« Nature et rôle du début du discours de Pothin dans le Bellum ciuile de Lucain (8.484-495) »
by Guillaume Flamerie de Lachapelle
publié dans: dans Lucain en débat. Actes du colloque de Bordeaux des 12, 13 et 14 juin 2008, edd. O. Devillers & S. Franchet d’Espèrey, Bordeaux [Ausonius], 2010, p. 323-335.
Le début du discours de Pothin présente un caractère insolite, car il s’apparente moins à l’exorde classique d’un... more
Le début du discours de Pothin présente un caractère insolite, car il s’apparente moins à l’exorde classique d’un discours délibératif qu’à une théorisation de la tyrannie. Il ne s’agit pas d’une tyrannie insensée, mais d’une politique apparemment fondée et modérée par la raison. En réalité, ces conceptions ne sont pas valables, car elles sapent les principes stoïciens en donnant parfois l’illusion de les respecter. En allant un peu plus loin, on peut voir dans l’influent Pothin un double négatif de Sénèque : outre le contenu, la situation même du discours évoque le De Clementia. Il ne faut cependant pas en conclure que le poète attaque son oncle à travers Pothin : bien au contraire, la faillite de sa politique conforte les principes exposés dans le De Clementia, qui se dessine alors comme le véritable modèle à suivre : un régime personnel est un bien pour l’État si le souverain applique une politique équilibrée et bienfaisante. Annoncer le danger d’un régime monarchique dépassant toute mesure serait donc l’un des objets de ce si surprenant exorde.
Annexe : traduction du passage étudié – parallèles avec la pensée de Sénèque.
The Dead and their Ghosts in the Bellum Civile : Lucan's Visions of History.
In: Brill’s Companion to Lucan , ed. Paolo Asso. (Leiden: Brill, 2011). Chapter 13, pp. 257-279
Textual City: Epic Walks in Virgil, Lucan, and Petrarch
by Andrew Hui
Oxford Classical Receptions Journal (2011)
... fugit omnia linquens (Stat. Theb. 11,441). Adrasto come Pompeo?
in Modelli letterari e ideologia nell'età flavia, Atti della III Giornata Ghislieriana di filologia classica (Pavia, 30-31 ottobre 2003), Pavia 2005, pp. 77-95
"Lucan and Petronius: Primitive Politics"
“Lucan and Petronius: Primitive Politics”, in Writing Politics in Imperial Rome, edited J. Garthwaite and W. Dominik. Brill. 2009, 273-306.
"Pompey's Head and Cato's Snakes"
“Pompey’s Head and Cato’s Snakes.” Classical Philology 98.1 (January 2003).
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Seen by:"Happy Birthday Dead Lucan: (P)raising the Dead in Silvae 2.7"
Published in A.J. Boyle ed. Roman Literature and Ideology: Ramus Essays in Honor of J.P. Sullivan. Aureal Publications, Victoria, 1995: 1-30.
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Seen by:Farsalia en la Cólquide. Acerca de dos símiles lucaneos en el libro VI de las Argonáuticas de Valerio Flaco
by Antonio Río Torres-Murciano
Emerita 74.2, 2006, pp. 201-216.
Traditionally, the war in Colchis, which Valerius introduces in book VI of his Argonautica, has been believed to point... more
Traditionally, the war in Colchis, which Valerius introduces in book VI of his Argonautica, has been believed to point out the appropiation by the Flavian epicist of the martial epic indebted to Homer’s Iliad as well as to the last six books of Vergil’s Aeneid. Nevertheless, Valerius emphasizes the presence of Lucan’s Bellum Civile in his own epic by means of two similes (VI 168-70, 402-6) whose interpretation calls into question a strictly Homeric and/or Vergilian reading of book VI.
Tradicionalmente, se ha considerado que la guerra en la Cólquide, que Valerio introduce en el libro VI de sus Argonáuticas, pone de manifiesto la apropiación por el épico flavio de la épica marcial deudora de la Ilíada, así como de los últimos seis libros de la Eneida. No obstante, Valerio subraya la presencia del Bellum Civile de Lucano en su propia epopeya mediante dos símiles (VI 168-70, 402-6) cuya interpretación compromete una lectura estrictamente homérica y/o virgiliana del libro VI.
‘Hopefully surviving: the limits of devotio in Virgil and others’
by Bob Cowan
Proceedings of the Virgil Society 27 (2011) 56-98.
Review of Tesoriero (C.), Muecke (F.), Neal (T.) (edd.) Oxford Readings in Classical Studies: Lucan.
by Erica Bexley
published in The Classical Review, vol. 61, issue 1 (2011) p.309.
‘Virtual Epic: counterfactuals, sideshadowing and the poetics of contingency in the Punica’
by Bob Cowan
in Antony Augoustakis (ed.) Brill’s Companion to Silius Italicus (Brill: Leiden, 2010) 323-51.
Replacing Rome: Geographic and Political Centrality in Lucan's Pharsalia
by Erica Bexley
published in Classical Philology, vol. 104, (2009), pp.459-75.
Medusa, Antaeus, and Caesar Libycus
by Dunstan Lowe
In: Hoemke, N. and Reitz, C. (eds.) Lucan’s “Bellum Civile” between epic tradition and aesthetic innovation. Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 282 . de Gruyter, Berlin, pp. 119-134.
Although it is well known that Lucan’s Libya is a wild and threatening place, its threat is not restricted to... more
Although it is well known that Lucan’s Libya is a wild and threatening place, its threat is not restricted to indigenous people, places and things, such as Hannibal, Cleopatra, the Syrtes, or the desert with its catalogue of horrifying snakes. He also associates Libya with anti-Republican Romans, above all Julius Caesar, who endangers the Republic with his excessive, animalistic energy and resembles the continent where he is trapped in the final book.
Although the gods as characters are removed from the world of the Bellum Civile, Lucan allows supernatural traces to linger in particular locations such as the Gallic grove in Book 3 or Thessaly in Book 6. Libya is by far the greatest of these reservoirs of frightening myth and fantasy, which do violence to the historical credibility of the narrative, just as Libya itself is presented as the origin or conduit of a number of historical characters who assault Italy and Europe.
Lucan’s two mythic narratives (Antaeus in Book 4 and Medusa in Book 9) are essential parts of the hostile Libyan landscape, but in very different ways. The male Antaeus, associated with lions, is connected with a region of solid rock where he was destroyed. The female Medusa, associated with snakes, is connected with a region of shifting sands where she left a deadly, everlasting legacy. To complicate matters further, even though Medusa’s snakes represent the annihilation of the Republican self, the logic of the narrative is undermined and there is even a sympathetic subtext.
As part of Libya’s historical and mythical legacy, these stories reveal that for Lucan, historical epic is linked with Republicanism, but mythical epic is in the service of dictatorship.

