Cine-postcards from Morocco: Inside the Image of the City
Leonardo De Franceschi, ‘Cine-postcards from Morocco: Inside the Image of the City’, in Alessandra Speciale (ed.), 11° Festival Cinema Africano (Milano: COE/Editrice Il Castoro, 2001), pp. 193-195.
Considerations about Moroccan cinema, examined through modes of representation of urban space. Considerations about Moroccan cinema, examined through modes of representation of urban space.
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Seen by:Digital multiculturalism in the Netherlands: Religious, ethnic, and gender position acquisition by Moroccan-Dutch youth
by Koen Leurs
Co-authored with Eva Midden and Sandra Ponzanesi
This article focuses on digital practices of Moroccan-Dutch adolescents in the Netherlands. The digital sphere is... more
This article focuses on digital practices of Moroccan-Dutch adolescents in the Netherlands. The digital sphere is still rather understudied in the Netherlands.However, it offers a unique, entry to intersecting issues of religiosity, ethnicity and
gender as well as to their implications for thinking about multiculturalism from new vantage points. What do digital practices such as online discussion board participation tell us about identity and multiculturalism? The three forms of
position acquisition under discussion (gender, religion and ethnic positioning) show that neither religion, ethnicity, nor gender cease to exist in the digital realm but are constantly negotiated, reimagined and relocated. Drawing from the work
of Modood, Gilroy and other critics of gender, media, multiculturalism and postcoloniality, we argue that online activities of the Moroccan-Dutch youth not only offer an important critique of mainstream media debates on multiculturalism, but also create space for alternative bottom-up interpretations of everyday practices of multiculturalism in the Netherlands.
Protest proves beneficial to North African soccer performance
By James M. Dorsey
Protest is good for soccer. It enhances performance despite the hardship of civil strife... more
By James M. Dorsey
Protest is good for soccer. It enhances performance despite the hardship of civil strife according to an analysis of the performance of six North African national soccer teams before and after pro-longed mass protests that demanded regime change in their countries.
Matthew Barrett, a sports sponsorship professional, concluded in an analysis published on FootballSpeak.com that Tunisia, Libya, Sudan, Morocco and Algeria, five nations that experienced political upheaval in 2011, had performed significantly better in terms of average points per match following the protests or in Sudan’s case, the cessation of South Sudan, compared to 2010, the year before the unrest. Egypt, , which won the African Cup three times in row, but failed to qualify for the 2012 finals was the exception that confirmed the rule.
The six national teams, Mr. Barrett, calculated, played 53 matches since the series of Arab uprisings erupted in Tunisia a year ago, in which they scored 87 goals with an average of 1.64 goals per match and won 45% of all games played. By comparison, the same teams played 60 matches in the year before the revolts in which they scored 79 points with an average of 1.32 per game and won 33% of the games played.
The teams performed better even though professional soccer was suspended for months in several countries, including Libya, Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria during the protests in a bid to prevent the soccer pitch from becoming an opposition rallying point. The enhanced performance occurred further against the backdrop of a rift in various countries between fans, who played key roles in the protests, and a majority of players who opted to either remain aloof, and not take sides or in some cases to come out in support of the embattled autocrat.
The improvement in performance constitutes an apparent triumph of national identity over internalized neo-patriarchism, which characterizes Arab autocracies and means that players and managers more often than not identified with the autocratic leader as a father figure. It also highlights the debilitating effect that politically motivated autocratic interference in the game had on performance.
Libyan goalkeeper Samir Aboud suggested that enhanced performance was the result of post-revolt national teams having a sense of truly playing for their country rather than their ruler when he said after a draw against Zambia that allowed Libya to progress towards the 2012 African Cup finals that “this is for all Libyans, for our revolution.” Libya’s Brazilian coach, Marcos Paqueta, added that his squad was "not only playing for football success but for a new government and a new country”.
Nabil Maalouf, coach of Esperance Sportive de Tunis, which this year won the African Champions League, noted that “the events at home really stimulated our team and we believe that the players felt greatly liberated after what happened." Defender Khalil Chammam concluded that “one positive thing from the revolution was that, although we suffered a lot, those changes and the suffering made us stronger -mentally and physically."
The triumph of national identity over neo-patriarchism symbolized by the post-Qaddafi Libyan team flying the pre-Qaddafi Libyan flag and singing a new national anthem enabled Libya to remain undefeated in competitive matches since the country’s autocratic leader, Moammar Qaddafi, was toppled earlier this year. That is no mean fete for a team that was dominated for years by Al Saadi al Qaddafi, the Libyan leader’s cruel and mercurial son with soccer ambitions of his own, who equated its success with that of his father’s regime and its failures as unacceptable poor reflections on the regime.
Interpol has issued an international arrest warrant for Saadi on charges of misappropriation of soccer funds and armed intimidation of players and officials who has sought refuge in neighboring Niger. In a separate case, Saadi is under investigation by Libyan authorities for the 2005 murder of an anti-Qaddafi player.
The impact of neo-patriarchism that turned players into celebrated figures who went victorious were showered with expensive gifts meant that the Libyan team meant was during the revolt increasingly split between supporters of Mr. Qaddafi and players who lost close ones among the NATO-backed rebel forces in the war against Qaddafi loyalists. The team’s captain denounced the rebels as dogs and rats, language used by Mr. Qaddafi to describe his opponents, while the goalkeeper and three other players defected together with 14 club players to the rebels four months into the rebellion.
The Libyan team’s rising star contrasts starkly with the fact that like Sudan it had barely ever registered on the radar of African soccer prior to the wave of protests that have swept the Middle East and North Africa in the past year and led to the overthrow of not only Mr. Qaddafi but also the leaders of Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen, far-reaching political reform in Morocco, continued unrest in Algeria and the carving out of an independent state of South Sudan.
The Algerian national squad, with anti-government protests moving this year from the streets back into the stadiums after having forced the government to lift the 19-year old state of emergency, won three of its five matches to emerge at the top of its group, according to Mr. Barrett, who calculated that it had scored 1.75 points per game as opposed to 1.25 last year. For its part, Sudan qualified as a runner-up in its group, achieving a 53 percent win ratio with 1.79 points per game as opposed to a 25 percent win ratio and 1.13 points per match a year earlier.
Egypt is the exception to the rule that autocratic interference diminishes and protest enhances performance. In the days of ousted President Hosni Mubarak, Egypt’s national team coached by the legendary Mubarak loyalist Hassan Shehahta won the African Cup three times in a row but this year failed for the first time in 29 years to qualify for the tournament’s finals.
There is no immediate explanation for why Egypt’s performance has been markedly weaker. Granted, Egypt’s transition from autocracy to a more open political system has been messy and bloody with soccer fans remaining engaged in bitter battles to force the country’s military rulers to relinquish power. Transition has however been messy in most countries with the exception of Tunisia, yet all have displayed performances beyond expectation.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
La justicia indígena en la Zona Jalifiana del Protectorado español en Marruecos
Published in Awraq (Madrid: Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores), XIX, 1998, pages 143-179
In this paper, the Spanish and the Indigenous legal and judicial systems in the area of Spanish influence in Northern... more In this paper, the Spanish and the Indigenous legal and judicial systems in the area of Spanish influence in Northern Morocco during the colonial period (1912-1956) are explained in full detail.
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Seen by:La calle del Diablo
published in La Pensée de Midi, 2008
Ecrit par Mona Kezari alias Mériam Cheikh. Il s'agit d'une description de trois rues tangéroises situées au niveau du... more
Ecrit par Mona Kezari alias Mériam Cheikh. Il s'agit d'une description de trois rues tangéroises situées au niveau du boulevard Mohamed V et connues sous le nom de "zanqat shayatin", les rues des diables, pour les nuits de "débauche" qui s'y déroulent.
Written by Mona Kezari aka Mériam Cheikh. This article describes the tangerine streets called "the devil streets" since the era of the international zone because of their "licentious" nightlife.
Échanges sexuels monétarisés, femmes et féminités au Maroc : une autonomie ambivalente
published in Autrepart, n°49, 2009
In Morocco, having sexual practices outside marriage is becoming more and more common; as well as the marriage itself,... more In Morocco, having sexual practices outside marriage is becoming more and more common; as well as the marriage itself, these practices are a way for women to earn money : intimacy has an economic value and selling it can become an occupation. This situation has led to a redefinition of female identities. Nonetheless, the trivialization of those practices does not amount to their public acceptance; nor does it result in the anchorage of new and stable female identities. Single women or divorced ones who work in different sectors (house staff, prostitution, factories, services etc.) often share apartments. This form of habitation, even though it results from economic difficulties, allows women to date men and live in a different way their initimate life, far from family control and, as a consequence, gives rise to unexpected feminities. However, the development of those female subjectivities is impeded by the hesitation between individuation, which weakens the social position of women, and the search for stability and honor that entails the reaffirmation of the gender norms considered as traditional. Feminities are permanently created and reshaped.
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Seen by: and 6 moreLes mots d’amour : dire le sentiment et la sexualité au Maroc. De quelques matériaux
Co-authored with Catherine Miller and published in Estudios de dialectología norteafricana y andalusí (EDNA), n°13, 2010, pp. 173-199
Abstract
This paper investigates various ways of expressing love and sexuality in Moroccan Arabic. It aims... more
Abstract
This paper investigates various ways of expressing love and sexuality in Moroccan Arabic. It aims at questioning the link between love/sexuality and languages in Morocco. The data include extract of experts’ discourses, songs, proverbs, radio programs as well as life-stories collected among young women in Tangier.
Resumen
Este artículo estudia las diferentes maneras de expresar el amor y la sexualidad en árabe marroquí. Pretende analizar la conexión entre amor / sexualidad y lenguaje en Marruecos. Los datos incluyen extractos de textos de especialistas, canciones, proverbios, programas radiofónicos así como relatos autobiográficos recogidos entre mujeres jóvenes en Tánger.
Keywords: love, sexuality, Moroccan Arabic.
Palabras clave: amor, sexualidad, árabe marroquí.
Dutch Moroccan Girls Performing their Selves in Instant Messaging Spaces
by Koen Leurs
Co-authored with Sandra Ponzanesi.
Published in The Handbook of Gender, Sex, and Media, First Edition. Edited by Karen Ross.
© 2012 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Published 2012 by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
“A procissão de Corpus Christi e o resgate das relíquias para a Igreja de Nossa Senhora da Luz de Mazagão em 1677”
by Pedro Pinto
Revista de Artes Decorativas, Porto, 2009, N.º 3, pp. 307-315
Detailed accounf of a religious procession in Mazagan transporting ransomed religious relics to local church in... Detailed accounf of a religious procession in Mazagan transporting ransomed religious relics to local church in 1677.
‘Gewurgd door taboes.’ Veranderingen in de acceptatie van homoseksualiteit in de Marokkaanse gemeenschap in Nederland
by David Bos
Overview, based upon literature and ind-depth interview with community leaders, of changes (sincee the 19602) in the... more Overview, based upon literature and ind-depth interview with community leaders, of changes (sincee the 19602) in the Moroccan-Dutch community's ways of dealing with "homosexuality"
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Seen by:Bos, D.J.(2010) Gewurgd door taboes: Veranderingen in de acceptatie van homoseksualiteit in de Marokkaanse gemeenschap in Nederland. In Steeds gewoner, nooit gewoon. Acceptatie van homoseksualiteit in Nederland (pp. 265-286). Den Haag: Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau.
by David Bos
Paper on changes in the social acceptance of homosexuality in the Moroccan community in the Netherlands since the... more Paper on changes in the social acceptance of homosexuality in the Moroccan community in the Netherlands since the early 1970s. Makes part of a report, commissioned by the Dutch government, on social acceptance of homosexuality.
(2009) “La sociedad civil española y Marruecos”
en Bernabé López García y Miguel Hernando de Larramendi (coord.) (2009): Historia y memoria de las relaciones hispano-marroquíes. Un balance en el cincuentenario de la independencia de Marruecos. Madrid: Ediciones del Oriente y del Mediterráneo, pp. 367-430. ISBN: 978-84-96327-46-7.
La sociedad civil española presta una atención todavía insuficiente a Marruecos y su capacidad de incidencia es... more La sociedad civil española presta una atención todavía insuficiente a Marruecos y su capacidad de incidencia es limitada. Las precondiciones para superar este déficit son varias e implican a otros muy diversos actores como los medios de comunicación y las fuerzas políticas. En primer lugar debe superar y ser capaz de contrarrestar las percepciones dominantes en la sociedad española sobre Marruecos, en un contexto no propicio como es la brecha socioeconómica existente entre ambos países. Para ello debe realizar un esfuerzo de conocimiento y de actuación independiente, elementos claves para romper barreras mentales y reconocer intereses comunes.
(2010) Spain and Morocco: Good partners and badly matched neighbors
IPRIS Maghreb Review, 5, 2010, pp. 6-10. Lisboa, Portugal.
(quotes) Madrid is determined to play an active role as the legitimizer of the Moroccan regime through symbolic... more
(quotes) Madrid is determined to play an active role as the legitimizer of the Moroccan regime through symbolic goodwill gestures and through representing the Spanish- Moroccan relationship as a solid alliance.
Despite the profound development gap that exists between Europe and the Maghreb, Spain desires to be as much of a solid economic anchor with its southern neighbors as it is with its immediate European neighbors. Trade with Morocco has intensified and is greater than that with Spain’s historic Latin-American partners, or than that with the more dynamic Asian powers.
The illusion of Spanish- Moroccan relations, i.e. the determination of both sides to portray them as a “splendid relationship”, has prevented a public and transparent debate about the most serious questions and resulted in a foreign policy that is largely incoherent with the discourse that is usually maintained in other settings.
Spanish-Moroccan relations exemplify impressively that in an inter-dependent world, good neighborly relations cannot be based on tricks and ruses, demands for unconditional support, mere economic interest or the desire to externalize security tasks.
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