolutionary Space, Spectacle, and State Legitimacy
in Cuban Intersections of Literary and Urban Spaces. (2011) Carlos Riobó, ed. Albany: State University of New York Press. Pp. 49-64.
The attached version is a preliminary draft, NOT the final version.
My focus in this paper is on the Plaza de la Revolución in Havana.This plaza has historically played a central role in... more My focus in this paper is on the Plaza de la Revolución in Havana.This plaza has historically played a central role in legitimizing the Revolutionary state and continues to be the site of mass spectacle. By controlling this space, dictating who can and cannot move through this space and sanctioning the kinds of social activities that take place within this plaza, the state makes itself present by making the vicissitudes of everyday life absent. The irony is that while Cuban tourism, run by and promoted by the state, uses the eroticized spectacle of the Cuban populace as a major attraction, these sites are devoid of everyday Cuban persons. This raises questions about the sanctity of spectacular spaces, strength of state ideologies, and the commoditization of all things Cuban when the predominant users of these spaces and their icons throughout the year are foreign tourists.How these consciously produced images of Cuba and its Revolution are conjured and consumed with their openness for (re)interpretation becomes a concern if the state is to maintain any semblance of consistency and, by extension, legitimacy.
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Seen by:Reconstruire l’Etat sans la politique : L’apparente dépolitisation des recommandations de l’OCDE en matière de state-building dans les Etats « fragiles »
Paper presented in the panel "Les Etats fragiles et en reconstruction" at the Quatrième Congrès international du réseau francophone des Associations de Science politique, Brussels, April 2011.
Cette communication a pour objectif d’interroger le(s) discours de l’OCDE en matière de state-building dans les Etats... more Cette communication a pour objectif d’interroger le(s) discours de l’OCDE en matière de state-building dans les Etats dits ‘fragiles’. L’OCDE est en effet un acteur normatif majeur dans le domaine du fait de son importante production de rapports et recommandations. Grâce à une étude détaillée ces publications, cette communication souhaite démontrer comment l’OCDE développe un discours en apparence dépolitisé – car faisant appel à des éléments rhétorique et théorique ‘neutres’ et neutralisés – qui se révèle cependant largement normatif. Ce double discours peut se déconstruire autour de trois axes : celui des raisons d’une intervention de state-building, celui de la conception de la légitimité de l’Etat, et enfin celui de l’appropriation des politiques de state-building par les acteurs locaux. Dans ces trois domaines, l’ambivalence de la position de l’OCDE se traduit à la fois par une profonde incohérence de ses recommandations et par l’expression presque invisible d’un ethnocentrisme latent.
Thailand four years after the coup: The struggle against the dissenters
Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia 10(2) (2011): 47-56.
After the 2006 coup d'état, there were many unusual incidents in Thailand, some of which involved considerable... more After the 2006 coup d'état, there were many unusual incidents in Thailand, some of which involved considerable bloodshed, which originated from clashes between those in power and dissenters. This article examines how political institutions in Thailand are structured, and the author argues that, in order to effectively assess the state of Thai politics after the coup, an analysis of the structures of political legitimacy in the country is essential. The author will be exploring the way in which political legitimacy is generally determined by the established power holders, especially the monarchy and its allies. The ideologies and beliefs of recent dissenters will also be examined in detail.
The Legitimacy of the Global Environment Facility
Chapter in Global Environmental Policies; Institutions and Procedures
Ed. by Ho-Won Jeong, Palgrave Macmillan, November 2001
American Foreign Policy Legitimacy and the Global Public Sphere
Coauthered with Nayef H. Samhat, Peace review, 18(2),2006, 251 - 259.
Beyond Legitimacy. Can Proceduralism Say Anything Relevant About Justice?
Critical Review of International, Social and Political Philosophy, 15(2), 2012: 183-200
This paper challenges the claim that proceduralism can say something relevant about the legitimacy, but not the... more This paper challenges the claim that proceduralism can say something relevant about the legitimacy, but not the justice of a polity. It is often argued that whilst legitimacy has to do with the mechanisms through which political coercive decisions are made (who exercises authority and how it is exercised), justice is more a substantial matter concerning the terms of social cooperation, against which the qualities of the decisions made by those who are entitled to make them are to be evaluated. Accordingly, the argument goes, an approach focusing on the qualities of procedures seems to be more appropriate for legitimacy than for justice. I contend that this characterization is inaccurate for it mixes three different issues which require, instead, separate theorizing: (i) who is entitled to make politically binding decisions? (ii) How should political decision making processes be structured? And (iii) how should political decisions be evaluated? I argue that considerations of legitimacy apply to level (i), whereas considerations of justice apply to levels (ii) and (iii). Although the appropriateness of a procedural approach to the justice-related question in (iii) is debatable, proceduralism seems well-equipped to provide a sound answer to the, equally justice-related, question in (ii). It does so by focusing on the way in which persons should be treated by the procedures through which they interact, once all issues of entitlement are set (i) and independently of the outcomes of the interaction (iii).
Heliga måltider: banketter i kejsarpalatset i Konstantinopel [Holy Meals: Banquets in the Imperial Palace at Constantinople]
Bysantinska sällskapet bulletin 19 (2001), pp. 14-18
Visualising Hierarchy at Imperial Banquets
in W. Mayer and S. Trzcionka (eds.), Feast, Fast or Famine: Food and Drink in Byzantium [Byzantina Australiensia 15] (Brisbane 2005), pp. 11-24
This article discusses the importance of precedence at Roman and Middle Byzantine imperial banquets. The reader will... more This article discusses the importance of precedence at Roman and Middle Byzantine imperial banquets. The reader will first be given an outline of the general importance of hierarchy in Roman society, followed by section dealing with haute cuisine and etiquette. This is followed by a discussion of the more specific importance of precedence at banquets, and how a banquet hierarchy developed. Finally, it will examine the physical expressions of hierarchy at imperial banquets with special reference to the main banquet hall in the Great Palace in Constantinople, the Triclinium of the Nineteen Couches.
Participação Política, Legitimidade e Eficácia Democrática / Political participation, legitimacy and democratic effectiveness
by Francisco Paulo Jamil Marques
Title in English:Political participation, legitimacy and democratic effectiveness. Text in Portuguese. Abstract in... more Title in English:Political participation, legitimacy and democratic effectiveness. Text in Portuguese. Abstract in English available: This paper is a reflection on the importance of offering institutional opportunities for political participation for the citizens, in order to consolidate the democratic system of government. It is argued that participation is essential to achieve two goals: 1) Confer more legitimacy to the regime and the decisions elaborated in its scope. An argument is made about how the lack of participation opportunities eventually make citizens apathetic and dissatisfied with democracy. The need to promote for more frequent and stronger intervention mechanisms to the civil sphere is considered. 2) More effectively implement public policies. Participation has an instrumental facet, by providing a better quality in the formulation, implementation and effectiveness of policy decisions and government programs. So, in this text, the adoption of new participatory institutional devices through the demonstration of its advantages is defended.
From liberal to popular peace?
Liberal peacebuilding fails because it is not liberal. Time to develop a new, more inclusive approach, argues David Roberts.

