Political History

Cinzia Bearzot, "« Partis politiques », cités, états fédéraux: Le témoignage de l’historien d’Oxyrhynchos"

by Mouseion (Journal)

Published in Mouseion 9.3 (2009), pp. 239-256. Actually published in 2012.

The existence of political “parties” in ancient Greece has been widely discussed by scholars. Since he employs highly... more The existence of political “parties” in ancient Greece has been widely discussed by scholars. Since he employs highly refined terminology and provides much information on the internal politics of Greek cities, the author of the Hellenica Oxyrhynchia offers a particularly interesting insight into this problem. Information is particularly ample on Boeotia, and thus within the peculiar context of a federal state distinct factions can be identified : they are characterized by continuity in political programs and leadership and by a certain numerical consistency, as well as by different constitutional ideologies and federal policies, and by different positions in international matters. Because of these features, these factions can be con-sidered “parties” despite the scepticism of many scholars.

Το ‘δημοτικόν ζήτημα’ και η πολιτική στη Θεσσαλονίκη του μεσοπολέμου (1919-1933) [The ‘Municipal Affair’ of Thessaloniki and Interwar Greek politics (1919-1933)]

by Elpida Vogli

δημοσιεύτηκε στο Θεσμοί και τοπική αυτοδιοίκηση στη Θεσσαλονίκη, διαχρονικά, (Πρακτικά του διεθνούς επιστημονικού συνεδρίου, Θεσσαλονίκη 24-25 Νοεμβρίου 2005), Θεσσαλονίκη: Δήμος Θεσσαλονίκης-Κέντρο Ιστορίας Θεσσαλονίκης, 2006, σσ. 48-52. [published in M. Girtzi, D. Drakoulis, A. Bountidou (eds.), Institutions and Local Government in Thessaloniki – diachronically, (Proceedings of International Conference, Thessaloniki, 24-25 November 2005), Thessaloniki: Thessaloniki History Center, Municipality of Thessaloniki 2006, pp. 48-52. (in Greek)]

Το ζήτημα που εξετάζεται στο άρθρο αυτό έχει δύο όψεις: η πρώτη παρουσιάζει την πόλη της Θεσσαλονίκης ως πεδίο... more Το ζήτημα που εξετάζεται στο άρθρο αυτό έχει δύο όψεις: η πρώτη παρουσιάζει την πόλη της Θεσσαλονίκης ως πεδίο πολιτικής δράσης αλλά και ως πεδίο ανταγωνισμού των δύο μεγάλων παρατάξεων της δεκαετίας του 1920. Η δεύτερη επικεντρώνεται στην τοπική ιστορία της πόλης μετά το τέλος του Πρώτου Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου και κυρίως στα δυόμισυ περίπου έτη της θητείας του τρίτου αιρετού δημάρχου Θεσσαλονίκης, του Χαρίσιου Βαμβακά. Οι δύο όψεις της συζήτησης στο άρθρο αυτό συνθέτουν μια ευρύτερη εικόνα της ελληνικής πολιτικής ιστορίας του μεσοπολέμου που επιτρέπει τη διερεύνηση και εν μέρει την απάντηση μερικών από τα βασικότερα ερωτήματα που προκύπτουν κατά την μελέτη των γνωστών και δίχως αμφιβολία σημαντικών ―με επιστημονικά κριτήρια― προσεγγίσεων της ιστορίας της περιόδου: 1) ερωτήματα που αφορούν στην ειδική σημασία και το ρόλο της περιφέρειας κατά τη χάραξη μιας αθηνοκεντρικής κατεξοχήν πολιτικής την περίοδο του μεσοπολέμου, 2) ερωτήματα που αφορούν γενικότερα στις περίπλοκες σχέσεις ελέγχου και επιρροής που ασκεί η πρωτεύουσα στην ευρύτερη ελληνική επαρχία και συγκεκριμένα στην προκειμένη περίπτωση στη μεγαλύτερη πόλη των νεοπροσαρτηθέντων χωρών, και 3) ερωτήματα, τέλος, που συνδέονται με τους μακροπρόθεσμους στόχους του εντυπωσιακού για τα δεδομένα της εποχής προγράμματος αστικού εκσυγχρονισμού που υιοθέτησε και εφάρμοσε με συνέπεια κατά το μεγαλύτερο μέρος της πολιτικής σταδιοδρομίας του ο Ελευθέριος Βενιζέλος.

Misyurov D.A. Dialectical formulas based on the binary notation as the development formulas // Credo New. 2012. №2

by Dmitry Misyurov

The article suggests dialectical formulas based on the binary notation as the development formulas: formula with... more The article suggests dialectical formulas based on the binary notation as the development formulas: formula with dominant and the non-dominant elements; universal formula; formula with symbolic weight of elements; tautological formula. For example, it suggests an opportunity to use the dialectical formulas for modeling and artificial intelligence creation, etc.

Independencia, lenguaje y cultura política en el Perú. Reseña de La independencia y la cultura política peruana (1808-1821) de Víctor Peralta R. (Lima, 2010)

by Alex Loayza Pérez

A Contracorriente. Vol. 9, No. 3, Spring 2012, 469-475.

Magic for a People Trained in Pragmatism: Kenneth Burke, Mein Kampf, and the Early 9/11 Oratory of George W. Bush

by Jason C. Thompson

‘Right to Buy’: The Origins and Development of a Conservative Housing Policy, 1945 – 1980.

by Aled Davies

Draft Working Paper.

The ‘Right to Buy’ scheme was a central policy plank of the radical and reforming Conservative government under... more The ‘Right to Buy’ scheme was a central policy plank of the radical and reforming Conservative government under Margaret Thatcher. This article traces the origins and development of the policy through the post-war Conservative Party, demonstrating the way in which a statutory right of purchase for tenants originated immediately after the war, yet was resisted by Party elites until the late 1960s; at which point it became more feasible in the wake of political conflict at the local and national level. The introduction of the scheme was the culmination of economic and social change transmitted through the existing ideas of the post-war Conservative Party, lending support to the notion of a post-war consensus in British politics; whilst also supporting the challenge to the intellectual novelty of the ‘Thatcherism’.

The Politics of Disinterest: The Whigs and the Liberal party in the West Riding of Yorkshire, 1830-1850

by David Gent

Forthcoming in Northern History (2012)

This article explores the nature and limits of provincial political support for the Whigs during the 1830s and 40s by... more This article explores the nature and limits of provincial political support for the Whigs during the 1830s and 40s by investigating the relationship between Whigs and liberals in the West Riding. In the wake of the 1832 Reform Act, the region’s reformers came to see the Whigs (both locally and as a national governing force) as part of a broader ‘liberal party’, defined by its commitment to a reforming, disinterested style of government. Buttressed by conflict with the Conservatives, this party identity helped to sustain the alliance between Whigs and liberals until the late 1830s. Thereafter, however, frustrations with the apparent timidity of Whig government led liberals to drift away from party politics and direct their energy into extra-parliamentary movements, most notably the Anti-Corn Law League. Moreover, there were significant differences within the liberal ranks over the proper role of the state in religious life, tensions which worsened as a result of the social reform policies of Lord John Russell’s administration. In charting these developments, this study challenges the classic but now dated articles on West Riding politics by F. M. L Thompson and Derek Fraser.

Review of "Jean Boutier, Sandro Landi et Olivier Rouchon (ed.) La politique par correspondance. Les usages politiques de la lettre en Italie, XIVe-XVIIIe siècle Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2009, 320 p.", in: Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 66, 3, juillet-septembre 2011, p. 901-902.

by Johann Petitjean

Federalismo. Perú

by Alex Loayza Pérez

Coautor con Cristóbal Aljovín de Losada. En: Javier Fernández Sebastián (Dir). Diccionario político y social del mundo Iberoamericano. La era de las revoluciones, 1750-1850. Vol. 1. Madrid: Fundación Carolina/ Sociedad Estatal de Conmemoraciones Culturales/ Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, 2009.

Thomas Kühne, “Professionalization or 'Amateurization', Homogenization or Segmentation? The Parliamentary Elite in Germany 1815-1918’, in Les familles politiques en Europe occidentale au XIXe siècle (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 1997): 391-408.

by Thomas Kühne

Judicial Supremacy and the Politics of Executive Judicial Relations

by David Miles

Honours Dissertation for my MA at the University of St Andrews, Scotland, 2010

Analysis of the emergence of judicial supremacy within American politics, as shown in the work of Whittington, reveals... more Analysis of the emergence of judicial supremacy within American politics, as shown in the work of Whittington, reveals the important role played by political actors and particularly the presidency in the formation of the Supreme Court’s power. This dissertation builds on Whittington’s work regarding judicial supremacy but differs in the extent to which it emphasises the salient role of judicial agency in the formation of the Court’s authority. Judicial agency sees the Court as a political actor making calculations in the context of the prevailing circumstances and adopting strategies to maximise its authority. The relationship between the Supreme Court and the presidency defies easy categorisation, yet the political benefits to presidents of the Court’s ability to render favourable rulings on preferred policies appear to outweigh the undeniable disadvantages which have accrued to presidents from their recognition of judicial authority.

James Eastland: The Shadow of Southern Democrats, 1928-1966

by Maarten Zwiers

PhD dissertation, University of Groningen, the Netherlands
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During the civil rights era in the United States, the South was often considered a country of intransigent racism,... more During the civil rights era in the United States, the South was often considered a country of intransigent racism, gothic politics and hooded terrorism. Mississippi in particular was singled out as “the South’s South,” a state where a totalitarian system of white supremacy reigned supreme. Its political establishment, represented by James O. Eastland in the U.S. Senate, accentuated the state’s devotion to segregation in its rhetoric and actions.

Undoubtedly, this image of the Magnolia State and of its political representatives was not solely based on myth. White on black violence reached unimaginable proportions in Mississippi during the 1960s. The state’s leadership did very little to stop this aggression and oftentimes even encouraged it. And white Mississippians offered stiff resistance to the attempts of the federal government to implement civil rights legislation.

This image, however, tells only part of the story about the reality of Mississippi politics. When the theory of interposition and the organizing principle of white massive resistance proved to be impracticable, southern politicians and their constituents had to find methods to accommodate to new social relations without losing too much of the old ways.

My research focuses on this particular subject, and how it developed on the federal and state level. Through the study of the career of James Eastland, I will investigate how this politician responded to the failure of massive resistance, how he adjusted his segregationist views to new realities, and how he used his position of power to defend the white southern way of life.

Eastland operated within the framework of the Democratic Party, which started to lose its status as the party of the South when it embraced a liberal ideology of racial equality. His close relationship with politicians such as John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson complicated his image as defender of the Old South even further. Yet he understood that his political influence in Washington was largely based on his connections with the administration and on his membership of the Democratic Party. As such, the story of James Eastland is a story of conflict and compromise with the federal government, the Democrats, and the agenda of the civil rights movement.

The Progressive Professionals: The National Council for Civil Liberties and the Politics of Activism in the 1960s

by Chris Moores

This article examines the work of the National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL) in the 1960s. It examines how the... more This article examines the work of the National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL) in the 1960s. It examines how the activists and policies of the NCCL are accommodated within existing frameworks of political and social activism. Within this period the Council amalgamated traditional civil liberties concerns alongside a new human rights agenda seen as characteristic of emerging new social movements. This politics was pursued in a more formal manner than that envisioned by social movement theorists and was conducted by activists more representative of a narrative stressing the rise of the professional society than that of the middle class radical. The NCCL was representative of the activism of ‘progressive professionals’ occupying a space somewhere between the pressure group and the social movement. These expert activists can be found in a range of organizations in which they used the skills, expertise, knowledge and respectability associated with professional socio-economic status to promote and advocate left wing causes.

When the Party Comes Down: The CPGB and Youth Culture, 1976-1991

by Evan Smith

Twentieth Century Communism: A Journal of International History, 4, 2012 (in press)

Factions and parties: problems and perspectives

by Marco Gentile

published in The Italian Renaissance State, ed. by A. Gamberini, I. Lazzarini, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2012, pp. 304-322

Popes through the Looking-glass, or «Ceci n’est pas un Pape», «Reti Medievali Rivista», 13 (2012), 1

by Tommaso di Carpegna Falconieri

This paper introduces Clement III (Wibert of Ravenna) in the context of the general phenomenon of the antipopes, a... more This paper introduces Clement III (Wibert of Ravenna) in the context of the general phenomenon of the antipopes, a vast and fundamentally medieval subject. The theme can be approached in two substantially different ways: from the well-established, official position, which condemns the antipopes as schismatics and subverters of the divine order; or from the perspective of an observer who attempts to examine the phenomenon from the inside. This study opts for the latter vantage point, as do the three papers that it introduces. In them, the antipopes take shape as historical personages who believed in their own legitimacy as popes, who often had large followings, and who received their mark of infamy—that is, the title of antipope—because they were defeated by their opponents.

With the first of the two methods (the official, well-established one), history is interpreted in reverse, giving events after-the-fact justifications. With the second analytical strategy, the interpreter instead views history in the historical present and tries to comprehend how events unfolded within the dynamics of the myriad possibilities, changes, and inversions of course that life presents. In this sense, the essays in this collection look not at «anti-popes» but rather at «other-popes» reflected in the mirrors of their adversaries—adversaries who won their respective struggles and were thus able to transmit their own visions of events as the sole vehicles of truth. In the same spirit, these essays consider not antipopes but rather individuals who, like the pipe in Magritte’s painting, come down to us not in their authentic dimension but rather through the filters of representation.

REVIEW of J. Oliva, Textos para una historia política de Siria-Palestina I. El Bronce Antiguo y Medio (Akal/Oriente, 11; Madrid: Trotta, 2008), in JAOS 130/3 (2010), 453-455.

by Emanuel Pfoh

Leviatano regionale o forma-stato composita? Sugli usi possibili di idee vecchie e nuove

by Marco Gentile

Published in "Società e storia" n. 89 (2000), pp. 561-573

Casato e fazione nella Lombardia del Quattrocento. Il caso di Parma

by Marco Gentile

in A. Bellavitis, I. Chabot (a cura di), Famiglie e poteri in Italia tra Medioevo ed Età moderna, Roma, École Française de Rome (Collection de l'École Française de Rome, 422), pp. 151-187

The presence of highly structured factions is a key-feature of lombard political society throughout the later Middle... more The presence of highly structured factions is a key-feature of lombard political society throughout the later Middle Ages until well into the Cinquecento. This essay explores the nature of factional groups in 15th century Parma, where they operate as a means of political action at informal but also at institutional level. Far from being loose networks kept together by the temporary interests of individuals, factions appear to be built around the political traditions of urban lineages and the long-term patronage ties which connected them to the four major families of the local landed nobility. Parma’s case study provides useful insights into relevant issues: the relations between kinship and factional membership, the political cohesion of the lineage, the influence of structural factors on the political choices of the individual, the interrelations between feud and faction.

Bartolo in pratica: appunti su identità politica e procedura giudiziaria nel ducato di Milano alla fine del Quattrocento

by Marco Gentile

Rivista internazionale di Diritto Comune n. 18 (2007) : 231-251