“‘Personal’ Rituals: The Office of Ceremonies and Papal Weddings, 1483-1521”
Published in Marriage in Premodern Europe: Italy and Beyond, ed. Jacqueline Murray (Toronto: Centre for Reformation & Renaissance Studies, 2012), pp. 47-71.
In the early modern period getting married was a mix of legal, religious, and social acts that altogether proclaimed... more In the early modern period getting married was a mix of legal, religious, and social acts that altogether proclaimed the union of two people, two families, and two sets of possessions. Although the Church had formally established marriage as a sacrament in 1439, through the sixteenth century the act of marrying retained this tripartite identity, even in papal Rome. From 1484 to 1521 there were eight weddings held at the Vatican Palace of variously the pope’s children or nieces/nephews. These unions had significant political importance, but also held an unusual place in the papal court’s ritual life. Within an environment that was predominantly male, celibate, and focused almost exclusively on liturgical ceremonies, the legal and lay social rituals of these weddings strike an illicit chord. This paper will examine the papal Master of Ceremonies’ (Johann Burchard and Paris de’ Grassi) reactions to these weddings over five pontificates.
The Many Shades of Praise: Diversity in Epideictic Rhetoric in Diplomatic Settings
by Brian Maxson
proofs of an article published in Rhetorik in Mittelalter und Renaissance: Konzepte – Praxis – Diversität, eds. Georg Strack and Julia Knödler, 393-412 (Munich: Herbert Utz Verlag, 2011).
The Many Shades of Praise: Diversity in Epideictic Rhetoric in Diplomatic Settings
Fifteenth-century... more
The Many Shades of Praise: Diversity in Epideictic Rhetoric in Diplomatic Settings
Fifteenth-century diplomatic protocol required the city of Florence to send diplomats to congratulate both new and militarily victorious rulers. Diplomats on such missions poured praise on their triumphant allies and new rulers at friendly locations. However, political realities also meant that these diplomats would sometimes have to praise rulers whose accession or victory opposed Florentine interests. Moreover, different allies and enemies required different levels of praise. Jealous rulers compared the gifts, status, and oratory that they received from Florence to the Florentine entourages sent to their neighbors. Sending diplomats with too little or too much social status and eloquence could spell diplomatic disaster. Diplomats met these challenges by varying the style, structure, and content of their speeches. Far from formulaic pronouncements of goodwill, diplomatic orations varied from one speech to the next in order to meet the demands of the complex diplomatic world into which they fit. Contextualizing these orations reveals the subtle reservations of diplomats praising a hostile ruler, the insertion of specific citations to flatter specific audiences, and the changing intellectual and stylistic interests of humanists throughout the fifteenth century. This essay will examine the different shades of flattery practiced by Florentine diplomats and the contexts that explain these variations.
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Seen by:“Basel and the Post-Vatican II Debate: Between Council and Conciliarism.” Presentation for the “American Cusanus Society” panel at the Forty-Fifth International Congress on Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo (MI), May 13-16, 2010
Council Vatican II has been the first and most important sign, in the modern era, of a reviviscence of the conciliar... more
Council Vatican II has been the first and most important sign, in the modern era, of a reviviscence of the conciliar tradition. Notwithstanding the precautious “silence” of Vatican II about conciliarism and the 15th-century
relationship between the councils and the pope, Vatican II was, according to some theologians, supposed to be the first of a new series of councils and to set a new pattern of relations between Rome and the bishops. For many theologians, Vatican II was the dawn of a new era, while for many others Vatican II was just the confirmation of the continuity of the papal primacy
in the Catholic tradition. After the first turbulent years of debate and the implementation of Vatican II, the debate still goes on, but the Roman policy towards councils and bishops hardly seems to be changed. On the other
hand, Vatican II Catholicism takes for granted a certain amount of “collegiality” that goes far beyond “episcopal collegiality” and the historical experience of conciliarism. The post-Vatican II debate shows striking similarities with the council of Basel, in the unfolding of the debate about the center-periphery issue and in the intellectual and “political” paths of some of its most prominent characters.
Les Albigeois et la procédure inquisitoire : le procès pontifical contre Bernard de Castanet, évêque d'Albi et inquisiteur (1307-1308)
by Julien Théry
Paru dans "Heresis", 33, 2000, p. 7-48
En 1307-1308, le pape Clément V fit mener une enquête sur les crimes imputés à l’évêque d’Albi Bernard de Castanet par... more
En 1307-1308, le pape Clément V fit mener une enquête sur les crimes imputés à l’évêque d’Albi Bernard de Castanet par deux chanoines de la cathédrale, qui avaient présenté contre ce dernier, à la Curie romaine, une liste d’accusations. Le prélat était accusé négligence pastorale, de simonie, de dilapidation, d’irrégularités et cruautés systématiques dans l’exercice de la justice, d’assassinats, enfin d’incontinence. Peu après l’audition par les enquêteurs pontificaux, à Albi, de cent quatorze témoins produits par les dénonciateurs, le pape annula la procédure. Mais trois jours plus tard, il désavoua l'évêque en le transférant du siège d’Albi à celui, bien moins prestigieux, du Puy.
L’étude de cette affaire, à partir d’une édition critique des actes de l’enquête d’Albi (conservés dans le registre 404 des Collectoriae aux Archives du Vatican), replace la démarche des dénonciateurs dans l’histoire conflictuelle de l’épiscopat de Bernard de Castanet (1276-1308) et démontre la continuité entre la volonté des témoins d’accréditer les crimes de ce dernier, d’une part, et, d’autre part, la lutte de l’oligarchie urbaine contre la juridiction seigneuriale de l'évêque, mais aussi le mouvement anti-inquisitorial dirigé par frère Bernard Délicieux dans les années 1299-1306. Durement combattue par l'évêque, l’hérésie des bons hommes s’avère en effet être au cœur de l’affaire, bien qu’elle soit passée sous silence par les dénonciateurs. L’analyse met en valeur la nature informelle et les fondements sociaux et théologico-politiques de la dissidence religieuse. Par ailleurs, en replaçant la procédure dans la série des processus inquisitionis pour « crimes énormes » (enormia) menées par les papes contre les prélats depuis le début du XIIIe siècle et en l’étudiant en termes juridiques, l’étude de ce casus montre le rôle de l’enquête, comme instrument du gouvernement d’État, dans la construction d’une opinion publique (fama), ainsi que dans la différenciation d’une sphère administrative, à partir de la matrice judiciaire, à la fin du Moyen Âge.
Fama, Enormia. The inquiry into the crimes of bishop of Albi Bernard de Castanet (1307-1308). Government and contestation in the age of pontifical theocracy and of the heresy of good men.
In 1307-1308, pope Clement V had an inquiry made into a series of crimes attributed to bishop of Albi Bernard de Castanet by two canons of the cathedral, who had presented at the roman Curia a list of accusations against their spiritual ruler. The bishop was accused of pastoral negligence, of simony, of dilapidation, of irregularities and systematic cruelty in the practice of justice, of murders and of incontinence. Soon after the hearing by pontifical commissioners of a hundred and fourteen witnesses presented by the denouncers, the pope called off the procedure. But three days later, he implicitly penalized the bishop, removing him from the see of Albi to that of Le Puy, which was much less prestigious.
The study of this case develops from the critical edition of the records of the inquiry at Albi, which are held at the Vatican Archives (register 404 of the Collectoriae). The initiative of the denouncers is examined in the perspective of the conflictual history of Bernard de Castanet’s episcopate (1276-1308). A continuity is shown between the witnesses’ will to have the bishop’s guilt admitted, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the struggle of the urban élite against the bishop’s lordly jurisdiction, but also the anti-inquisitorial movement lead by brother Bernard Délicieux in 1299-1306. The heresy of the good men, which was vigorously fought by the bishop, proves to be at the heart of the matter, though the denouncer didn’t mention it at all. The analysis show the informal consistency and the social and theologico-political grounds of religious dissent. Besides, by replacing the procedure in the series of processus inquisitionis dealing with « enormous crimes » (enormia) launched by popes against prelates since the beginning of the XIIIth century and by examining it from a juridical point of view, the study of this casus shows the role played by inquiry, as a tool of State government, in the construction of a public opinion (fama), and in the differentiation of an administrative sphere from the judiciary matrix, in the end of the Middle Ages.
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Seen by: and 7 morePopes through the Looking-glass, or «Ceci n’est pas un Pape», «Reti Medievali Rivista», 13 (2012), 1
by Tommaso di Carpegna Falconieri
This paper introduces Clement III (Wibert of Ravenna) in the context of the general phenomenon of the antipopes, a... more
This paper introduces Clement III (Wibert of Ravenna) in the context of the general phenomenon of the antipopes, a vast and fundamentally medieval subject. The theme can be approached in two substantially different ways: from the well-established, official position, which condemns the antipopes as schismatics and subverters of the divine order; or from the perspective of an observer who attempts to examine the phenomenon from the inside. This study opts for the latter vantage point, as do the three papers that it introduces. In them, the antipopes take shape as historical personages who believed in their own legitimacy as popes, who often had large followings, and who received their mark of infamy—that is, the title of antipope—because they were defeated by their opponents.
With the first of the two methods (the official, well-established one), history is interpreted in reverse, giving events after-the-fact justifications. With the second analytical strategy, the interpreter instead views history in the historical present and tries to comprehend how events unfolded within the dynamics of the myriad possibilities, changes, and inversions of course that life presents. In this sense, the essays in this collection look not at «anti-popes» but rather at «other-popes» reflected in the mirrors of their adversaries—adversaries who won their respective struggles and were thus able to transmit their own visions of events as the sole vehicles of truth. In the same spirit, these essays consider not antipopes but rather individuals who, like the pipe in Magritte’s painting, come down to us not in their authentic dimension but rather through the filters of representation.
The Making of a Papal Rome: Gregory and the letania septiformis
by Jacob Latham
in N. Lenski and A. Cain, (eds.), The Power of Religion in Late Antiquity (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009) 293-304
La posizione di Gallese (VT) nel territorio falisco
published in Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia LXXIV, 2001-2002, 19-33.
The schools of arts and the Magna Carta of the Lombard cities: the Peace of Constance, the Empire and the Papacy in the works of Guido Faba and other rhetoricians of the first half of the thirteenth century
Journal of Medieval History, forthcoming
Historiography has attributed to the Italian rhetoricians of the central Middle Ages a very significant role in the... more
Historiography has attributed to the Italian rhetoricians of the central Middle Ages a very significant role in the development of political discourse, but their testimony concerning the
momentous struggle fought from 1226 to 1250 between the Lombard League, the Papacy and Emperor Frederick II has not been studied in depht. This paper approaches it by focusing on the works of Guido Faba, starting from a papal privilege issued to the Lombard cities that only features in his Dictamina Rhetorica, but also comparing them to those of his main colleagues, Boncompagno and Bene da Firenze, and considering the impact of the above-mentioned struggle upon Italian universities. It argues that the privilege is a verisimilar didactic exercise supporting the contested validity of the Peace of Constance (the settlement reached between the League and Frederick Barbarossa in 1183) and of its recognition of the League, that the conflict between the Empire and the League attracted considerable attention in contemporary arts schools, which were deeply involved in it, but that Faba's works are particularly rich in evidence covering it and the involvement of the Papacy, which should be linked to his strong Bolognese background.
Tra Lega Lombarda e pars Ecclesie. L’evoluzione della seconda Lega Lombarda e la leadership dei legati papali negli anni a cavallo della morte di Federico II (1239-1259)
Società e storia, forthcoming
L’autore esamina i mutamenti strutturali della Lega Lombarda dopo la saldatura dell’alleanza col Papato contro... more
L’autore esamina i mutamenti strutturali della Lega Lombarda dopo la saldatura dell’alleanza col Papato contro Federico II nel 1239. Alla luce di fonti che sono passate inosservate da questo punto di vista, tra le quali le opere del maestro di retorica Guido Faba, si mostra come, in concomitanza con l’escalation che portò il conflitto con l’imperatore a prendere le forme di una vera e propria crociata nel 1240, da soggetto giuridico dotato di propri organi di governo la Lega si trasformò in un’alleanza multilaterale dedita per lo più a questioni militari e diplomatiche. Allo stesso tempo la Lega si trovò inserita in una più vasta pars ecclesie guidata da una serie di legati papali, che però non assunsero una carica formale all’interno della societas. La Lega tuttavia conservò alcune vestigia di una propria identità all’interno della pars Ecclesie almeno fino al 1252, e sono riscontrabili tracce di attriti tra alcuni dei suoi membri (soprattutto Bologna) e il legato papale. Infine anche la leadership del legato, almeno nelle forme assunte nel 1239, venne meno intorno al 1258-9, sia a causa del fallimento della crociata contro Ezzelino da Romano, che per una precisa politica di disimpegno del Papato.
The author examines the structural changes of the Lombard League after the welding of its alliance with the Papacy against Frederick II in 1239. In the light of overlooked sources such as the works of the Bolognese rhetorician Guido Faba, the paper argues that the escalation that brought the conflict against the emperor to take on the trappings of the crusade in 1240 coincided with the transformation of the League from a corporate body into little more than a multilateral alliance devoted to military and diplomatic matters. Moreover, the League came to be included in a larger pars ecclesie and fell under the leadership of a series of papal legates. The League, however, kept some vestiges of its identity inside the Pars Ecclesie at least until 1252, and there is evidence of frictions with the papal legate, especially from Bologna, while the leadership of the legate, at least in the forms acquired after 1239, came to an end in 1258-9, after the failure of the crusade against Ezzelino da Romano and following a deliberate policy of the Papacy.
Justice inquisitoire et construction de la souveraineté : le modèle ecclésial (XIIe-XIVe siècles). Normes, pratiques, diffusion
by Julien Théry
Paru dans "Annuaire de l'EHESS. Compte rendus des cours et conférences 2004-2005, Paris : EHESS, 2006, p. 593-594
Présentation dans ses grandes lignes d'une recherche orientée selon trois hypothèses : les pratiques d'enquête de... more Présentation dans ses grandes lignes d'une recherche orientée selon trois hypothèses : les pratiques d'enquête de vérité ont été au fondement d'un régime de relations de pouvoir original caractérisable comme une première forme de gouvernementalité souveraine ; le modèle ecclésial et sa procédure " romano-canonique " ont eu un rôle central pour la mise en place de ce nouveau régime ; l'enquête de vérité était constitutive de deux registres inhérents à cette gouvernementalité souveraine, celui de la "fama" et celui des "enormia". L'étude porte sur une longue série de procès menés par la papauté des XIIe-XIVe s., contre des prélats accusés d'" excès " ou " crimes " souvent dits " énormes ". Ces enquêtes ont constitué un domaine d'expérimentation, un laboratoire de l'inquisitoire canonique. La réflexion concerne ici principalement sur le rôle de la "fama", qui permettait la capillarité et la centralisation des relations de pouvoir organisées par l'enquête, tout en instaurant une problématique de vérité au cœur de ces relations. La "fama"donnait aux faits concernés un statut de vérité incertaine, à vérifier par l'enquête que seules pouvaient mener les autorités compétentes, c'est-à-dire les institutions souveraines
In the Pope’s Clothes: Legatine Representation and Apostolical Insignia in High Medieval Europe.
Published in: Roma, magistra mundi, Itineraria culturae medievalis. Mélanges offerts au Père L.E. Boyle à l’occasion de son 75E anniversaire. FIDEM. Louvain-la-Neuve 1998, 339-354.
Il cardinale Bertrando del Poggetto, l'abate Bernardo. La lunetta araldica della Torre di Nonantola nella Rocca di Vignola
in «Memorie. La rivista del Centro Studi Storici Nonantolani», 10 (2010), n. 8-10, pp. 3-7
In the years before 1334 cardinal Bertrand du Pouget was re-conquering Emilia-Romagna to allow the Pope to come back... more In the years before 1334 cardinal Bertrand du Pouget was re-conquering Emilia-Romagna to allow the Pope to come back in Italy, building for him the palace of the Holy See in Bologna. But Bologna rose up against the cardinal. The people besieged the palace and at last they compelled Bertrand to leave for France suddenly and destroyed completely the palace, painted by Giotto and other great artists. After that episode, the Pope began to build his palace in Avignon. When the cardinal was in Bologna, the abbot of Nonantola Bernard (he too was from France) collaborated with him, and was with him in the palace during the insurrection. The abbot was caught and had back freedom only after a hard imprisonment and a very expensive ransom. He returned in France and died few months later. In this paper the coat of arms of cardinal du Pouget is recognized on the Tower of Nonantola in the castle of Vignola (Modena).
'Uproot and destroy, build and plant': legatine authority under Pope Gregory VII
Journal of Medieval History 33 (2007), 166-80

