Media Sociology

Misyurov D.A. Dialectical formulas based on the binary notation as the development formulas // Credo New. 2012. №2

by Dmitry Misyurov

The article suggests dialectical formulas based on the binary notation as the development formulas: formula with... more The article suggests dialectical formulas based on the binary notation as the development formulas: formula with dominant and the non-dominant elements; universal formula; formula with symbolic weight of elements; tautological formula. For example, it suggests an opportunity to use the dialectical formulas for modeling and artificial intelligence creation, etc.

Breaking expectations: Imagined affinities in mediated youth cultures

by Mary Fogarty

Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies

Volume 26, Issue 3, 2012
Special Issue: Mediated Youth Cultures
Editors: Andy Bennett & Brady Robards

This article examines the mediated encounters experienced by participants in hip hop and funk dance styles especially... more This article examines the mediated encounters experienced by participants in hip hop and funk dance styles especially breaking or b-boying/b-girling. It introduces the concept of imagined affinities to describe the spectrum of these encounters, which are enacted through mediated texts, or by travels through new places. Using interviews with dancers as a guide, I argue that artefacts made, distributed and circulated by dancers help to produce perceptions of commonalities between them. The nature of the process of rapid mediatisation, which has taken place during the past few decades, and its subsequent impact on breaking or b-boying/b-girling, are considered here through a concerted effort to historicize shifts in practice and experience. I examine the historical moment when homemade videotapes began to proliferate in the cultural practices of breaking, providing a source for the values and codes of hip hop culture. At that time, dancers on tour, who created the videos, celebrated the local contexts of other dancers from around the world while simultaneously showing a determination to appreciate breaking through its own practices and formats, even as these practices were becoming rapidly transformed and expanded through international networks.

“Dude! You mean you’ve never eaten a peanut butter and jelly sandwich?!?” Nut allergy as stigma in comic books

by Simon Weaver

with Sarah McNicol, Health Communication, Online 10th May 2012

This article examines the representation of nut allergy in comics aimed at children and young people. It maps the... more This article examines the representation of nut allergy in comics aimed at children and young people. It maps the signification and stigma of nut allergy in comics, and includes an outline of the imagery, stereotypes, and connotations that are created on this condition. Three texts are examined: first, Allergic, a semi-autobiographical story by Adrian Tomine aimed at young adults; second, What's Up With Paulina? from the Medikidz series of comic books that aim to help a pre-teenage audience learn about medical conditions; and third, Peanut, a forthcoming comic book by Ayun Halliday aimed at those in their early to mid teenage years. Using textual analysis, we focus on three principal areas of the texts. First, we consider the way in which the allergic character is represented in relation to examples of felt stigma, typified by feelings of shame and rejection, and compare this representation to common stereotypes of disability. Second, we look at the representation of other characters, drawing attention to the way in which stigma is enacted, highlighting acts of overt discrimination. Last, we examine the way in which the event of an allergic reaction is portrayed, considering how this might be used to help children and young people better understand nut allergy and combat the stigma attached to it. Throughout the article we compare the representation of stigma in comics with that depicted in empirical research on children living with nut allergies.

March 11 as a New September 11: The Photographic Coverage of the 2004 Madrid Bombings

by Gérôme Truc

Published in "Etudes Photographiques", n°27, 2011, p. 125-163 (in French and English) [The  on-line version is only in French and without images unfortunately.]

The Madrid bombings of March 11, 2004, were immediately hailed as a ‘new September 11.’ This article seeks to... more The Madrid bombings of March 11, 2004, were immediately hailed as a ‘new September 11.’ This article seeks to determine whether this analogy is also pertinent to the photographic coverage of the two events. It is based on the statistical treatment of a sample of 248 photographs that were featured on the day following the attacks on the front pages of newspapers in Spain, the rest of the Europe, and the United States. As in the case of September 11, the entire body of these photographs can ultimately be reduced to six ‘images-types’ or ‘master images’ that were endlessly repeated. But the relative frequency of each of them and the actual photographs most widely reproduced vary from one geographical area to another. This is especially the case for images of the dead and wounded, which were much more visible in Spain than in the United States. This observation then becomes an occasion to identify the effects of globalization on the distribution of news photographs in the United States and Europe, as well as to explore the journalistic practices and types of intericonicity that lead to different ways of photographically representing death.

What symbols

by Dmitry Misyurov

This article contains 12 questions about the symbols. What are your thoughts in response? This article contains 12 questions about the symbols. What are your thoughts in response?

If San Gennaro is not enough. How the Italian press covered and framed the 2008 Naples’ waste emergency.

by Giuseppe Tipaldo

accepted @ PCST 2012 - Florence - 18-20 April 2012
Panel Media Coverage of Health and Food Issues

The paper is first of all concerned on the analysis of the Italian press communication during the 2008 waste emergency... more The paper is first of all concerned on the analysis of the Italian press communication during the 2008 waste emergency in the city of Naples. Data are analysed using a combination of content analysis and textual data mining techniques to underline the main strategies used by seven of the Italian main newspapers (Repubblica, Corriere della Sera, La Stampa, Il Sole 24 Ore, Il Giornale, Il Mattino, La Gazzetta del Mezzogiorno) to cover and frame the issue as long as to critically discuss the role of mass media in technoscientific controversies.
As a part of a still on-going 5-years research conducted on the social impact of the under- contruction co-incineration plant in the city of Turin, data from the mass media analysis are cross tabulated with those coming from a panel survey and some focus groups in order to give empirical evidences of the effects of the coverage on public opinion.
The work demonstrates a highly emphasized and dramatized communication has been set up by the Italian newspapers, which described the Naples’ waste emergency as a “new Chernobyl”, whose solely solution was the co-incineration, without giving enough space to alternative solutions. By making the local emergency a sort of Hirschman’s «catalytic event» nation-wide, mass media have strongly influenced public opinion in a short term perspective, increasing the number of people agreed with waste incineration. Otherwise, in a wider-time perspective, such an oversimplistic technoscientific communication only led to a waste of institutional trust, mainly in expertise and mass media.
Accordingly to the empirical evidences, considerations on what could be quality, honesty and beauty in technoscience communication, and, more in general, on the importance of journalism’s trustworthy as a (presently frail) trait d’union between lay public and expertise are made in the conclusions.

As parts of a recomposition of social meaning that transcends previous modes of classification

by Roger Alsop

This is a visual response to the provocation offered by the editors of Autopsya, given in the abstract below. Information about Autopsya is found at http://autopsya.com/eng/about-autopsya/ 

The second issue of Autopsya continues the subject of categorisation raised in “The Analytical Language of John... more The second issue of Autopsya continues the subject of categorisation raised in “The Analytical Language of John Wilkins” by Jorge Luis Borges, submitted with Topic One, and asks:

Q Is it possible to divide human cultural production into the subdivisions; ‘Folkloric’, ‘Popular’ and ‘High’ culture or, would you agree with Ticio Escobar that ‘Deep down, all cultural phenomena are essentially hybrid’1?

In addition to the question we are submitting chapter 6 “The Popular and Popularity: From Political to Theatrical Representation” from the book ‘Hybrid Cultures: Strategies for entering and leaving modernity’ for by Nestor Garcia Canclini.

Spain’s economic crisis creates opportunity for Al Jazeera

by James M. Dorsey

By James M. Dorsey

A refusal by Spanish commercial television stations to bid at current rates for rights... more By James M. Dorsey

A refusal by Spanish commercial television stations to bid at current rates for rights to broadcast next season’s top league Spanish soccer matches creates an opportunity for the Qatar-owned Al Jazeera network to advance its push into Europe and to become the world’s premier global broadcaster.

A bid for Spanish rights would reaffirm Al Jazeera’s strategy of moving in behind other Qatar government institutions as they conclude sponsorship agreements and acquisitions such as the winning of the hosting the 2022 World Cup and in France. It would also fit with the broadcaster’s move into markets such as Egypt in anticipation that they will generate revenue at a later stage rather than immediately and Qatar’s strategy of employing sports and media to leverage its global influence.

More than anything else, Al Jazeera and the 2022 World Cup have put Qatar, a tiny city state, on the world map. With Al Jazeera, Qatar rewrote the Middle East and North Africa’s media landscape, which until then was dominated by heavily censored state-owned broadcasters. Qatar’s ruler, Emir Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa Al Thani, ignored with few exceptions the protests of Al Jazeera’s often freewheeling journalism by various Arab leaders as well as initial US government portrayals of Al Jazeera as an Al Qaeda mouthpiece.

Al Jazeera has spent an estimated $400 million in the last year for broadcast rights to France's soccer league, the Champions League and Europa League, as well as some top German and Italian matches. It also concluded a $225 million sponsorship deal with FC Barcelona and a member of the royal family has bought FC Malaga.

Al Jazeera’s opportunity in Spain emerged after the country’s major commercial television stations, Antena 3 de Television SA (A3TV) and Mediaset Espana Comunicacion SA (TL5), said that they would only bid in June for the soccer league broadcast rights if rates were dropped by half. Reduced rates however could put the financial future of the Spanish league in jeopardy with players worried that clubs may not be able to honour their contracts.

The Spanish League generates annual television revenues of approximately $600 million. Business Week quoted Antena 3 as saying that Rival La Sexta, with which it is merging, paid $78 million for last season’s rights or just under $2 million for each of the 38 matches. 

Antena 3’s net income fell 14 percent last year while Mediaset SpA (MS), the parent company of Mediaset Espana, cut its dividend in March after profit dropped more than estimated on lower advertisement sales, Business Week said.

“The problem with sports events is that it’s good for ratings but it’s a financial disaster,” Antena 3 Chief Executive Officer Silvio Gonzalez told the magazine.

Al Jazeera’s opportunity is bolstered by the fact that the economics of Spanish league broadcast rights are complicated by Spain’s economic crisis, which has seen media revenues decline and unemployment rise, as well as the fact that Spanish law requires one match a week to be aired on a free-to-air rather than a pay tv channel. Complicating a possible Al Jazeera push into the Spain is the fact that each Spanish club sells its own rights which strengthens the negotiating position teams like Real Madrid and FC Barcelona.

The potential crisis in Spanish soccer has fuelled calls for the dropping of the legal requirement of a free-to-air game amid a flurry of Spanish and British media reports about players getting ready to transfer abroad after this season ends.

Britain’s The Sun reported that Abu Dhabi-owned Manchester City might offer $67 million for Colombian striker Radamel Falcao, who scored more than 25 goals for Spain’s Atletico Madrid this season. Qatar-owned Paris Saint-Germain could also well try to exploit Spain’s dilemma.

Al Jazeera has not commented on whether it is considering bidding for next season’s Spanish league rights. A bid would however be in line with the Gulf state’s global soccer and media ambitions as well as Sheikh Hamad’s proven willingness to enable Al Jazeera to suffer multi-year losses as it builds its business.

The broadcaster, the most popular sports network in the Middle East and Africa with two free and 15 pay channels, has acquired the rights in 23 countries to the 2018 and 2022 World Cups as well as to the troubled premier league in Egypt, where the pay TV market is still underdeveloped.

Al Jazeera is expected to launch a new French channel in early June in time for the European soccer championships after acquiring French rights in the wake of Qatar’s acquisition of Paris Saint-Germain.

Al Jazeera, which shares the rights with free-to-air channels TF1 and M6, who as part of their package will broadcast those French matches which have to be shown on free TV under French law, sees France as its test case for establishing itself as a pay-TV broadcaster in Europe.

The broadcaster is also looking at challenging this spring Rupert Murdoch’s BskyB for British rights to the English Premier League, at approximately $3 billion the world’s most expensive soccer league broadcast rights, and could also bid for German Bundesliga rights.

James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.

Spain’s economic crisis creates opportunity for Al Jazeera

by James M. Dorsey

By James M. Dorsey

A refusal by Spanish commercial television stations to bid at current rates for rights... more By James M. Dorsey

A refusal by Spanish commercial television stations to bid at current rates for rights to broadcast next season’s top league Spanish soccer matches creates an opportunity for the Qatar-owned Al Jazeera network to advance its push into Europe and to become the world’s premier global broadcaster.

A bid for Spanish rights would reaffirm Al Jazeera’s strategy of moving in behind other Qatar government institutions as they conclude sponsorship agreements and acquisitions such as the winning of the hosting the 2022 World Cup and in France. It would also fit with the broadcaster’s move into markets such as Egypt in anticipation that they will generate revenue at a later stage rather than immediately and Qatar’s strategy of employing sports and media to leverage its global influence.

More than anything else, Al Jazeera and the 2022 World Cup have put Qatar, a tiny city state, on the world map. With Al Jazeera, Qatar rewrote the Middle East and North Africa’s media landscape, which until then was dominated by heavily censored state-owned broadcasters. Qatar’s ruler, Emir Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa Al Thani, ignored with few exceptions the protests of Al Jazeera’s often freewheeling journalism by various Arab leaders as well as initial US government portrayals of Al Jazeera as an Al Qaeda mouthpiece.

Al Jazeera has spent an estimated $400 million in the last year for broadcast rights to France's soccer league, the Champions League and Europa League, as well as some top German and Italian matches. It also concluded a $225 million sponsorship deal with FC Barcelona and a member of the royal family has bought FC Malaga.

Al Jazeera’s opportunity in Spain emerged after the country’s major commercial television stations, Antena 3 de Television SA (A3TV) and Mediaset Espana Comunicacion SA (TL5), said that they would only bid in June for the soccer league broadcast rights if rates were dropped by half. Reduced rates however could put the financial future of the Spanish league in jeopardy with players worried that clubs may not be able to honour their contracts.

The Spanish League generates annual television revenues of approximately $600 million. Business Week quoted Antena 3 as saying that Rival La Sexta, with which it is merging, paid $78 million for last season’s rights or just under $2 million for each of the 38 matches. 

Antena 3’s net income fell 14 percent last year while Mediaset SpA (MS), the parent company of Mediaset Espana, cut its dividend in March after profit dropped more than estimated on lower advertisement sales, Business Week said.

“The problem with sports events is that it’s good for ratings but it’s a financial disaster,” Antena 3 Chief Executive Officer Silvio Gonzalez told the magazine.

Al Jazeera’s opportunity is bolstered by the fact that the economics of Spanish league broadcast rights are complicated by Spain’s economic crisis, which has seen media revenues decline and unemployment rise, as well as the fact that Spanish law requires one match a week to be aired on a free-to-air rather than a pay tv channel. Complicating a possible Al Jazeera push into the Spain is the fact that each Spanish club sells its own rights which strengthens the negotiating position teams like Real Madrid and FC Barcelona.

The potential crisis in Spanish soccer has fuelled calls for the dropping of the legal requirement of a free-to-air game amid a flurry of Spanish and British media reports about players getting ready to transfer abroad after this season ends.

Britain’s The Sun reported that Abu Dhabi-owned Manchester City might offer $67 million for Colombian striker Radamel Falcao, who scored more than 25 goals for Spain’s Atletico Madrid this season. Qatar-owned Paris Saint-Germain could also well try to exploit Spain’s dilemma.

Al Jazeera has not commented on whether it is considering bidding for next season’s Spanish league rights. A bid would however be in line with the Gulf state’s global soccer and media ambitions as well as Sheikh Hamad’s proven willingness to enable Al Jazeera to suffer multi-year losses as it builds its business.

The broadcaster, the most popular sports network in the Middle East and Africa with two free and 15 pay channels, has acquired the rights in 23 countries to the 2018 and 2022 World Cups as well as to the troubled premier league in Egypt, where the pay TV market is still underdeveloped.

Al Jazeera is expected to launch a new French channel in early June in time for the European soccer championships after acquiring French rights in the wake of Qatar’s acquisition of Paris Saint-Germain.

Al Jazeera, which shares the rights with free-to-air channels TF1 and M6, who as part of their package will broadcast those French matches which have to be shown on free TV under French law, sees France as its test case for establishing itself as a pay-TV broadcaster in Europe.

The broadcaster is also looking at challenging this spring Rupert Murdoch’s BskyB for British rights to the English Premier League, at approximately $3 billion the world’s most expensive soccer league broadcast rights, and could also bid for German Bundesliga rights.

James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.

"Raise your head high, you're an Egyptian!" Youth, politics, and citizen journalism in Egypt

by Henri Onodera

(2011) Sociologica 5(3): 1-22. doi: 10.2383/36422.

A period of relative opening in Egypt’s media landscape, which started in the mid-2000s, witnessed an increase in new... more A period of relative opening in Egypt’s media landscape, which started in the mid-2000s, witnessed an increase in new forms of political communication, especially through the new media technologies of the internet and mobile phones. In this context, notions of “citizen journalism” and cognates have gained prominence in Egyptian public life. This article focuses on young pro-democracy activists in Cairo and argues that citizen journalism has provided them a useful “tactic” in the wider politics of knowledge and mobilization during those years. It shows that, though being initially a global label appropriated by young bloggers, “citizen journalism” has functioned as a travelling concept that carries ambiguous notions of the self and its agentic capacities.

Before (and After) the ‘Arab Spring’: From Connectedness to Mobilization in the Public Sphere

by Armando Salvatore

Oriente Moderno, 91, 1: 5-12

This is the introductory piece to the thematic issue of Oriente Moderno on Between Everyday Life and Political Revolution: The Social Web in the Middle East.

New Media and Collective Action in the Middle East: Can Sociological Research Help Avoiding Orientalist Traps? Sociologica, 5, 3: 1-17.

by Armando Salvatore

This is the introductory piece to the Symposium (section) of Sociologica on New Media and Collective Action in the Middle East.
You can download all other pieces from the journal’s site after signing up (free access) at the link
www.sociologica.mulino.it

Abstract: Since Max Weber, sociology has not been immune from orientalist bias concerning the normative irreducibility... more Abstract: Since Max Weber, sociology has not been immune from orientalist bias concerning the normative irreducibility of Western modern achievements. This problem becomes more acute with regard to the role of media in the public sphere. The article first looks at Western perceptions of the protests in Iran that followed the contested presidential elections of 2009 and at the “Arab Spring” of 2011 (and particularly at the role of the blogosphere and of social networks as factors of mobilization) as a major test of the resilience of orientalist preconceptions. The author further argues how the focus on “new media” within collective action and revolutions, instead of helping break up orientalist bias, might have provided them a new ground, located right at the core of the sociology of media and communication, and resulting in trivializing the much more complex types of agency at work in the uprisings. The article concludes by showing how the studies collected in this symposium not only help us avoiding this neo-orientalist trap but go one step
further in problematizing taken for granted, sociological notions of collective action, the public sphere and even “media.”

Keywords: Orientalism, collective action, new media, public sphere, revolution.

Corporate Hegemony: a critical assessment of the Globe and Mail’s news coverage of near-genocide in occupied East Timor 1975–80

by Jeffery Klaehn

‘Corporate Hegemony and the Marginalization of Dissent: A Critical Assessment and Review of the Globe and Mail’s News Coverage of Near-Genocide in Occupied East Timor, 1975-1980,’ International Communication Gazette, 2002, Vol. 64(4): 301-321. Reprinted in Filtering the News: Essays on Herman and Chomsky’s Propaganda Model (Montreal: Black Rose, 2005), 138-163.

Abstract / The study asks whether the news coverage accorded the near-genocide in East Timor by the Globe and Mail... more Abstract / The study asks whether the news coverage accorded the near-genocide in East Timor by the Globe and Mail (G&M) followed the predictions of the ‘propaganda model’ (PM) of media operations laid out and applied by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky in Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media. The research asks whether the G&M’s news coverage of the near-genocide in East Timor and of Canada’s ‘aiding and abetting’ of ‘war crimes’ and ‘crimes against humanity’ in occupied East Timor was hegemonic or ideologically serviceable given Canada’s (geo)political-economic interests in Indonesia throughout the invasion and occupation periods. Did the news coverage provide a political and historical benchmark by which to inform the Canadian public (or not) and influence (or not) Canadian government policy on Indonesia and East Timor?

Keywords / Canadian foreign policy / democracy / East Timor / media / power and hegemony / propaganda model

Cibercultura: la risocializzazione ai nuovi media

by Davide Bianchini

Tesi Facoltà di Scienze politiche Diploma universitario in Giornalismo Anno accademico 2001/2002

Il Salto Quantico E Le Forme Della Democrazia

by antonio caronia

Pubblicato in: Sociologia della comunicazione, anno XX n. 38, Numero monografico su “L’esperienza tecnologica del mondo”, Laurea ad honorem dell’Univ. Di Urbino a Derrick de Kerckhove, II semestre 2005 [ma stampato maggio 2007].

Potenzialità, limiti e contraddizioni del "salto quantico" della società digitale ipotizzato da Derrick de... Potenzialità, limiti e contraddizioni del "salto quantico" della società digitale ipotizzato da Derrick de Kerckhove.

The Magic of Social Control: governmental media control and deviantisation

by Alex Zauner-De Ville

Presented at TASA conference, 2011, Newcastle University.

The media is used by governments to disseminate approved discourses surrounding target groups, people and behaviours.... more The media is used by governments to disseminate approved discourses surrounding target groups, people and behaviours. Within the magical world of Harry Potter, the governmental mechanisms are no different to the real world. The Harry Potter series of books are part of the web of cultural texts that structure and maintain social constructions, and as such can provide insights to the workings of a governmental facility in the role of social control through the media. The Ministry of Magic uses the wizarding media in an attempt to control the public through deviantisation. This study focuses on sociological theories of social control and deviantisation through the media, and how the Ministry of Magic produces and reproduces discourses. There is an exploration of how the Ministry, through the media avenue used, rely upon a deficit of alternate information to ensure acceptable behaviour. An inductive content analysis is used to explore the actions of the Ministry in the framework of social control and deviantisation. This study demonstrates the methods and discourses generated, and the likelihood of resistance to the Ministry’s attempts of control.

A Cápa Utolsó Tangója

by Andras Szekfu

Research papers on Hungarian media during the Communist dictatorship. Written between 1976 and 1984, some of them hitherto unpublished.

A cápa utolsó tangója

(médiaszociológiai tanulmányok a félkemény diktatúrában)



A... more A cápa utolsó tangója

(médiaszociológiai tanulmányok a félkemény diktatúrában)



A szerző 1969-től (a megalakulástól) 1990-ig (majdnem a megszűnésig) a Tömegkommunikációs Kutatóközpont munkatársa volt, kezdetben kiadói szerkesztőként majd kutatóként. A jelen kötet ebben az időszakban írott tanulmányaiból, kutatási eredményeiből ad egy csokorra valót.

A korabeli anyagot két visszaemlékezés egészíti ki. A Függelékben pedig a szerző közli Hans Magnus Enzensberger a maga korában nagy hatású tanulmányát: „Építőkockák egy médiaelmélethez” címmel, Dalos György korabeli fordításában. A tanulmányt a szerző szerette volna kiadatni a Kutatóközpont kiadványsorozatában, azonban ez akkor nyilvánvaló politikai okokból nem sikerült. (Köszönet a Suhrkamp Verlag-nak a jelen kiadáshoz megadott díjtalan kiadási jogért.)

A kötet tanulmányainak többsége csak belső sokszorosításban „jelent meg”, nyilvánosan most olvashatók először.

Vlaamse journalisten vermelden persberichten zelden als bron

by Sarah Van Leuven

‘Voorverpakt nieuws’ is sinds het veschijnen van het boek Flat Earth News van Nick Davies een hot topic. Journalisten... more ‘Voorverpakt nieuws’ is sinds het veschijnen van het boek Flat Earth News van Nick Davies een hot topic. Journalisten zouden in toenemende mate persberichten klakkeloos overnemen. Tijdsdruk, krimpende redacties, bezuinigingen, en toenemende concurrentie zouden de oorzaak zijn van deze ‘churnalism’. Om erachter te komen of hiervan ook sprake is in Vlaanderen, deden wij een langjarig onderzoek.

We richtten ons op buitenlandnieuws omdat men er vaak van uitgaat dat besparingen  zich hier het meest laten voelen (bijvoorveeld snijden in het aantal correspondenten), en dat journalisten daardoor steeds vaker naar ‘voorverpakt nieuws’ zoals persberichten zullen grijpen.

Bovendien is er de laatste jaren een nieuw optimisme gegroeid rond sociale media, die redacties een antwoord zouden kunnen bieden op de groeiende afhankelijkheid van een beperkt aantal bronnen. Sociale media bieden namelijk nieuwe mogelijkheden voor een gevarieerde nieuwsgaring. Vooral op het vlak van buitenlandnieuws krijgen journalisten de kans om bij wijze van spreken de hele wereld te betrekken bij het schrijven van een nieuwsbericht.

The Revolution will not be televised: il 68 raccontato via radio, da Parigi a Città del Messico.

by Tiziano Bonini

published in: Casilio S., Guerrieri L., ( a cura di), Il '68 diffuso, Bologna, Clueb, 2009.

Questo articolo sottolinea un particolare aspetto del '68 e guarda quell'anno da una prospettiva inedita, quella... more Questo articolo sottolinea un particolare aspetto del '68 e guarda quell'anno da una prospettiva inedita, quella dell'influenza del mezzo radiofonico su alcuni di quei movimenti. In particolare ci soffermeremo sull'uso delle radio a transistor durante il maggio francese – la storia più nota agli storici dei media – e sul ruolo della radio nel movimento studentesco messicano – una storia invece quasi completamente sconosciuta ma che, come vedremo, anticipa molte altre storie di radio di movimento che diventeranno famose negli anni a venire, a partire dalla sua chiusura in diretta manu militari.
Seguendo un'ordine cronologico, il '68 “radiofonico” iniziò a marzo, con la chiusura di Radio Caroline, proseguì a maggio per le strade di Parigi e si concluse tra luglio e ottobre a Città del Messico, poco prima dell'inizio dei Giochi Olimpici.

Globalisation of Violence: The Death Game of New Imperialism

by barış çoban

“Globalisation of Violence: The Death Game of New Imperialism”. Critique, The Journal of Socialist Theory, Routledge. Vol. 38, 309-320 (2010).