Peace Movements

Conflict Society: Understanding the Role of Civil Society In Conflict

by Raffaele Marchetti

2009. Global Change, Peace and Security, 21, 2: 201-17 (with N.Tocci)

Peacekeeping and Conflict Management: The Caucasus and Turkey

by Diane E. King

King, Diane E. 2005 Peacekeeping and Conflict Management: The Caucasus and Turkey. In Encyclopedia of Women and Islamic Cultures, vol. II: Family, Law, and Politics. Suad Joseph, ed. Pp. 544-546. Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers.

Political-Social Movements. Peace Movements: Turkey and the Caucasus

by Diane E. King

King, Diane E. 2005 Political-Social Movements. Peace Movements: Turkey and the Caucasus. In Encyclopedia of Women  and Islamic Cultures, vol. II.: Family, Law, and Politics. Suad Joseph, ed. Pp. 628-632. Leiden: Brill  Academic Publishers.

The Peace of God in Iceland in the 12th and 13th centuries

by Sverrir Jakobsson

A draft version of a paper published in Sacri canones servandi sunt. Ius canonicum et status ecclesiae saeculis XIII-XV (Opera Instituti historici Pragae. Series C – Miscellanea, 19), ed. Pavel Krafl (Prague, 2008), 205-13.

‘Freedom and peace are indivisible’: On the Czechoslovak and Polish dissident input to the European peace movement 1985-89

by Kacper Szulecki

in: Brier, Robert and Agnes Arndt (eds.) Transnational Perspectives on Dissent and Opposition in Central and Eastern Europe, DHI: Warsaw, forthcoming 2012.

The chapter looks at the interactions across the Iron Curtain and across internal bloc borders, which in the 1980s... more The chapter looks at the interactions across the Iron Curtain and across internal bloc borders, which in the 1980s lead to the emergence of a pan-European peace movement. In looking at the contacts between the Western peace movement and the Central European dissidents in the 1980s, my aim is not merely a recapitulation of the various open letters and encounters. I show the circulation of ideas across the divided Europe, and argue that the dissident movements played an important role in this dialogue. In fact, they influenced the peace movement so that it changed its course from disarmament to the idea of ‘indivisible peace’ – that freedom and peace are indivisible and cannot be played off against each other.

Needing to select only the most important elements of the transnational network of peace groups, I focus on the Czechoslovak Charter 77 and the Polish WiP as well as the Societal Resistance Committee (KOS). On the western side I look at those parts of the peace movements that were, first of all, willing to discuss the fundamentals, and secondly, were interested in maintaining contacts with the independent groups in the East. That means especially the European Nuclear Disarmament (END), as well as other Western European organizations, independent but linked to END (i.e. the Dutch IKV – Inter-church Peace Council, the French CODENE - The Committee for the Denuclearization of Europe), as well as the German ‘Greens’.

I begin with a review of theoretical and empirical literature constituting the ‘transnational approach’ to position my work within it. I then move on to the story of the dialogue between the Czechoslovak and Polish dissidents and the Western peace activists, showing the way in which the definition of peace and the priorities of the peace movement were altered because of the transnational exchange.

Derechos Humanos y Movilizacion por la Paz en Colombia, Motivos, Repertorios, Actores y Dinamicas Recientes [Human rights and peace mobilization in Colombia: claims, repertoires, actors, and recent dynamics]

by Juan D. Delgado

Co-authored with Fernando Sarmiento

El artículo aborda, en primer lugar, el rechazo a las violaciones de DDHH y del DIH como motivo de las demandas de... more El artículo aborda, en primer lugar, el rechazo a las violaciones de DDHH y del DIH como motivo de las demandas de distintos actores sociales, analizándo –de manera comparada– el peso que han tenido las reivindicaciones de estos derechos, frente al resto de acciones colectivas por la paz registradas en el periodo. Luego, se analizan los repertorios de acción que acompañan a este tipo de motivo. Posteriormente se examina qué tipo de actores movilizaron, entre 2002 y 2006, las acciones orientadas a exigir la vigencia de aquellos derechos; esto, con el objetivo de comparar las ODH con los demás actores sociales que igualmente apelan a estos derechos para formular sus exigencias. Aquí se hace una caracterización de los actores principales para hacer evidente su trayectoria en la reivindicación pública de estos derechos. Finalmente, el artículo se centra en el proceso de institucionalización que ha caracterizado al marco interpretativo en el que hoy se inscriben los DDHH, lo cual permite explicar buena parte de las dinámicas de su movilización reciente.

Trad jazz in 1950s Britain—protest, pleasure, politics—interviews with some of those involved

by George McKay

Transcriptions of interviews with 1950s trad / New Orleans-style musicians, organisers, enthusiasts. Also included are some archive images.

These are transcriptions of interviews and correspondence undertaken as part of an Arts and Humanities Research Board... more These are transcriptions of interviews and correspondence undertaken as part of an Arts and Humanities Research Board (now Council)-funded project exploring the cultures and politics of traditional jazz in Britain in the 1950s.

The project ran through 2001-2002 and was entitled American Pleasures, Anti-American Protest: 1950s Traditional Jazz in Britain.

I edited responses, and structured them here according to the main issues I asked about and to key points that seemed to recur from different interviewees. There is a short-ish introduction to give a sense of context to readers unfamiliar with that period of Britain’s cultural history. I hugely enjoyed meeting and talking with these people, whose cultural and political autobiographies were full of energy, rebellion, fun, with music at the heart. Thank you. Some—Jeff Nuttall, George  Melly—are, sadly, now dead.

Material from these interviews, and a second set I undertook with modern jazzers and enthusiasts (I acknowledge that the distinction between trad and modern doesn’t always bear scrutiny) was included in my book Circular Breathing: The Cultural Politics of Jazz in Britain (Duke University Press, 2005).

Interviewees include:
      * George Melly
      * Jeff Nuttall
      * Val Wilmer
      * members of the Ken Colyer Trust
      * members of Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament.

The German Peace Movement and its Influence on German Politics and Political Culture in the 1970s and 1980s

by Wilhelm Vosse

In: Haba, Kumiko (ed.) The End of the Cold War and the Regional Integration in Europe and Asia, Aoyama Gakuin University, Tokyo, p. 275-302.

Preventing 'Peace'

by Wes Ullrich

Krieg und Frieden in der slowenischen Publizistik und Politik zwischen 1866-1914

by Rok Stergar

In Isonzofront 1915-1917 : die Kultur des Erinnerns, ed. Vincenc Rajšp, Mitteleuropäische wissenschaftliche Bibliothek, 2 (Wien, 2010), 71-86.

Slovenci i mirovni pokreti u drugoj polovici 19. stoljeća

by Rok Stergar

Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 39 (2007), 97-118.

The Masculine State in Crisis: State Response to War Resistance in Apartheid South Africa

by Daniel Conway

Men and Masculintiies, 2008,  Vol. 10, No. 4, 422-439

External and internal forces threatened the apartheid state in the 1980s. The refusal to perform compulsory military... more External and internal forces threatened the apartheid state in the 1980s. The refusal to perform compulsory military service by individual white men and the increasing number of white South Africans who criticized the role of the military and apartheid governance had the potential to destabilize the gendered binaries on which white social order and Nationalist rule rested. The state constituted itself as a heterosexual, masculine entity in crisis and deployed a number of gendered discourses in an effort to isolate and negate objectors to military service. The state articulated a nationalist discourse that defined the white community in virile, masculine, and heroic terms. Conversely, "feminine" weakness, cowardice, and compromise were scorned. Objectors, as "strangers" in the public realm, were most vulnerable to homophobic stigmatization from the state and its supporters

Hijacked Ideas: Human Rights, Peace, and Environmentalism in Czechoslovak and Polish Dissident Discourses

by Kacper Szulecki

East European Politics and Societies, Volume 25 Issue 2 May 2011 pp. 272 - 295.

Central European dissidents, although in many ways constrained by their post-totalitarian regimes, were nevertheless... more Central European dissidents, although in many ways constrained by their post-totalitarian regimes, were nevertheless taking part in a transnational circulation of ideas. This article is inspired by contemporary studies of cultural (g)localization and links them
to the research on dissent to show that the dissident intellectuals in Central Europe (the particular contexts of Czechoslovakia and Poland are investigated) were not only the receivers, but also retransmitters and “generators,” of “universal” ideas. To grasp their role and to understand the nature of “universal” ideas, it is necessary to look into domestic contexts to see how internationally functioning ideas are localized—that is, recontextualized and translated. What is more, locally altered meanings can influence the international “originals” so that a new meaning can be renegotiated. Central European opposition found a firm foundation and a source of empowerment in the internationally recognized discourse of human rights. However, with time, dissident groups in the Eastern Bloc struggled to reinterpret these ideas and extend their mobilizing effect onto
other issues. Certain themes present in Western debates were taken up in Central Europe and merged with human rights issues. The two analyzed here are pacifism and environmentalism,
ideas that were metaphorically “hijacked” and used by the dissidents. The article shows how the translation and renegotiation of these ideas proceeded and to what extent they were successful both locally and transnationally.

Violence sits in places? Cultural practice, neoliberal rationalism, and virulent imaginative geographies

by Simon Springer

Springer, S. 2011. Violence sits in places? Cultural practice, neoliberal rationalism, and virulent imaginative geographies. Political Geography. 30 (2), 90-98.

Through imaginative geographies that erase the interconnectedness of the places where violence occurs, the notion that... more Through imaginative geographies that erase the interconnectedness of the places where violence occurs, the notion that violence is 'irrational' marks particular cultures as ‘other’. Neoliberalism exploits such imaginative geographies in constructing itself as the sole providence of nonviolence and the lone bearer of reason. Proceeding as a ‘civilizing’ project, neoliberalism positions the market as salvationary to putatively ‘irrational’ and ‘violent’ peoples. This theology of neoliberalism produces a discourse that binds violence in place. But while violence sits in places in terms of the way in which we perceive its manifestation as a localized and embodied experience, this very idea is challenged when place is reconsidered as a relational assemblage. What this re-theorization does is open up the supposed fixity, separation, and immutability of place to instead recognize it as always co-constituted by, mediated through, and integrated within the wider experiences of space. Such a radical rethinking of place fundamentally transforms the way we understand violence. No longer confined to its material expression as an isolated and localized event, violence can more appropriately be understood as an unfolding process, derived from the broader geographical phenomena and temporal patterns of the social world.

Anti-Iraq War Protests in Turkey: Global Networks, Coalitions, and Context

by Masaki Kakizaki

Middle Eastern Studies, 47(1), 2011.

This article examines how Turkish citizens participated in protests against the Iraq War and why civil society... more This article examines how Turkish citizens participated in protests against the Iraq War and why civil society organizations were able to mobilize tens of thousands of people across the country despite the institutional weakness of the Turkish peace movement. The Iraq War case is important in that its scale and level of protest mobilization were unprecedented based on any other anti-war protests in Turkey. Using content analysis of newspaper reports of anti-Iraq War protest events, this article maps the patterns and forms of protest against the Iraq War and argues for the importance of global networks, coalitions among organizations, and political context for protest mobilization.

From anti-missile demonstrations to Iraq: international coordination of worldwide protest and the impact of changing communication technologies.

by Jeroen Van Laer

On February 15, 2003 more than a million people took to the streets worldwide to protest against the impending Western... more On February 15, 2003 more than a million people took to the streets worldwide to protest against the impending Western invasion of Iraq. These protests were the result of intensive international coordination and mobilisation efforts among peace movements. According to various authors and activists the internet played a key role. Yet, it was not the first time peace movements collaborated internationally. In the 1980s, for example, a European network of organisations agreed on a better coordination of the fight against mid-range nuclear missiles. In this article we select three instances of massive, worldwide protest and examine in what way the Flemish peace movement tried to cooperate internationally with other movements. We also try to assess the impact of changing information and communication opportunities. We successively examine the big anti-missile demonstrations (1979-1985), protests against Gulf War I (1990-1991) and protests against Gulf War II (2002-2003).