Review of Dean Mathiowetz, "Appeals to Interest: Language and the Shaping of Political Agency" by Jonathan Havercroft
Published in Perspectives on Politics, June 2012
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Seen by:The secular state and religious conflict: liberal neutrality and the Indian case of pluralism
Co-authored with S.N. Balagangadhara, published in Journal of Political Philosophy.
There are few places in the contemporary world where the problems of religious pluralism are as acute as they are in... more There are few places in the contemporary world where the problems of religious pluralism are as acute as they are in India. The Indian case poses fundamental challenges to the political theory of toleration. By tackling the problem of religious conversion, our analysis shows that the dominant way of conceiving state neutrality becomes untenable in the Indian context. The Indian state, modelled after the liberal democracies in the West, is the harbinger of religious conflict in India because of its conception of state neutrality. More of ‘secularism’ in India will end up feeding what it fights: the so-called ‘Hindu fundamentalism’.
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Seen by:Liberal Political Theory and the Cultural Migration of Ideas: The case of secularism in India
Co-authored with Sarah Claerhout and S.N. Balagangadhara. Published in Political Theory, 39(5), 571-599.
The principles of liberal political theory are often said to be “freestanding.” Are they indeed sufficiently detached... more The principles of liberal political theory are often said to be “freestanding.” Are they indeed sufficiently detached from the cultural setting where they emerged to be intelligible to people with other backgrounds? To answer this question, this essay examines the Indian secularism debate and develops a hypothesis on the process whereby liberal principles crystallized in the West and spread elsewhere. It argues that the secularization of western political thought has not produced independent rational principles, but transformed theological ideas into the “topoi” of a culture. Like all topoi, the principles of liberalism depend on other clusters of ideas present in western societies. When they migrate to new settings, the absence of these surrounding ideas presents fundamental obstacles to the interpretation and elaboration of liberal principles. The case of Indian secularism illustrates the cultural limitations of liberal political theory rather than showing its universal significance.
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Seen by:The Emerging Neo-Communitarianism
by Will Davies
Forthcoming in Political Quarterly, 83: 4 Oct-Dec 2012 http://www.blackwellpublishing.com/journal.asp?ref=0032-3179
The financial crisis which began in 2007 has been widely interpreted as a crisis of neoliberalism, akin to the crisis... more The financial crisis which began in 2007 has been widely interpreted as a crisis of neoliberalism, akin to the crisis of Keynesianism of the 1970s. But there is little sign of a major paradigmatic alternative, either in theory in practice. This article looks at how the crises and failures of neoliberalism are occurring at a micro-policy level, where they are interpreted in terms of the fallibility of individual rational choice. Policy responses to this crisis, drawing on more psychologically nuanced accounts of economic behaviour, can be described as ‘neo-communitarian’, inasmuch as they echo the communitarian critique of the liberal self. Where neoliberalism rests on a vision of the individual as atomised and rational, neo-communitarianism treats individuals as governed by social norms and incentives simultaneously. And where neoliberalism subjects individuals to periodic audit organised around targets and outputs, neo-communitarianism conducts a constant audit of behavioural fluctuations in real time.
Autonomy-minded Anti-perfectionism: novel, intuitive, and sound
by Ben Colburn
Journal of Philosophical Research 37 (2012): 233-241.
John Patrick Rudisill purports to identify various problems with my argument that the state promotion of autonomy is... more John Patrick Rudisill purports to identify various problems with my argument that the state promotion of autonomy is consistent with anti-perfectionism, viz., that it falsely pretends to be novel, is unacceptably counterintuitive because too restrictive and too permissive, and that it deploys a self-defeating formal apparatus. I argue, in reply, that my argument is more novel than Rudisill gives me credit for; that properly understood my anti-perfectionism implies neither the implausible restrictions nor the unpalatable permissions that Rudisill claims; and that my formal apparatus is innocent of the flaws imputed to it.
Responsibility and School Choice in Education
by Ben Colburn
Journal of Philosophy of Education 46 (2012).
Consider the following argument for school choice, based on an appeal to the virtues of the market: allowing parents... more Consider the following argument for school choice, based on an appeal to the virtues of the market: allowing parents some measure of choice over their particular children’s education ultimately serves the interests of all children, because creating a market mechanism in state education will produce improvements through the same pressures that lead to greater efficiency and quality when markets are deployed in more familiar contexts. The argument fails, because it is committed to a principle of equal concern, which (after analysis) implies that a market in education is acceptable only if it is right to hold children disadvantaged by their parents’ poor market choices substantively responsible for the fact. Since that claim is untenable, the market-based argument for school choice not only fails, but also turns out to rely on principles which in fact condemn the very policy it was supposed to support.
Anti-Perfectionisms and Autonomy
by Ben Colburn
Analysis 70 (2010): 247-256.
Different types of liberal theory can be distinguished according to their commitments in respect of two claims. One... more
Different types of liberal theory can be distinguished according to their commitments in respect of two claims. One the claim that the state ought to promote autonomy; the other is that the state ought not in its action to promote any value. Some liberals are committed to the former (which I call the Autonomy Claim) and reject the latter (generally dubbed 'Anti-Perfectionism'). Others have the converse commitments: they endorse Anti-Perfectionism, and deny that the state ought to promote autonomy.
In this article, I provide support for a liberal political philosophy that endorses both of the claims given above: that is, one that is fully committed to the state promotion of autonomy, and which also counts Anti- Perfectionism amongst its other commitments. I do so by defending it against the serious charge that it is prima facie self contradictory. After all, Anti-Perfectionism appears to demand that the state refrain from promoting any value – it looks as though that must preclude the promotion of autonomy, if the latter is conceived of as a value. I argue that this self-contradiction is a mirage, whose plausibility depends on an equivocation in the statement given above of Anti-Perfectionism. When that is removed, we can see that on its best understanding, Anti-Perfectionism is consistent with the Autonomy Claim.
Forbidden Ways of Life
by Ben Colburn
The Philosophical Quarterly 58 (2008): 618-629.
I examine an objection against autonomy-minded liberalism sometimes made by philosophers such as John Rawls and... more I examine an objection against autonomy-minded liberalism sometimes made by philosophers such as John Rawls and William Galston, that it rules out ways of life which do not themselves value freedom or autonomy. This objection is incorrect, because one need not value autonomy in order to live an autonomous life. Hence autonomy-minded liberalism need not rule out such ways of life. I suggest a modified objection which does work, namely that autonomy-minded liberalism must rule out ways of life that could not develop under an autonomy-promoting education. I conclude by suggesting some reasons why autonomy-minded liberals should bite the bullet and accept this.
Norms of Liberty: A Perfectionist Basis for Non-perfectionist Politics
by Ben Colburn
Journal of Moral Philosophy 5 (2008): 318-321.
This is a review of Norms of Liberty by D.B. Rasmussen and D.J. Den Uyl. This is a review of Norms of Liberty by D.B. Rasmussen and D.J. Den Uyl.
Sexual Liberalism–Conservatism: The Effect of Human Values, Gender, and Previous Sexual Experience
In press in Archives of Sexual Behavior. Co-authored with Valdiney V. Gouveia, Deliane M. Sousa, Tiago J. Lima, & Leogildo A. Freires
Despite theoretical associations, there is a lack of empirical studies on the axiological basis of sexual liberalism –... more
Despite theoretical associations, there is a lack of empirical studies on the axiological basis of sexual liberalism – conservatism. Two studies demonstrated important associations
between these constructs for young adults. In Study 1, participants were 353 undergraduate students with a mean age of 20.13 (SD=1.84), who completed the Sexual Liberalism–Conservatism Scale and the Basic Values Survey. In Study 2, participants were 269 undergraduate students, with a mean age of 20.3 (SD= 1.82), who completed a social desirability scale in addition to Study 1 instruments. Results showed how values can predict sexual liberalism–conservatism after controlling for social desirability. Attitudes towards one’s own sexual behavior were more conservative whereas attitudes towards other’s sexual behavior were more liberal. Gender was not a significant predictor of sexual attitudes whereas previous sexual experience showed a significant association to this construct. In general, results corroborated previous findings, showing that participants with a tendency to present socially desirable answers also tended to present themselves as sexually conservative.
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Seen by:The German Community in Manchester, Middle-Class Culture and the Development of Mountaineering in Britain, c. 18501914
Originally published as Westaway, J. (2009) The German Community in Manchester, Middle-Class Culture and the Development of Mountaineering in Britain, c. 1850-1914. The English Historical Review, CXXIV (508). pp. 571-604.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep144
The German community in Manchester formed the most significant international element in the Manchester bourgeoisie... more The German community in Manchester formed the most significant international element in the Manchester bourgeoisie c.1850-1914 and contributed significantly to the city's commercial and cultural life. This study examines German models of voluntary association that linked sport and recreation, education and culture in the context of the Germanophile cultural and intellectual life of the city. Nonconformist élites within Manchester shared liberal and reformist ideals with German émigré groups, not least in the area of education. The German-Unitarian contribution to the kindergarten system, progressive education and the gymnastics movement is examined in some detail. With their emphasis on the whole child, physical education, physical culture and the balance to be achieved between mind and body, these pedagogic innovations were to have a significant influence on the nascent outdoor movement in the region. A number of important implications for the historiography of mountaineering are drawn out. The presence of a gymnastic tradition in the city is relevant to the debates on the emergence of rock climbing as a sport distinct from mountaineering in the 1880s and 1890s. Historians of British mountaineering have tended to characterize the sport as dominated by the world view of the gentlemanly upper-middle class, shot through with the chivalric codes of manliness, athleticism and the exploratory impulse and intent on satisfying nationalistic and imperial preoccupations. This paper argues that, in the context of a regional middle-class sporting and recreational culture, cosmopolitan intellectual and cultural links were just as significant as the dominant national discourse. It opens up the possibility of understanding mountaineering as not just part of an imperial discourse of conquest but also one rooted in the Enlightenment tradition of inner exploration and intellectual bildung.
Contingent borders, ambiguous ethics: Migrants in (international) political theory
The article engages a critical analysis of liberal theory in the context of transnational migration. Normative... more
The article engages a critical analysis of liberal theory in the context of transnational migration. Normative arguments provided by liberal-cosmopolitan and liberal-communitarian authors are contrasted. While sympathetic to such approaches, we argue that traditional liberal theory has attempted to downplay the contingency and resultant ambiguity of many of its moral precepts. Historically contingent borders underpin neat universal categories like ‘‘citizen’’ and ‘‘refugee,’’ which fail to reflect the diverse and contested experiences of migration. But such ambiguities need not undermine liberal approaches. Indeed, a proper engagement with the problematic and uncertain realities of migration can provide a spur to a more thoroughgoing ethical praxis. We draw on the philosophical pragmatism of Richard Rorty to outline an approach to migration that remains open to the contingent construction of terms like ‘‘migrant,’’ ‘‘refugee,’’ and ‘‘asylum-seeker.’’ By extending Rorty’s concept of sentimental education, we provide an imaginative and politically
challenging set of agendas for the ethics of migration.
Review of Benjamin Arditi’s Politics on the Edges of Liberalism
published in Political Studies Review (2011), Vol. 9, No. 1, p. 67.
¿Derechos sin Liberalismo? La distinción público/privado, la propiedad privada y el mercado en el actual sistema de derechos
Published in “Artificium” Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios Culturales y Análisis Conceptual (ISSN 1853-0451). Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México, Año 1, Vol 1
This document presents a question about the plausibility of the interdependent relations usually established between... more
This document presents a question about the plausibility of the interdependent relations usually established between liberalism and rights in light of the developments produced by the system of rights in recent decades. Analysis focuses on two points: (i) the public / private distinction, (ii) the protect of individual private ownership and confidence in the market and. It seems that the system of rights has now been detached from the liberal doctrine to address the various issues found in contemporary societies as the situation of disadvantaged groups and environmental protection. We conclude that the question is not idle any more than imagining the rights otherwise emancipated from the liberal doctrine.
Resumen
El siguiente documento presenta una interrogante sobre la plausibilidad de las relaciones de interdependencia usualmente establecidas entre el liberalismo y los derechos a la luz de los desarrollos producidos por el sistema de derechos (humanos, fundamentales) en las últimas décadas. Se centra el análisis en dos puntos: (i) la distinción público/privado y (ii) la defensa de la propiedad privada individual y la confianza en el mercado. Pareciera ser que el sistema de derechos (humanos, fundamentales) actualmente se ha desligado de la doctrina liberal para enfrentar variadas de las problemáticas que encontramos en las sociedades contemporáneas como la situación de grupos desaventajados y la protección del medio ambiente. Se concluye que la pregunta no es vana como tampoco lo es el imaginar a los derechos (humanos, fundamentales) de otra manera, emancipados de la doctrina liberal.
(Texto en castellano)
¿Derechos sin Liberalismo? El Individualismo y la Igualdad formal en el actual sistema de derechos
Published in “Artificium” Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios Culturales y Análisis Conceptual. Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México, Año 1, Vol 2.
El siguiente documento presenta una interrogante sobre la plausibilidad de las relaciones de interdependencia... more El siguiente documento presenta una interrogante sobre la plausibilidad de las relaciones de interdependencia usualmente establecidas entre el liberalismo y los derechos a la luz de los desarrollos producidos por el sistema de derechos (humanos, fundamentales) en las últimas décadas. Se centra el análisis en dos puntos: (i) una concepción individualista de los derechos y (ii) la defensa de la igualdad formal. Pareciera ser que el sistema de derechos (humanos, fundamentales) actualmente se ha desligado de la doctrina liberal para enfrentar variadas de las problemáticas que encontramos en las sociedades contemporáneas como la situación de grupos desaventajados y la protección del medio ambiente. Se concluye que la pregunta no es vana como tampoco lo es el imaginar a los derechos (humanos, fundamentales) de otra manera, emancipados de la doctrina liberal.
An Empire of Good Intentions? Liberalism and the Justification of Britain's Empire in India, c.1820-1905
Final Paper for Seminar in European History: European Colonial Cultures
The Politics of Disinterest: The Whigs and the Liberal party in the West Riding of Yorkshire, 1830-1850
by David Gent
Forthcoming in Northern History (2012)
This article explores the nature and limits of provincial political support for the Whigs during the 1830s and 40s by... more This article explores the nature and limits of provincial political support for the Whigs during the 1830s and 40s by investigating the relationship between Whigs and liberals in the West Riding. In the wake of the 1832 Reform Act, the region’s reformers came to see the Whigs (both locally and as a national governing force) as part of a broader ‘liberal party’, defined by its commitment to a reforming, disinterested style of government. Buttressed by conflict with the Conservatives, this party identity helped to sustain the alliance between Whigs and liberals until the late 1830s. Thereafter, however, frustrations with the apparent timidity of Whig government led liberals to drift away from party politics and direct their energy into extra-parliamentary movements, most notably the Anti-Corn Law League. Moreover, there were significant differences within the liberal ranks over the proper role of the state in religious life, tensions which worsened as a result of the social reform policies of Lord John Russell’s administration. In charting these developments, this study challenges the classic but now dated articles on West Riding politics by F. M. L Thompson and Derek Fraser.

