The Participation of Women in Peace Processes. The Other Tables.
publishe by Institut Català Internacional per la Pau
Barcelona, May 2010
This paper argues that women’s absence in peace processes cannot be explained by their alleged lack of experience in... more
This paper argues that women’s absence in peace processes cannot be explained by their alleged lack of experience in dialogue and negotiation, but by a serious lack of will to include them in such important initiatives of change. Women have wide ranging experience in dialogue processes including many war and post-war contexts, but there has been a deliberate lack of effort to integrate them in formal peace processes.After introducing the research framework, the paper addresses
women’s involvement in peace, and analyzes the role played by women in peace processes, through the cases of Sri Lanka and NorthernIreland. The paper concludes that peace processes are as gendered as wars, and for that reason gender has to be a guiding line for including women in peace processes.
Keywords: peace processes, gender, feminist studies, resolution 1325, women’s
participation.
Addendum - More Seminal Ethics Implications
by Mark Singer
Tandem works include: "Seminal Ethics," "Kant Concept Art," "More Seminal Ethics Implications" - also on this site.
This paper includes the "Possibility Implications" of the Kantian, Machiavellian, and Nietzschean Ethical Standards.
Violence sits in places? Cultural practice, neoliberal rationalism, and virulent imaginative geographies
Springer, S. 2011. Violence sits in places? Cultural practice, neoliberal rationalism, and virulent imaginative geographies. Political Geography. 30 (2), 90-98.
Through imaginative geographies that erase the interconnectedness of the places where violence occurs, the notion that... more Through imaginative geographies that erase the interconnectedness of the places where violence occurs, the notion that violence is 'irrational' marks particular cultures as ‘other’. Neoliberalism exploits such imaginative geographies in constructing itself as the sole providence of nonviolence and the lone bearer of reason. Proceeding as a ‘civilizing’ project, neoliberalism positions the market as salvationary to putatively ‘irrational’ and ‘violent’ peoples. This theology of neoliberalism produces a discourse that binds violence in place. But while violence sits in places in terms of the way in which we perceive its manifestation as a localized and embodied experience, this very idea is challenged when place is reconsidered as a relational assemblage. What this re-theorization does is open up the supposed fixity, separation, and immutability of place to instead recognize it as always co-constituted by, mediated through, and integrated within the wider experiences of space. Such a radical rethinking of place fundamentally transforms the way we understand violence. No longer confined to its material expression as an isolated and localized event, violence can more appropriately be understood as an unfolding process, derived from the broader geographical phenomena and temporal patterns of the social world.
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Seen by: and 348 moreTeori ve Pratikte Güvenliğin Bölgeselleşmesi
Björn Hettne, "Teori ve Pratikte Güvenliğin Bölgeselleşmesi", Uluslararası İlişkiler, Cilt 5, Sayı 18 (Yaz), 2008
Bu bölümün amacı, “güvenlikte bölgeselleşme ya da güvenliğin bölgesel boyutlarının anlamını netleştirmektir.... more Bu bölümün amacı, “güvenlikte bölgeselleşme ya da güvenliğin bölgesel boyutlarının anlamını netleştirmektir. Güvenliğin kendisi, odakta sadece fiziksel güvenliğe yönelik tehdit kalsa bile, giderek karmaşık bir hal almaktadır. Küreselleşme ve evrenselleşmeye rakip bir yaklaşım olarak görülen bölgesel seviyenin önemi giderek artmaktadır. Bir zamanlar “ iç işleri” olarak nitelenen ancak insan haklarının ciddi anlamda ihlaline karşı yapılan müdahaleleri de içeren “karmaşık insani müdahaleler” belki de ulusal egemenlik sonrasındaki en çarpıcı ve tartışmalı yönüdür. Giderek artan sayıdaki müdahalelerin büyük kısmı çok taraflı değil bölgesel niteliktedir. Bu makale durumun neden böyle olduğunu açıklamaya çalışmaktadır.
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Seen by:Latin Amerika’da Barış Üzerine Doğulu, Avrupalı ve Yerli Düşünce
Ursula Oswald Spring, " Latin Amerika’da Barış Üzerine Doğulu, Avrupalı ve Yerli Düşünce ", Uluslararası İlişkiler, Cilt 5, Sayı 18 (Yaz), 2008
Bu makalede Çin, Hindistan, Latin Amerika, Avrupa ve günümüz küreselleşmesiyle ilgili bazı barış düşünceleri ele... more Bu makalede Çin, Hindistan, Latin Amerika, Avrupa ve günümüz küreselleşmesiyle ilgili bazı barış düşünceleri ele alınacaktır. Siyasal olarak, 1930’lardan beri Gandi Hindistan’da şiddet içermeyen, aktif pratikler geliştirdi; bunlar 1960’larda Martin Luther King’in sivil haklar hareketi tarafından devralındı ve Güney Afrika’nın bağımsızlık mücadelesinde daha ada geliştirildi. Şiddet içermeyen eylemler, feministler ve toplumsal hareketler için yeni girdiler yarattı, böylelikle taban hareketleri, kadınlar, yerliler tarafından girişilen dayanışma ekonomisi barışı inşa etmek, cinsler arası eşitlik, sürdürülebilir kalkınma çeşitlikleri içeren ve ademi merkeziyetçi post-modern bir dünyada aşağıdan-yukarı alternatifleri teşvik etti.
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Seen by:More Seminal Ethics Implications
by Mark Singer
Tandem works include: "Seminal Ethics," "Kant Concept Art," "Addendum - More Seminal Ethics Implications" - also on this site.
These implications are: moral, epistemology, love, happiness, time and space, psychological, art, education, medical, economic, war, capital punishment, and abortion.
"Addendum - More Seminal Ethics Implications" includes additional categories.
Muhteşem Ortaklık: Kant ve Clausewitz
Ali L. Karaosmanoğlu, "Muhteşem Ortaklık: Kant ve Clausewitz", Uluslararası İlişkiler, Cilt 4, Sayı 14 (Yaz), 2007
Kant ve Clausewitz, hem Aydınlanma felsefesinden hem de Aydınlanma’ya eleştirel bakan görüşlerden etkilenmiş iki büyük... more Kant ve Clausewitz, hem Aydınlanma felsefesinden hem de Aydınlanma’ya eleştirel bakan görüşlerden etkilenmiş iki büyük düşünür olarak, çağdaş Uluslararası İlişkiler teorisini etkilemeye devam etmektedirler. Kant, liberallere; Clausewitz ise, Realistlere esin kaynağı olmaktadır. Fakat her iki düşünür de çoğu zaman yüzeysel bir şekilde yorumlanmakta ve zıt kutuplar gibi ele alınmaktadır. Oysa, her iki düşünür arasında önemli ortak noktalar vardır. Kant’ın “Ebedi Barış”ı ve Clausewitz’in “Mutlak Savaş”ı, gerçekleşmeleri mümkün olmayan birer idea’dır. Son tahlilde buluştukları nokta, belli bir ahlaki mükellefiyet telkin eden ve makuliyet içeren siyaset ile şiddetin sınırlandırılmasıdır; başka bir deyişle, “Güvenlik İkilemi”nin yönetilmesidir.
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Seen by:Rousseau’nun Savaş ve Barış Kuramı: Adalet Olarak Barış
Faruk Yalvaç, " Rousseau’nun Savaş ve Barış Kuramı: Adalet Olarak Barış ", Uluslararası İlişkiler, Cilt 4, Sayı 14 (Yaz), 2007
Rousseau’nun felsefesi bize toplumsal bir savaş ve barış kuramı geliştirebilmemizi mümkün kılmaktadır. Bunun... more Rousseau’nun felsefesi bize toplumsal bir savaş ve barış kuramı geliştirebilmemizi mümkün kılmaktadır. Bunun anlaşılabilmesi Rousseau’nun yeniden okunmasını, onun geleneksel olarak uluslararası ilişkiler kuramında incelendiği dar kapsamdan çıkarılmasını gerektirir. Rousseau her ne kadar yerleşik öğretide olduğu gibi Realist görüşün bir temsilcisi olarak değerlendirilebilirse de, barış kuramı dikkate alındığında, Rousseau’nun Realizm’ini Hobbes ve Hegel gibi Realist görüşün diğer düşünürlerinden ayırmak gerekir. Realist kuramda olduğu gibi savaşın vazgeçilmezliği tezi, Rousseau’yu bir barış kuramı geliştirmekten alıkoymaz. Bu onun Grotian ve Kantian görüşlere de yakın olduğu şeklinde yorumlanabilir. Fakat, Rousseau’nun barış kuramı sadece Realizm’den değil, Grotian ve Kantian görüşlerden de farklıdır. Rousseau bize bir yandan savaşa neden olan toplumun bir eleştirisini sunarken, diğer yandan da Marx’dan da önce adalet olarak barış anlayışının öncüsü olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır.
20 views
Seen by:Violence, The Fragile Ego and the Peaceful Self
by Max Velmans
This paper is based on an invited lecture on “Violence, the fragile ego, and the peaceful self” given at the National Seminar on Containing Violence: Measures for Resolution hosted by the Center for Ghandian Studies, GITAM University, Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, India, 28th January, 2011, during the period that I was a National Visiting Professor of the Indian Research Council of Philosophy (Govt. of India).
This paper gives a brief introduction to various categories of violence along with some of their biological,... more This paper gives a brief introduction to various categories of violence along with some of their biological, socio-cultural, psychological and existential causes, for example violent responses to frustrated needs or desires of the kind specified by Maslow’s hierarchy of needs. The paper goes on to examine some of the basic principles for ameliorating violence. It then considers a special case of violence associated with fundamentalist beliefs, arguing that these can be understood as a form of destructive self-transcendence, that can ultimately only be remedied by the genuine self-actualization and self-transcendence required for a peaceful self.
Conflict Society: Understanding the Role of Civil Society In Conflict
2009. Global Change, Peace and Security, 21, 2: 201-17 (with N.Tocci)
Trust and normative democratic peace theory: nexus between citizens and foreign policies?
International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, Vol. 32 Iss: 1/2, pp.17 - 28
Despite the burgeoning literature dealing with the democratic peace theory, there seems to be surprisingly little... more Despite the burgeoning literature dealing with the democratic peace theory, there seems to be surprisingly little research done in actually analyzing how and why democracies cause peace. There is even less research done in empirically analyzing the “how” part of the normative aspects of the democratic peace theory. The purpose of this paper is to explain the theoretical assumptions and how interpersonal trust is linked to a country's preferences to go to war. In addition, a direct comparison is made between democratic and non-democratic states to ascertain more clearly the effect of trust on decisions to go to war. This study quantitatively examines the period from 1980 to 2001 and considers 62 democratic countries and 30 non-democratic countries in their choices to engage in conflict. The research project finds that interpersonal trust is strongly correlated with states’ decisions to go to war.
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Seen by:PEACE AND GEOPOLITICS: IMAGINING PEACEFUL GEOGRAPHIES
by Simon Dalby
Paper presented to the University of Newcastle symposium on “Peace in Geography and Politics”, Newcastle, November 15th, 2011.
Peace research in geography has to be connected into matters of the changing geopolitics of the present. Despite... more Peace research in geography has to be connected into matters of the changing geopolitics of the present. Despite contemporary militarisation the frequency of war and violence is declining. Linking peace research into matters of global institutions and the United Nations requires that geographers think carefully about peace and security, as well as how the changing geopolitics of the present is changing both,
Evaluation: From Public Programmes to Research’
Co-authored with Zahbia Yousef in Duggan and Bush (eds.) "Evaluating Research in Violently Divided Societies" (IDRC, 2012 ‐ Forthcoming)
See
http://www.incore.ulst.ac.uk/cgi-bin/projects.pl?task=fullout&id=62
Planting peace: the Greater London Council and the community gardens of central London,
by Paul Gough
Published in International Journal of Heritage Studies, January 2007, pp.20-40 Volume: 13 (1)
ISSN: 14703610 DOI 10.1080/13527250601010844
Planting peace: the Greater London Council and the community gardens of central London,
International Journal of... more
Planting peace: the Greater London Council and the community gardens of central London,
International Journal of Heritage Studies, January 2007, pp.20-40 Volume: 13 (1)
ISSN: 14703610 DOI 10.1080/13527250601010844
'Peace' has not lent itself easily to emblematic or mnemonic forms of representation. In Europe's furnished urban landscapes of the 19th century peace was often personified in female allegorical form. She can be seen in many of the sculpted memorials that commemorate distant battles fought on the edges of Empire. Invariably, however, the figure of 'Peace' had a more modest role in the allegory of commemoration than that of 'Victory' or 'Triumph'. As an ideal, peace and pacifism is more often regarded as a process, a long-term goal that cannot be captured in single static form. To this end, the promotion of peace has most often been realised through intervention, occupation, and fluid, temporal forms such as campaigns, marches, songs, dances and other extended programmes. Peace has also been promoted through slow, evolutionary forms such as designed landscapes, parks and gardens.
Drawing on international parallels, this paper examines in detail two community gardens in central London. Each owes its origins to radical local agendas set within the political climate of the Cold War of the 1980s, but both were born out of grand visions for world peace, multilateral disarmament, and global accord. Twenty years after their creation, the author explores their current condition and examines their value as sites of political value and heritage.
The Nature of Necessity in the Just War Theories of The West and Islam
The second paper I wrote for my Peace Studies class with Professor Irene Oh in the fall semester of my junior year at GWU.
In this paper I argue that the argument of necessity serves similar purposes in the just war theories of both the West... more In this paper I argue that the argument of necessity serves similar purposes in the just war theories of both the West and Islam, and that what differs between how it is used in each is what exactly constitutes "necessity."
Civil War Settlements, Size of Governing Coalition, and Durability of Peace in Post–Civil War States
by Madhav Joshi
We examine the ways in which the size of the governing coalition in a post–civil war state affects the durability of... more We examine the ways in which the size of the governing coalition in a post–civil war state affects the durability of the peace. Previous studies relate the durability of the peace to the outcome of the civil war, the extent and forms of power-sharing arrangements, and the role of third-party security guarantors. We argue that the way conflict terminates and the power-sharing agreements between former protagonists structure the composition of governing coalition in the post–civil war state. Any settlement to civil war that broadens the size of the governing coalition should increase actors' incentives to sustain the peace rather than renew the armed conflict. Peace is more likely to fail where the governing coalition is smaller because those excluded from the governing coalition have little to lose from resuming armed rebellion. To test these propositions, we analyze data on post–civil war peace spells from 1946–2005.
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Seen by: and 18 moreSome Potential Benefits of a Universal System
This is a thought paper on the power of the fusion of knowledge, love and diversity and what I believe that has to... more This is a thought paper on the power of the fusion of knowledge, love and diversity and what I believe that has to offer humanity.
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