2012 - Climats et cultures paléolithiques : quand la vallée devient frontière
by Marc Jarry
BRUXELLES L., JARRY M. – Climats et cultures paléolithiques : quand la vallée devient frontière. Nouveaux champs de la recherche archéologique, Archéopages, numéro spécial 10 ans de l'Institut, 2012, 85.
En 2002, dans un article de synthèse concernant le aléolithique de la région Toulousaine, Jacques Jaubert évoquait... more En 2002, dans un article de synthèse concernant le aléolithique de la région Toulousaine, Jacques Jaubert évoquait l'absence de vestige du Paléolithique supérieur. Effectivement, alors que les témoins des phases anciennes du Paléolithique sont bien représentés, les plus récentes sont pour ainsi dire absentes. Pour expliquer ce constat, il avait proposé trois explications possibles : 1) un biais dans la recherche : celle-ci aurait été insuffisante ou les sites ne seraient pas accessibles du fait, par exemple, d’un important recouvrement sédimentaire ; 2) la conservation différentielle : les terrains de cette période (et les sites qui vont avec) auraient été purgés par les phénomènes péri et post-glaciaires ; 3) la rareté effective d'établissements de plein air au Paléolithique supérieur dans certains contextes morphologiques. C'est à cette question que nous nous proposons de répondre ici, dans la continuité des travaux engagés sur cette problématique, en nous appuyant sur les résultats de dix ans d'archéologie préventive dans la vallée de la Garonne.
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Seen by:After the dispersal of hominins from Africa, did Homo erectus evolve into archaic Homo sapiens there or in Asia? An investigation into climate, fossil and technological distribution.
Undergraduate dissertation. Draft only.
The debate over whether Africa was the sole home of hominin species (excepting Homo neanderthalensis and Homo... more
The debate over whether Africa was the sole home of hominin species (excepting Homo neanderthalensis and Homo floresiensis) is not completely won (Dennell, 2009: 466). Homo erectus (sensu lato) is often thought to be the first species to have left Africa and entered Asia (Langbroek, 2004: 11; Klein, 2005: 102), with occasional discussions on earlier hominids (such as australopithecines) having made this symbolic breakthrough (Templeton, 2002: 48; Dennell and Roebroeks, 2005: 1100). The role of climate has often been used to discuss the emergence of a particular species, however it has been less discussed when approaching why a species – (Homo erectus) – may have evolved into a new species – (Homo heidelbergensis) – on one continent, whilst seemingly persisting for a large period of time on another, with little change to its skeletal morphology.
Homo erectus became ubiquitous (Bonnefille, 2010: 408) across a number of environments across Africa and Asia, from high plateau to sea level, temperate to tropical, desert to rainforest as well as persisting from c.1.7 Ma to maybe c. 60 Ka (Klein, 2005: 106). The emergence of this species is believed to have been triggered by climatic changes c. 1.8 Ma, as was its dispersal across the old world (or before) (Bar Yosef, 1998: 267; Clark, 1998: 437). Ultimately, the equation for hominin occupation and survival across the earth required access to water, food and stone (Dennell, 2009: 476).
Linstädter&Kröpelin_2004_Wadi Bakht
Geoarchaeological and chronological evidence from the remote Gilf Kebir Plateau in southwestEgypt suggests a new model... more Geoarchaeological and chronological evidence from the remote Gilf Kebir Plateau in southwestEgypt suggests a new model for the influence of early and mid-Holocene precipitation regimeson land-use strategies of prehistoric settlers in what is now the center of the largest hyperaridarea on earth. We hypothesize that the quantitatively higher, daytime, monsoon summer rain-fall characteristic of the early Holocene (9300–5400) 14C yr B.P./8400–4300 yr B.C.) resulted inless grass growth on the plateau compared to the winter rains that presumably fell in the coolnights during the terminal phase of the Holocene pluvial (5400–4500 yr B.P./4300–3300 yr B.C.).The unparalleled climatic transition at 5400 yr B.P. (4300 yr B.C.) caused a fundamental envi-ronmental change that resulted in different patterns of human behavior, economy, and land usein the canyon-like valleys and on the plains surrounding the plateau. The model emphasizesthe crucial impact of seasonal rainfall distribution on cultural landscapes in arid regions andthe lower significance of annual precipitation rates, with implications for future numeric cli-mate models. It also serves as an example of how past climate changes have affected humansocieties.
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Seen by:A complex systems approach to the evolutionary dynamics of human history: the case of the Late Medieval World Crisis
Working Paper for the European Meetings on Cybernetics and Systems Research (EMCSR) 2012, Vienna, University Campus, April 10th 2012 (http://www.emcsr.net/symposium-b-evolution-throughout-the-sciences-and
„There are few theoretical approaches to which historian respond so negatively as to the explanation of historical... more
„There are few theoretical approaches to which historian respond so negatively as to the explanation of historical processes by such theories“, the German historian Rainer Waltz states most accurately in his study on „Theories of Social Evolution and History“; there he also presents two main causes for this rejection: a moral one, the perversion of evolutionary thinking in so-called Social Darwinist theories in the 19th and 20th centuries, and a scientific one, the fear of a biologistic interpretation of human history by adopting evolutionary models (Walz, 2004). This distinguishes historical studies from other social sciences and humanities such as anthropology or sociology and even other historical disciplines such as archaeology, where evolutionary models have become part of the methodological toolkit (Renfrew & Bahn, 2008; for a rare example from the field of history of literature cf. Moretti, 2009).
Although most historians are reluctant to adopt evolutionary models (yet alone in their mathematized or sociobiologist form) for the interpretation of human past (respectively the larger or smaller period of time they are specialised in), terms such as “evolution” and concepts of evolutionary thinking such as “adaption” or “selection” are used in numerous descriptions of historical events and processes, albeit often in a metaphorical way (Walz, 2004). At the same time it is evident that major developments in human history such as the emergence of the human kind itself, of human culture and of complex social structures such as states as well as phenomena of long duration (up to the scale of “Big History” from the Big Bang until present times as it has been attempted in the last decades, Spier 2010) cannot be explained without the help of evolutionary concepts (cf. Blute, 2010; Voland, 2009); but again, these subjects refer mainly to the fields of evolutionary biologists and psychologists, anthropologists, sociologists or (prehistoric) archaeologists (cf. Yoffee, 2004). Some specialists from these disciplines have also tried to adapt such concepts for the entire human history beyond its “beginnings”, but have equally found mixed reception among historians, especially if they try to demonstrate some kind of progress in the development of humanity as for instance Steven Pinker has done most recently in his study on “Why Violence has declined” (Pinker, 2011; see also Atran, 2002; Boyd & Richerson, 2005; Morris, 2010).
In contrast to this (non)-use of evolutionary concepts for historical studies, we intend to demonstrate the benefit of a complex evolutionary approach for the analysis of a specific period of late medieval/early modern history between 1200 and 1500 CE, which has been attributed central importance for the so-called “Rise of the West”, since it saw the beginning of European overseas expansion at its end (cf. Goldstone, 2009; Morris, 2010).
In the “calamitous” 14th century, as Barbara Tuchman called it (1978), the medieval world entered a period of severe crisis in demography, economy, politics and religion. This crisis took hold in all regions, ranging from China in the East to England in the West. Even before the catastrophic pandemic of the Black Death (1346-1352), deteriorating climatic conditions had ended the period of demographic and economic expansion that began in the 10th century (Behringer, 2007; Atwell, 2001; Benedictow, 2004; Brook, 2010).
The local and regional impacts and consequences of these general crisis-laden conditions may have differed; outcomes ranged from actual societal collapse to the emergence of powerful new polities. But these conditions provide a framework for global perspective on this period and allow us to use the 14th century-crisis as a field of “natural experiments of history”, as Jared Diamond and James A. Robinson have called them (Diamond & Robinson, 2011); accordingly, we analyse how similar crisis phenomena influenced the development of societies with different (or similar) traditions, religions, institutions, geographies or ecologies (cf. also Borsch, 2005). In particular, we will analyse and compare five polities in the “Old World”, England, Hungary, Byzantium, Egypt and China, of which three disappeared around the end of this period due to the expansion of the most successful newly emerged Ottoman Empire (Byzantium in 1453, Mamluk Egypt in 1517, Hungary in 1526/1541; cf. also Preiser-Kapeller, 2011).
In order to be able to capture variations and complexities within this sample, we adopt concepts and tools provided by the field of complexity science. We understand complex systems as large networks of individual components, whose interactions at the microscopic level produce “complex” changing patterns of behaviour of the whole system on the macroscopic level. In the last decades, historians and social scientists also tried to use concepts of complexity theory for the description of phenomena in their own fields, but again often only in a “metaphoric” way (Gaddis, 2002; Hatcher & Bailey, 2001). Less frequently, though, historians have tried to make use of the mathematical foundations of complexity theory or of quantitative tools provided by this field (Kiel & Elliott, 1997; Preiser-Kapeller, 2012). Recent scholarship has implemented some of these tools especially for the construction of macro-models of socio-economic development (Goldstone, 1991; Turchin, 2003; Turchin & Nefedov, 2009).
In addition, we combine complexity theory with the analytical framework of “systems theory” developed by the German sociologist Niklas Luhmann (1927-1998) in order to capture the interdependencies between politics, economy and religion within a polity and with the political, economic and ecological environment (Luhmann, 1997; Becker & Reinhardt-Becker, 2001; Becker, 2004). Luhmann´s theory is valuable for our analysis in various aspects; it makes us aware of the reduction of environmental and social complexity which is reflected in our historical sources, and it provides a framework to approach complex mechanisms within and the dependencies between various social spheres and their environment. Its evolutionary aspects have also been analysed by Walz (2004). In addition, we employ methods and tools of network analysis, which allow us to capture, analyse and model linkages and cause-effect correlations in society, economy, politics and religion on the macro- and micro-level down to groups and individuals (Gould, 2003; Lemercier, 2005).
Overall, our analytical approach allows us to capture the “diversité véritable” without losing track of essential commonalities (the “strange parallels”, as Victor Liebermann has called them, 2009) with regard to the transformation of polities and societies and their adaption to this “first world crisis”. Thereby, the value of a framework of evolutionary dynamics for the exploration of human history will be demonstrated
References
Atran, S. (2002). In Gods We Trust. The Evolutionary Landscape of Religion. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Atwell, W. S. (2001). Volcanism and Short-Term Climatic Change in East Asian and World History, c. 1200–1699. Journal of World History 12/1, 29-98.
Becker, F. & Reinhardt-Becker, E. (2001). Systemtheorie. Eine Einführung für die Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften. Frankfurt, New York: Campus Verlag.
Becker, F. (Ed.). (2004). Geschichte und Systemtheorie. Exemplarische Fallstudien. Frankfurt, New York: Campus Verlag.
Behringer, W. (2007). Kulturgeschichte des Klimas. Von der Eiszeit bis zur globalen Erwärmung. Munich: C. H. Beck.
Benedictow, O. J. (2004). The Black Death 1346–1353. The Complete History. Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer Inc.
Blute, M. (2010). Darwinian Sociocultural Evolution. Solutions to Dilemmas in Cultural and Social Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Borsch, St. J. (2005). The Black Death in Egypt and England. A Comparative Study. Austin: University of Texas Press.
Boyd, R. & Richerson, P. J. (2005). The Origin and Evolution of Cultures. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Brook, T. (2010). The troubled Empire. China in the Yuan and Ming Dynasties. Cambridge (Mass.), London: Harvard University Press.
Diamond, J. & Robinson, J. A. (Eds.). (2011). Natural Experiments of History. Cambridge (Mass.), London: Harvard University Press.
Gaddis, J. L. (2002). The Landscape of History. How Historians map the Past. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Goldstone, J. A. (1991). Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Goldstone, J. A. (2009). Why Europe? The Rise of the West in World History, 1500–1850. New York: Mcgraw-Hill Higher Education.
Gould, R. V. (2003). Uses of Network Tools in Comparative Historical Research. In: J. Mahoney & D. Rueschemeyer (Eds.). Comparative Historical Analysis in the Social Sciences (p. 241-269). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Hatcher, J. & Bailey, M. (2001). Modelling the Middle Ages. The History and Theory of England´s Economic Development. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Kiel, L. D. & Elliott, E. (Eds.). (1997). Chaos Theory in the Social Sciences. Foundations and Applications. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press.
Lemercier, Cl. (2005). Analyse de réseaux et histoire. Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 52/2, 88-112.
Lieberman, L. (2009). Strange Parallels. Southeast Asia in Global Context, c. 800–1830. Vol. 2: Mainland Mirrors: Europe, Japan, China, South Asia, and the Islands. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Luhmann, N. (1997). Die Gesellschaft der Gesellschaft. 2 Vols., Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag.
Moretti, F. (2009). Kurven, Karten, Stammbäume. Abstrakte Modelle für die Literaturgeschichte. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag.
Morris, I. (2010). Why The West Rules For Now: The Patterns of History and what they reveal about the Future. London: Profile Books.
Pinker, S. (2011). The Better Angels of our Nature. Why Violence has declined. London: Viking.
Preiser-Kapeller, J. (2012). Complex historical dynamics of crisis: the case of Byzantium. In: A. Suppan (Ed.). Krise und Transformation (in print). Vienna: Austrian Academy Press (pre-print online: http://oeaw.academia.edu/JohannesPreiserKapeller/Papers/506625/Complex_historical_dynamics_of_crisis_the_case_of_Byzantium).
Preiser-Kapeller, J. (2011). (Not so) Distant Mirrors: a complex macro-comparison of polities and political, economic and religious systems in the crisis of the 14th century. In: A. Simon (Ed.). Proceedings of the International Conference "The Angevin Dynasty (14th Century)" in Târgoviște (Romania), October 21st-23rd 2011 (forthcoming). Vienna: Peter Lang (working Paper online: http://oeaw.academia.edu/JohannesPreiserKapeller/Papers/506595/_Not_so_Distant_Mirrors_a_complex_macro-comparison_of_polities_and_political_economic_and_religious_systems_in_the_crisis_of_the_14th_century)
Renfrew, C. & Bahn, P. (2008). Archaeology: Theories, Methods and Practice. London: Thames & Hudson.
Spier, F. (2010). Big History and the Future of Humanity. Chichester: John Wiley & Sons.
Tuchman, B. (1978). A Distant Mirror. The calamitous 14th Century. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Turchin, P. & Nefedov, S. A. (2010). Secular cycles. Princeton, Oxford: Princeton University Press.
Turchin, P. (2003). Historical Dynamics. Why States Rise and Fall (Princeton Studies in Complexity). Princeton, Oxford: Princeton University Press.
Voland, E. (2009). Soziobiologie. Die Evolution von Kooperation und Konkurrenz. 3rd ed., Heidelberg: Spektrum Akademischer Verlag.
Walz, R. (2004). Theorien sozialer Evolution und Geschichte. In: F. Becker (Ed.), Geschichte und Systemtheorie. Exemplarische Fallstudien (p. 29-75). Frankfurt, New York: Campus Verlag.
Yoffee, N. (2004). Myths of the Archaic State. Evolution of the Earliest Cities, States, and Civilizations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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Seen by:Regional differences in bone collagen δ13C and δ15N of Pleistocene mammoths: Implications for paleoecology of the mammoth steppe
by Paul Szpak
Szpak, P., Gröcke, D.R., Debruyne, R., MacPhee, R.D.E., Guthrie, R.D., Froese, D., Zazula, G.D., Patterson, W.P., Poinar, H.N., 2010. Regional differences in bone collagen δ13C and δ15N of Pleistocene mammoths: Implications for paleoecology of the mammoth steppe. Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 286, 88-96.
In this study, we present bone collagen δ13C and δ15N values from a large set of Pleistocene woolly mammoths... more In this study, we present bone collagen δ13C and δ15N values from a large set of Pleistocene woolly mammoths (Mammuthus primigenius) from Siberia, Alaska and Yukon. Overall, results for mammoth specimens from eastern Beringia (Alaska and Yukon) significantly differ, for both δ13C and δ15N values, from those from western Beringia (northeastern Siberia). In agreement with palynological, entomological, and physiographic data from the same regions, these isotopic differences strongly imply that the `mammoth steppe,' the extensive ice-free region spanning northern Eurasia and northwestern North America, was ecologically variable along its east-west axis to a significant degree. Prior to the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM), the high-latitude portions of Siberia and the Russian Far East appear to have been colder and more arid than central Alaska and Yukon, which were ecologically more diverse. During the LGM itself, however, isotopic signatures of mammoths from eastern Beringia support the argument that this region also experienced an extremely cold and arid climate. In terms of overall temporal trend, Beringia thus went from a condition prior to the LGM of greater ecological variability in the east to one of uniformly cold and dry conditions during the LGM.
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Seen by: and 34 moreReliability and resolution of the coexistence approach — A revalidation using modern-day data
by Guido Grimm
Authored by Grimm, Denk
The coexistence approach (CA) is widely used to reconstruct palaeoclimates for the Cenozoic. Most published CA... more The coexistence approach (CA) is widely used to reconstruct palaeoclimates for the Cenozoic. Most published CA analyses relied on climate data for nearest living relatives (NLRs) stored in the Palaeoflora database (PFDB). Here, we used more than two-hundred modern relevés (taxon lists of forest stands) from North American, Caucasian and East Asian forest regions in order to test the ability of CA/PFDB to estimate palaeoclimate. Since only data for mean annual temperature (MAT) are publicly available from the PFDB, we concentrated on this climate parameter. Two criteria were tested: ‘resolution’ and ‘reliability’ of CA/PFDB analyses. The CA assumes that for a given climate parameter (e.g. MAT; mean annual precipitation; coldest month mean temperature etc.) the interval shared by all or nearly all NLRs for a fossil assemblage is best describing the past climatic conditions. Narrow, i.e. well-resolved, intervals are desirable, since they describe most precisely the climate. Our results show that CA/PFDB is unable to reliably reconstruct the actual climates of most of the relevés analysed. CA/PFDB performed best for lowland and mid-altitude stands with MAT of ca 13–16 °C, while producing remarkably incorrect results for warmer lowland stands and cooler stands at higher elevations. This is mainly due to generally incorrect entries of MAT ranges of NLRs in the PFDB. Using corrected MAT tolerances, the reconstructed, low-resolved intervals (3 °C in exceptional cases, typically 5–10 °C) fall within the actual climates. Hence, only dramatic climate changes are likely to be captured in a CA analysis. This renders the coexistence approach useless for the quantitative reconstruction of palaeoclimate and calls for alternative approaches of investigating past climates by means of fossil plants.
The El'gygytgyn Scientific Drilling Project – conquering Arctic challenges through continental drilling.
Co-authored with Melles M., Brigham-Grette J., Minyuk P., Koeberl C., Andreev A., Cook, T., Fedorov G., Gebhardt C., Haltia-Hovi E., Kukkonen M., Nowaczyk N., Schwamborn G., Wennrich V. & El'gygytgyn Scientific Party (2011).
Between October 2008 and May 2009, the International Continental Scientific Drilling Program (ICDP) co-sponsored a... more Between October 2008 and May 2009, the International Continental Scientific Drilling Program (ICDP) co-sponsored a campaign at Lake El ́gygytgyn, located in a 3.6-Ma-old meteorite impact crater in northeastern Siberia. Drilling targets included three holes in the center of the 170-m-deep lake, utilizing the lake ice cover as a drilling platform, plus one hole close to the shore in the western lake catchment. At the lake’s center. the entire 315-m-thick lake sediment succession was penetrated. The sediments lack any hiatuses (i.e., no evidence of basin glaciation or desicca- tion), and their composition reflects the regional climatic and environmental history with great sensitivity. Hence, the record provides the first comprehensive and widely time- continuous insights into the evolution of the terrestrial Arctic since mid-Pliocene times. This is particularly true for the lowermost 40 meters and uppermost 150 meters of the sequence, which were drilled with almost 100% recovery and likely reflect the initial lake stage during the Pliocene and the last ~2.9 Ma, respectively. Nearly 200 meters of under- lying rock were also recovered; these cores consist of an almost complete section of the various types of impact brec- cias including broken and fractured volcanic basement rocks and associated melt clasts. The investigation of this core sequence promises new information concerning the El ́gygytgyn impact event, including the composition and nature of the meteorite, the energy released, and the shock behavior of the volcanic basement rocks. Complementary information on the regional environmental history, including the permafrost history and lake-level fluctuations, is being developed from a 142-m-long drill core recovered from the permafrost deposits in the lake catchment. This core con- sists of gravelly and sandy alluvial fan deposits in ice-rich permafrost, presumably comprising a discontinuous record of both Quaternary and Pliocene deposits.
Palaeoprecipitation trends and cultural changes in Syrian protohistoric communities: the contribution of δ13C in ancient and modern vegetation.
Co-authored with 'G. Fiorentino, G. Quarta, L. Calacagnile, D. Morandi Bonaccossi.
Northern Hemisphere temperature patterns in the last 12 centuries
by Fredrik Charpentier Ljungqvist
Co-authored with Paul J. Krusic, Gudrun Brattström and Hanna S. Sundqvist.
Published in Climate of the Past 8 (2012): 227–249.
We analyse the spatio-temporal patterns of temperature variability over Northern Hemisphere land areas, on centennial... more We analyse the spatio-temporal patterns of temperature variability over Northern Hemisphere land areas, on centennial time-scales, for the last 12 centuries using an unprecedentedly large network of temperature-sensitive proxy records. Geographically widespread positive temperature anomalies are observed from the 9th to 11th centuries, similar in extent and magnitude to the 20th century mean. A dominance of widespread negative anomalies is observed from the 16th to 18th centuries. Though we find the amplitude and spatial extent of the 20th century warming is within the range of natural variability over the last 12 centuries, we also find that the rate of warming from the 19th to the 20th century is unprecedented in the context of the last 1200 yr. The positive Northern Hemisphere temperature change from the 19th to the 20th century is clearly the largest between any two consecutive centuries in the past 12 centuries. These results remain robust even after removing a significant number of proxies in various tests of robustness showing that the choice of proxies has no particular influence on the overall conclusions of this study.
First plants cooled the Ordovician
2nd author publication.
The Late Ordovician period, ending 444 million years ago, was marked by the onset of glaciations. The expansion of... more The Late Ordovician period, ending 444 million years ago, was marked by the onset of glaciations. The expansion of non-vascular land plants accelerated chemical weathering and may have drawn down enough atmospheric carbon dioxide to trigger the growth of ice sheets.
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Seen by:Episodic migration of oaks to Iceland: Evidence for a North Atlantic "land bridge" in the latest Miocene
2010
Thomas Denk, Fridgeir Grimsson, Reinhard Zetter
American Journal of Botany
21 views
Seen by:Fagaceae from the early Oligocene of Central Europe: Persisting New World and emerging Old World biogeographic links
2012
Thomas Denk, Fridgeir Grimsson, Reinhard Zetter
Review of Palaeobotany and Palynology
71 views
Seen by:Combined LM and SEM study of the Middle Miocene (Sarmatian) palynoflora from the Lavanttal Basin: Part I. Bryophyta, Lycopodiophyta, Pteridophyta, Ginkgophyta, and Gnetophyta
2011
Fridgeir Grimsson, Reinhard Zetter, Christian Baal
Grana
68 views
Seen by:Jorda y otros 2011 BRSEHN Paleogeografia Nerja
Evolución paleogeográfica, paleoclimática y paleoambiental de la costa meridional de la Península Ibérica durante el Pleistoceno superior. El caso de la Cueva de Nerja (Málaga, Andalucía, España)
Palaeogeographic, palaeoclimatic and palaeoenvironmental evolution of the southern coast of the Iberian Peninsula during the Upper Pleistocene. The case of the Nerja Cave (Malaga, Andalusia, Spain)
Jesús F. Jordá Pardo, Adolfo Maestro González, J. Emili Aura Tortosa, Esteban Álvarez Fernández, Bárbara Avezuela Aristu, Ernestina Badal García, Juan V. Morales Pérez, Manuel Pérez Ripoll y Mª. Paz Villalba Currás
Bol. R. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. 105 (1-4): 137-147. Publicación online (13-12-2011)
We present the palaeogeographic, palaeoclimatic and palaeoenvironmental changes occurred during the Upper Pleistocene... more We present the palaeogeographic, palaeoclimatic and palaeoenvironmental changes occurred during the Upper Pleistocene and the Early Holocene in the southern Mediterranean coast of the Iberian Peninsula in the eastern sector of the province of Malaga, at south of the Sierra de Almijara. The study of these changes has been made from the analysis of bathymetric and geomorphological mapping of the underwater coastal in the studied area, the record of the sea surface temperature of the Alboran Sea from the MD95-2043 core and the radiometric, archaeological and palaeobiological data provided by the stratigraphic record of the external chambers of the ancient entrance of the Nerja Cave (Nerja, Malaga, Andalusia, Spain). This sedimentary record was placed in the cavity between the final stages of the Late Pleistocene and the Holocene, covering the end of OIS 3, the OIS 2 and the first half of OIS 1 with a chronological span between 29600 and 3940 years cal BP, according to the information provided by radiocarbon dating. To be more precise: this sedimentation began in the interstadial complex GI 4 immediately after Heinrich event 3 and ended in the chronozone Subatlantic with twelve stages of development of erosion and sedimentation that have six occupational episodes well-defined (Gravettian, Solutrean, Magdalenian, Epipaleolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic) and a worse delimited period (Mesolithic) separated by hiatuses of varying duration. During the Upper Pleistocene and Early Holocene the position of the sea surface was located at different levels below their current position, which conditioned the emergence of a coastal strip of varying amplitude over time, in which, humans populations living in the Nerja Cave developed their activities. Throughout that period we also observed a marked variation in the surface temperature of sea water and a series of changes in the position of the bioclimatic belts in the Sierra de Almijara and in the composition of vegetation and vertebrate and invertebrate fauna that were consumed by the prehistoric inhabitants of the Cave of Nerja. In this context it should be noted the abundant presence in the record of the cavity of marine fauna (echinoids, crustaceans, molluscs, fish, birds, mammals), among which, several species of northern latitudes and colder waters are included, currently outside the Mediterranean.
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