Legislative Politics

Patterns of Parliamentary Representation and Careers in Ukraine: 1990-2007

by Elena Semenova

in press (East European Politics and Societies)

This article focuses on the patterns of parliamentary representation and careers in post-communist Ukraine. The data... more This article focuses on the patterns of parliamentary representation and careers in post-communist Ukraine. The data includes individual information on 1768 members (with substitutes) of the Ukrainian parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, from the parliamentary elections in 1990 through to 2007. Low chances for the social upward mobility of socio-demographic groups such as women and poorly-educated people were identified, as well as the high impact of social status on inclusion in the political ruling strata, as exemplified by business elites. Furthermore, MPs with an entrepreneurial background have a greater chance of staying in parliament for three or more legislative terms. The chances of remaining in the Verkhovna Rada are also greater for former Supreme Council parliamentarians, while a high-ranking nomenklatura position has no significant effect on the status of an incumbent. Experience in a political party is crucial for a career in parliament. Parliamentarians with leading party experience prior to their recruitment are likely to obtain an incumbent status, while MPs who substitute their elected colleagues have lower chances of becoming long-standing incumbents.

Ministerial and Parliamentary Elites in an Executive-Dominated System: Post-Soviet Russia 1991-2009

by Elena Semenova

Comparative Sociology, Volume 10, Issue 6, pages 908 – 927

This article analyzes the recruitment and circulation of ministerial and parliamentary elites in Russia from the... more This article analyzes the recruitment and circulation of ministerial and parliamentary elites in Russia from the Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 until 2009. The social backgrounds and careers of all ministers in 13 cabinets (1991–2009) and all members of the State Duma during its five terms after 1993 are studied. Especially during Vladimír Putin’s presidency (2000–2008), a shift toward super-presidentialism altered the circulation and composition of ministerial and parliamentary elites. Cabinets in Moscow consisted increasingly of ministers recruited from state bureaucracies, while the State Duma more and more contained businessmen, party politicians, and celebrities who appeared to treat MP service as simply an episode in their wider careers.

Comparing NOMINATE and IDEAL: Points of Difference and Monte Carlo Tests

by Royce Carroll

Measuring Bias and Uncertainty in DW-NOMINATE Ideal Point Estimates via the Parametric Bootstrap

by Royce Carroll

Religion, Legislative Coalitions and Terrorism

by Nil Satana

Co-authored with Molly Inman and Johanna Birnir, forthcoming at December 2012 issue of Terrorism and Political Violence.

Институциональное оформление внутренней экологической политики Китая и Индии [Institutional design of Chinese and Indian domestic environmental policies]

by Ivan Sablin

published in Молодой ученый, no. 6-2, 2011, pp. 52–58.

Китай и Индия как крупнейшие развивающиеся страны привлекают значительный научный и общественный интерес. Динамичное... more Китай и Индия как крупнейшие развивающиеся страны привлекают значительный научный и общественный интерес. Динамичное развитие экономик двух стран оборачивается серьезными экологическими проблемами национального, транснационального и глобального масштабов. От того, как эти проблемы будут решаться, напрямую зависит будущее по крайней мере трети населения Земли. Многие, однако, склонны полагать, что в их решении заинтересованы и оставшиеся две трети, т.к. последствия экономического развития двух стран за последние десятилетия имеют планетарный характер. Если Индия и Китай приблизятся к уровню потребления развитых стран, то мир ожидает экологическая катастрофа, при этом прямой переход к устойчивым моделям развития видится трудноосуществимым. Какой путь развития изберут эти страны в ближайшие годы? Данный вопрос на сегодняшний день представляется чрезвычайно актуальным. Изучение процесса институционального становления экологической политики двух стран, постановки проблем в юридическом дискурсе и используемых для их решения инструментов приблизит нас к поиску ответа.

Re-Election and Political Career Paths in the Uruguayan Congress: 1985-99.

by David Altman

[2005] The Journal of Legislative Studies 11 (2): 235-253. (With Daniel Chasquetti).

Given the presumed marginal – or at best the ‘rubber-stamp legitimising’ – character of Latin American legislatures,... more Given the presumed marginal – or at best the ‘rubber-stamp legitimising’ – character of Latin American legislatures, they ‘have escaped careful scrutiny’. Even in cases where legislatures are supposed to play a much more significant role than the continental average, such as Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay, knowledge of legislative politics is still far from conclusive. This article studies re-election patterns of legislators in Uruguay during the four post-authoritarian elections. During these elections in Uruguay, we observed a decreasing but still high rate of turnover of legislators. These high rates of legislative turnover are affected by a significant number of legislators who do not seek re-election. While inter-party electoral volatility strongly influences the rates of incumbent re-election, intra-party volatility does not seem to have an impact on this phenomenon. Lastly, the closed and blocked lists in conjunction with the Uruguayan multiple simultaneous vote, and the fact that a legislator belongs to the Senate, are additional institutional features that help to explain the turnover and incumbent re-election in the legislature.

El papel de las Comisiones Plenas en la dinámica legislativa en Costa Rica (1998-2010) / The Role of “Comisiones Plenas” in the legislative dynamics in Costa Rica (1998-2010)

by José Andrés Díaz González

Publicado en: "Ruputuras" Vol 1 Nº 2 http://investiga.uned.ac.cr/rupturas/index.php/inicio

Published in: "Ruputuras" Vol 1 Nº 2 http://investiga.uned.ac.cr/rupturas/index.php/inicio

El presente texto pretende aportar en la comprensión de la dinámica de la Asamblea Legislativa de Costa Rica, por... more El presente texto pretende aportar en la comprensión de la dinámica de la Asamblea Legislativa de Costa Rica, por medio del estudio del rol de las Comisiones Plenas en la aprobación
de leyes entre 1998 y 2010. Analizando la distribución y los
cambios de las relaciones de poder provocadas por el transfuguismo parlamentario, se busca determinar los diferentes escenarios presentes en las Comisiones Plenas durante el
periodo de estudio y su impacto en el proceso de toma de decisiones en la Asamblea Legislativa.

This text pretends to contribute to the understanding of Legislative dynamics in Costa Rica, by the study of
“Comisiones Plenas” role in law approval between 1998 and 2010. By the analysis of power relationships distribution and changes derived of parlamentary faithless, the determination of different scenarios present in “Comisiones Plenas” during
the studied period and their impact in the decision making process in the Legislative Assembly is pursued

The „Domestication“ of legislatures in post-communist Eastern Europe: Russia and Ukraine in comparative perspective

by Ingmar Bredies

The institutional design of political systems has been discussed by political scientists as one of the most... more The institutional design of political systems has been discussed by political scientists as one of the most significant determinants in post-communist transitions. Parliamentary systems are generally supposed to exhibit a higher compliance with democratization. Correspondingly, powerful legislatures seem to indicate a successful transition to democracy whereas less powerful ones are associated with failed democratization. These findings are tested with regard to the national legislatures in Russia and Ukraine. Why did neither the Russian State Duma nor the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine decisively contribute to the democratization of these countries? Currently one can find clear evidence for the institutional subversion – or „domestication“ – of parliamentary structures and decision-making processes by authoritarian government practices. However, there are substantial differences in both scope and shape of authoritarianism in the respective countries. [ZParl, vol. 43 (2012), no. 1, pp. 153 – 169]

Gesetzgebungskompetenzen des Staatspräsidenten in Deutschland und Polen

by Robert Friebe

AB 1802 One Year Later

by Trish Hatch

Co-Authored with Loretta Whitson

How Parties Create Electoral Democracy, Chapter 2

by Royce Carroll

Parties neither cease to exist nor cease to compete for office when the general election is over. Instead, a new round... more Parties neither cease to exist nor cease to compete for office when the general election is over. Instead, a new round of competition begins, with legislators as voters and party leaders as candidates. The offices at stake are what we call “mega-seats.” We consider the selection of three different types of mega-seats—cabinet portfolios, seats on directing boards, and permanent committee chairs—in 57 democratic assemblies. If winning parties select the rules by which mega-seats are chosen and those rules affect which parties can attain mega-seats (one important payoff of “winning”), then parties and rules should coevolve in the long run. We find two main patterns relating to legislative party systems and a country's length of experience with democratic governance.

Shadowing Ministers: Monitoring Partners in Coalition Governments

by Royce Carroll

With Gary W. Cox. Published in Comparative Political Studies, 2012

In this article the authors study delegation problems within multiparty coalition governments. They argue that... more In this article the authors study delegation problems within multiparty coalition governments. They argue that coalition parties can use the committee system to “shadow” or "keep tabs" on the ministers of their partners using the appointment of committee chairs from other governing parties, who will then be well placed to monitor and/or check the actions of the corresponding ministers. The authors analyze which ministers should be shadowed if governing parties seek to minimize the aggregate policy losses they suffer as the result of ministers pursuing their own parties’ interests rather than the coalition’s. Based on data from 19 mostly European parliamentary democracies, the authors find that the greater the policy disagreement between a minister’s party and its partners, the more likely the minister is to be shadowed.

Internet and opportunities of political participation - Examining Brazilian and American senators websites / Internet e Oportunidades e Participação Política: Um exame dos websites de senadores brasileiros e norte-americanos

by Francisco Paulo Jamil Marques

Title in English: Internet and opportunities of political participation - Examining Brazilian and American senators... more Title in English: Internet and opportunities of political participation - Examining Brazilian and American senators websites. Text in Portuguese. Abstract in English available: This article examines the personal websites of political representatives taking into account the main resources offered to make the political participation of citizens feasible. If, on the one hand, one can indicate many possibilities brought by the Internet to improve political practices, on the other hand, the examples of actual use of digital tools to strengthen the citizens participation are scarce. This paper proposes an analytical grid to evaluate the quantity and quality of the tools present in senators websites. The idea of levels of citizens participation seeks to measure how porous these websites are on the basis of the importance they give to citizens contributions. The empirical comparison between websites of Brazilian and American senators leads to the conclusion that the Internet could be far better used to improve democratic participation..

Internet, Canais de Participação e Efeitos Políticos: Um estudo do Portal da Câmara / Internet, Participatory Tools and Political Effects: A Study on the Brazilian Case

by Francisco Paulo Jamil Marques

Title in English: Internet, Participatory Tools and Political Effects: A Study on the Brazilian Case. Text in... more Title in English: Internet, Participatory Tools and Political Effects: A Study on the Brazilian Case. Text in Portuguese. Abstract in English available: This article reports the trajectory of a doctoral research aimed to investigate how two central institutions in the Brazilian state promote citizens’ political participation by using the internet. More specifically, the study investigated the participatory uses of digital media on the Brazilian Presidency website and on the House of Representatives website. First of all, the research catalogues the participatory tools found on both the websites. Then, one examines all these mechanisms by taking into account its political characteristics. Finally, the potential effects of citizens’ participation on the political decision-making process are qualitatively analyzed. The research concluded that each of these institutions – the Brazilian Presidency and the House of Representatives – takes advantage of the digital channels of communication in different ways. This conclusion reinforces the idea that the actual uses of the internet and its devices are more significant than the latent potentialities of internet.

Assessing the Cypriot MEPs' Performance: 2009-2011

by Direnç Kanol

NEU Journal of Social Sciences Vol. 5, No.1, 2012

The visibility of what the Members of the Parliaments do has serious consequences for accountability and democratic... more The visibility of what the Members of the Parliaments do has serious consequences for accountability and democratic legitimacy. The Members of the European Parliament from various countries conduct their affairs without much visibility as a consequence of limited media focus on the European Parliament. Among these countries one can name the Republic of Cyprus. By relying on the number of reports, opinions, speeches, amendments, questions, motions for resolutions, written declarations, and attendance, this study aims to provide an assessment of Cypriot MEPs' performance so far. It also reports on the rate of activities motivated by national interest and looks at the voting behaviour to analyze loyalties. The paper includes a comparison between the Cypriot MEPs as well as a comparison of performance between the Cypriot MEPs and other MEPs.

The Relationship Between Campaign Contributions and Record Votes in the Texas Legislature

by Texas State PA Applied Research Projects

Woodard, Gentry L., "The Relationship Between Campaign Contributions and Record Votes in the Texas Legislature" (2005). Applied Research Projects, Texas State University-San Marcos. Paper 9.
http://ecommons.txstate.edu/arp/9

The purpose of this applied research project is explanatory and examines the relationship between political... more The purpose of this applied research project is explanatory and examines the relationship between political contributions, party, and tenure on record votes in the Texas Legislature. This applied research project will seek to analyze the relationship between campaign contributions and votes on a piece of legislation with clearly defined support or opposition, The Medical Liability Bill: HB 4, during the 78th Texas Legislative Session. Political donations to members of both the Texas Senate and House of Representatives by prominent special interest groups involved will be analyzed for any type of relationship to their overall final vote on the bill.

(2009) 'Just a lobbyist? The European Parliament and the consultation procedure', European Union Politics 10(1): 7-34.

by Diego Varela

The role of the European Parliament (EP) under the consultation procedure has been widely neglected by rational choice... more The role of the European Parliament (EP) under the consultation procedure has been widely neglected by rational choice models of legislative decision-making in the European Union (EU). This paper offers a new understanding of the procedure by means of a computational model in which lobbyists provide legislators with policy options. Transaction costs of assimilating information lead to rationing of access to the agenda-setter (i.e. the Commission). In this context, consultation converts the EP into an indirect channel to the agenda-setter for some lobbyists. I argue that the resulting pool of policy options, together with the right to be heard by the Commission and the latter's degree of rational ignorance, provides the EP with a legislative power that the literature has not so far recognized. The implications of this finding extend to other legislative procedures of the EU and to consultative committees in other political systems.

(1999) A Take-It-or-Leave-It Proposal with Incomplete Information: What is Parliament's Share of the Pie Under Maastricht's Co-Decision

by Diego Varela

In European Union Studies Association (EUSA) > Biennial Conference > 1999 (6th), June 2-5, 1999, pages 14, Pittsburgh, PA.

The existing literature has treated the conciliation endgame as one with complete information. If we add to this fact... more The existing literature has treated the conciliation endgame as one with complete information. If we add to this fact that the Council has, in the case of conciliation breakdown, the institutional prerogative to make the Parliament a take-it-or-leave-it proposal, the Council is pictured as an almighty agenda setter. Under the assumption of complete information, therefore, the European Parliament does not obtain more than the minimum acceptable offer guaranteed by its veto power. To test this prediction is an arduous task which will not be undertaken here. However, there is a secondary prediction of the complete information model, namely, that the EP’s veto will never be exercised. This prediction collides with the evidence of two parliamentary vetoes. Therefore, this paper develops an alternative model with incomplete information which takes into account of that evidence, and assesses how divergent the new predictions are as compared to those of the standard complete information model.

(2009) 'Romania and Bulgaria in the European Union: A spatial analysis of Council voting', The USV Annals of Economics and Public Administration 9(2): 300-9.

by Diego Varela

In this paper I investigate the voting behaviour in the Council of the European Union between January 2006 and... more In this paper I investigate the voting behaviour in the Council of the European Union between January 2006 and February 2009, i.e. immediately before and after the accesion of Romania and Bulgaria. In order to do so I have coded the results of the 339 codecision votes that took place during the period of reference and applied various multidimensional scaling methods that commonly used for the analysis of voting behaviour in legislatures: metric scaling, W-Nominate, Heckman-Snyder, and optimal classification. The results of the analysis tell us about the relative viability of the different methods in the EU context and provide us with a preliminary ideological map that represents the ideological positions of Romania and Bulgaria vis -a-vis the other member states of the EU.