Regional unemployment and industrial restructuring in Poland
Co-authored with Andrew Newell.
Eastern European Economics, 2006, 44(3): 5-28.
(also available as IZA DP, n. 194, November 2000, University of Sussex DP, n. 63, May 2000, e CELPE DP, n. 51, February 2000)
This paper studies regional unemployment inequality in Poland. We find that regions experiencing greater change in... more This paper studies regional unemployment inequality in Poland. We find that regions experiencing greater change in industrial structure have higher unemployment rates. We also find that high-unemployment regions have higher inflow rates to unemployment rather than longer spells of unemployment. These findings suggest that regional unemployment varies importantly with job destruction in Poland. Econometric analysis of the determinants of employment to unemployment flows reinforces this impression. We use our estimates to assess the extent to which regional unemployment variation is due to economic restructuring. We show that this cannot be done unambiguously, and offer reasons why many previous attempts to separate out the effects of restructuring on unemployment have been unsuccessful.
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Seen by:“Review of Latino Migrants in a Jewish State by Barak Kalir.”
by Sarah Willen
Willen, Sarah S. Forthcoming 2012. “Review of Latino Migrants in a Jewish State by Barak Kalir.” Review of Middle East Studies. 46(1).
Brass on the Move: Economic Crisis and Professional Mobility among Romani Musicians in Vranje
Published 2012 in Labour Migrations in the Balkans, ed. by Biljana Sikimic, Petko Hristov, and Biljana Golubovic. Part of the series "Studies on Language and Culture in Central and Eastern Europe", Verlag Otto Sagner Press in Berlin.
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Seen by:Trade unions reject World Cup-related Qatar labor measures and threaten global boycott
By James M. Dorsey
International trade unions this week rejected World Cup-related Qatari proposals to meet... more
By James M. Dorsey
International trade unions this week rejected World Cup-related Qatari proposals to meet concerns about worker rights, including health and safety that violate international human and labor rights as well as principles the Gulf state had adopted as a member of the International Labor Organization ILO.
The unions said they were moving ahead with plans for a global campaign this summer under the motto 'No World Cup in Qatar without labor rights’, to deprive Qatar of its right to host the 2022 World Cup if it failed to align its labor legislation and workers’ condition with international standards.
“It is not too late to change the venue of the World Cup. This is not an industrial skirmish about wages; this is a serious breach in regard to human and labor rights. The country is incredibly wealthy and is portraying itself as a model country. That is simply not true. Our members are football fans and they don’t want to see the game played in a country that practices slavery,” Sharan Burrow, General Secretary of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), which represents 175 million workers in 153 countries, said in a telephone interview.
A spokesman for the Qatar 2022 Supreme Committee declined to comment on Ms. Burrow’s statements.
The looming confrontation between Qatar and the international workers’ movement comes at a sensitive time for the six-nation Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) that incorporates Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Bahrain and Oman. The GCC is preparing for a summit in Riyadh later this month to discuss a political union that would allow Saudi Arabia to pressure the smaller states to fall in line with its more conservative social and foreign policies at a time that the Middle East and North Africa are experiencing popular revolts in demand of greater freedom.
The issue of labor rights is also sensitive because several Gulf states have populations that are in majority foreign. Beyond the commercial and economic advantages of a cheap pool of labor, discussion of any kind of rights for non-locals raises the specter of the minority Gulf population in countries like Qatar, the UAE, and Kuwait no longer having a country that is theirs and which they control.
“It’s a real problem. Everybody knows that,” said a source close to Qatari and Gulf thinking on the issue against the backdrop of the UAE and Bahrain alongside Qatar seeking to project themselves as global sports hubs. An attempt by Bahrain to project an image of business as normal and distract attention from continuing popular discontent despite the suppression of last year’s revolt by letting Formula 1 go ahead last month backfired with protests overshadowing the race.
Ms. Burrow said the unions were seeking an urgent Qatari acceptance and implementation of international human and labor rights because the Gulf state was about to start construction of World Cup-related infrastructure.
Qatar’s 2022 Supreme Committee this week issued a second tender for the project, design, commercial and construction management of one of the 12 stadiums it is planning for the tournament, nine of which will be newly built. The three remaining stadiums already exist but need to be refurbished. The committee earlier tendered the contract for a master planning and lead design consultant for the stadiums.
“Gradual change is not good enough. The urgency is because the stadiums are about to be constructed in a serious way. Companies are gearing up their supply chains and costing infrastructure on a model of modern day slavery. We want that to change and companies might have to adjust their costing and pricing accordingly,” Ms. Burrow said.
Qatar with a majority expatriate population expects to import up to one million foreign workers to complete infrastructure needed both for the World Cup and the development of the energy-rich nation.
In a statement, the ITUC said it had requested an urgent meeting with Qatari labor minister Sultan bin Hassan, charging that “workers are dying in Qatar as they build World Cup stadiums and infrastructure, and suffer large scale exploitation every day.” Ms. Burrow said she had yet to receive a reply to the letter, which was also sent to world soccer body FIFA.
The union leader said that some 200 Nepalese died last year in Qatar, a favored destination for the country’s low skilled expat labor; 30 of them while on a construction job while another approximately 70 as a result of the country’s brutal summer temperatures that rise above 40 degrees Celsius. It was not clear whether any of these deaths were directly related to World Cup-related construction. “We quite confidently predict that more people will die off the field than there are players on the field,” Ms. Burrow said. She said she would soon be travelling to Nepal for discussions with the government and trade unions.
A spokeswoman for Ms. Burrow pointed to a report in The Himalaya Times that described Qatar, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Malaysia as “graveyards for young Nepali workers in the 25-42 years age group.”
The unions in a meeting with FIFA last November gave the soccer body and FIFA six months to ensure that workers in Qatar have “the legal right to organize themselves in free, independent trade unions without punishment or interference from authorities” that could “collectively bargain” with employers.
“Construction workers, the majority who are migrant workers are risking their lives today as they work in poor and unsafe conditions with low wages. They need trade union rights today to protect them", the ITUC statement quoted Ambet Yuson, General Secretary of Building and Wood Workers International, as saying.
Ms. Burrow said the fight for workers’ rights in Qatar was a battle for labor rights in the region. She said of the three GCC states – Oman, Bahrain and Kuwait – that legally allow trade unions only Bahrain had enshrined international standards in its legislation. She said Bahrain’s progress had however been marred by last year’s Saudi-backed brutal repression of a popular uprising in which teachers, nurses, doctors and others were detained and tortured for demanding basic democratic rights.
“Bahrain was on track until it came under pressure. The prime minister admitted to us that there were concerns from the Gulf states around them, Saudi Arabia in particular but also Qatar etc. Bahrain at least had public recognition of the rights if not realization of those rights in their totality because of the pressure of the Gulf states,” Ms. Burrow said.
She said a Qatari proposal for the creation of a labor committee and abolishment of its controversial system of sponsorship of foreign labor was a “far cry” from union demands for a free and independent trade union and equitable and human working conditions. Qatar is seeking to project itself as a show case member of the global community, “yet it is so far outside the basic human framework of human and labor rights” that it need to choose between being part of the international community or a model of 21st century slavery, Ms. Burrow said.
Qatari media this week quoted Labor Undersecretary Hussain Al Mulla as saying that the country’s emir was considering a plan to establish a Qatari-led labor committee that would represent workers’ interests as well as an abolition of the sponsorship system that would stop short of allowing foreigners to freely change jobs. Qatar recently abandoned the requirement that foreign workers surrender their passports to their Qatari employers. Mr. Al Mulla said the plan had already been endorsed by the Qatari prime minister.
Denouncing conditions of foreign workers in Qatar as 21st century slavery, Ms. Burrow said unions were demanding not only improved health and safety conditions but also the ability to live freely in the community, bring their families and move freely in and out of the country. “Current conditions are absolute enslavement to the employer,” Ms. Burrow said.
She said Mr. Al Mulla’s proposal for a labor committee involved creation of a government controlled body rather than an independent trade union. The way Qatar planned to abolish the sponsorship system failed to create a level playing field or guarantee workers’ freedom of movement, she said.
Qatar 2022 Supreme Committee Secretary General Hassan Al Thawadi pledged early this year in a speech at Carnegie Mellon University’s campus in Doha that the Gulf state would adhere to international labor standards.
"Major sporting events shed a spotlight on conditions in countries. There are labor issues here in the country, but Qatar is committed to reform. We will require that contractors impose a clause to ensure that international labor standards are met. Sport and football in particular, is a very powerful force. Certainly we can use it for the benefit of the region." Mr. Al Thawadi said.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
Spaces of Protest: gendered migration, social networks, and labor activism in West Java, Indonesia
Published in Progress in Human Geography, 22, 2003.
This article examines the gender geography of labor activism through a comparative investigation of two communities in... more
This article examines the gender geography of labor activism through a comparative investigation of two communities in West Java, Indonesia. Based on in-depth interviews and a survey
of workers carried out in 1995, 1998, and 2000 in the two sites, it explores the place-specific meanings attached to migrants’ social networks and gender relations, and their roles in
mediating the gendered patterns of labor protest in the two villages. Previous analyses of labor protest in Indonesia have occluded scales and processes that are critical to understanding how gender dynamics are linked to the geography of protest. By contrast, attention to the genderand place-based contexts of women’s activism illustrates the complex interactions between
migrants’ local interpretations of gender norms, social network relations, household roles, state gender ideology, and global neo-liberal restructuring. Through examining these interactions,
gender is conceptualized as ontologically inseparable from the production of specific activist spaces, rethinking the uni-directional spatial logic and deterministic views of gender and place put forth in theories of the New International Division of Labor.
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Seen by:Notes sur la captation de la main-d'oeuvre enfantine dans la région de Kayes, Mali (1904-1955)
by Marie Rodet
Journal des Africanistes, Tome 81, Fascicule 2, 2011, numéro thématique: Migration dans l'enfance, migrations de l'enfance, Regards pluridisciplinaires
Mots-clefs: Mali, Kayes, fin de l'esclavage, droit de tutelle, main-d'oeuvre enfantine, enfants confié-e-s, petites... more
Mots-clefs: Mali, Kayes, fin de l'esclavage, droit de tutelle, main-d'oeuvre enfantine, enfants confié-e-s, petites bonnes, mise en gage
Keywords: Mali, Kayes, end of slavery, custody rights, children workforce, fostered children, pawnship
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Seen by:Undocumented and Unafraid: 'Illegality' and Legal Mobilization in New York City
by Zoë West
MPhil thesis, to be completed May 1, 2012
Black work, green money: remittances, ritual and domestic economies in southern Kyrgyzstan
"Black Work, Green Money: Remittances, Ritual, and Domestic Economies in Southern Kyrgyzstan," -Slavic Review,- 71, no. 1 (Spring 2012): 108-34 appears here by permission of the publisher
Drawing on ethnographic and survey data, Madeleine Reeves explores the meanings and impact of large-scale seasonal... more Drawing on ethnographic and survey data, Madeleine Reeves explores the meanings and impact of large-scale seasonal labor migration to Russia on a group of four kin-related villages in southern Kyrgyzstan. Although remittances have come to figure centrally in domestic budgets of migrant families, it is to questions of political economy that we must turn to understand the shift away from small-scale farming toward migrant work. Reeves examines a range of factors mediating decisions to migrate, including the role of social networks and sibling hierarchies; the emergence of growing economic differentials between migrant and nonmigrant households, and the growing importance for young men of a period of work “in town” (shaarda) in proving their eligibility for marriage. Although patterns of economic activity in southern Kyrgyzstan have changed dramatically in recent years, Reeves argues that new forms of engagement in distant labor markets are also being used to sustain patterns of ritual gifting and expressions of ethnic and religious identity that are imagined and articulated precisely as expressions of social continuity.
Re-Placing Sport Migrants: Moving beyond the Institutional Structures Informing International Sport Migration
International Review for the Sociology of Sport (forthcoming) available on journal website in on-line first publications.
Interest in international sport migration has been burgeoning recently. This article considers the dominant... more Interest in international sport migration has been burgeoning recently. This article considers the dominant theoretical models used to explore these movements and suggests that it is time to rethink some of our theoretical presumptions. Recent permutations of this theoretical model, shifting from globalization to network theoretical models, make this reconsideration of migration-related theories necessary. Drawing on the groundbreaking work done in the 1990s and on Rafaelle Poli’s rapidly expanding body of work, it becomes apparent that a more flexible, open-ended theoretical model is necessary. This article reviews these theoretical models before making a suggestion of how international sport migration might be better framed for understanding how migration is structured and experienced in multiple locations around the world. Considering that migrants are bodies moving through space, it seems crucial to return migrants to space-based models of movement thereby advocating a theoretical model that takes into account the complexly dynamic relationships between migrants, institutions, and places.
Subaltern Consciousness in South Africa’s Labor Movement: ‘Workerism’ in the KwaZulu-Natal Sugar Industry
by Jason Hickel
2012. South African Historical Journal 64(3).
Low-Status Work and Decollectivization: The Case of Bangladeshis in Athens
Theodoros Fouskas (2012) Low-Status Work and Decollectivization: The Case of Bangladeshis in Athens, Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies, 10:1, 54-73.
This article focuses on the repercussions of work and employment in low-status jobs upon the collective organization... more
This article focuses on the repercussions of work and employment in low-status jobs upon the collective organization and representation of immigrant workers. The microsociological analysis is focused on the case of Bangladeshi immigrants in Athens, specifically how far the frame of their employment affects their participation in the immigrant work association Bangladeshi Immigrant Workers’ Union of Greece, as well as in Greek trade unions. Evidence from in-depth interviews proves that Bangladeshis are supported by friendly relations in search for solidarity, they develop individualistic behaviors, and they find alternative solutions for survival and protection.
Keywords:
Bangladeshis, decollectivization, immigrant work associations, low status services, representation
The Legal Construction of Migrants at Work: Immigration controls and Precarious Work
by Mimi Zou
International Labour and Employment Relations Association World Congress, Philadelphia, July 2012
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Seen by:Labour turnover and the spatial distribution of unemployment. A panel data analysis using employment registry data
Co-augthored with Joanna Tyrowicz-
Paper presented at the XXV AIEL Conference, University of Chieti and Pescara, 2010.
This paper aims to study whether the local variation in unemployment rates is related to labour turnover and what is... more This paper aims to study whether the local variation in unemployment rates is related to labour turnover and what is the sign of such relationship. In addition, the paper aims to assess the relative impact of inflow and outflow from unemployment on the dynamics of the local unemployment rate. The empirical analysis is based on a newly available unique dataset from the employment registry of a transition economy (Poland), encompassing nine years of monthly data (from 2000 to 2008) at a county (poviat) level. We find that turnover, as well as inflows and outflows separately, are ceteris paribus positively related to the unemployment level. This general conclusion is robust to sub-sampling that addresses potential heterogeneity of the analysed local labour markets. It is also robust to the use of different panel estimators, such as fixed effect and alternative GMM specifications, as well as for spatial clustering of poviats. Nonetheless, point estimators differ, reflecting the diverse adjustment patterns. We also find that elasticity is larger in the case of the inflow rate than for the outflow rate. Finally, we demonstrate that the effect is stronger in low unemployment regions.
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Seen by: and 12 moreMapping English linguistic capital: The case of Filipino domestic workers in Singapore
Unpublished PhD dissertation, 2007 , National University of Singapore (Basis for book project under contract with Multilingual Matters: "Scripts of servitude: language, labor migration and domestic work")
Excerpt from book proposal:
This book will examine the linguistic practices that constitute the unequal... more
Excerpt from book proposal:
This book will examine the linguistic practices that constitute the unequal relationship between sending and receiving countries, between employers and migrant workers, in transnational domestic work. Transnational domestic work is the product of the international division of reproductive labor in which migrant women from developing countries perform the reproductive labor of class-privileged women in industrialized ones even as they leave their own to other women who are too poor to migrate (Parreñas, 2003). As such, it provides a powerful lens with which to look at the inequalities of globalization and the particular ways in which these inequalities are (re)produced and challenged on the terrain of language (Blommaert, 2010, 2005; Heller, 2003). In this book, the linguistic practices that constitute transnational domestic work are examined by tracing the production and performance of scripts of servitude across institutional and subject levels. These scripts of servitude are normative ways of doing language (eg. Cameron, 2000), prescribed for and contested by transnational domestic workers, and embedded in the disciplining processes (Foucault, 1979) that turn women from developing countries into transnationally mobile bodies that serve in domestic work. Through these scripts, global relations of inequality are normalized and embodied in quotidian linguistic practices (Bourdieu, 1977, 1991). These scripts are also central in social processes of flows and stratification.
This book will do this by looking at one of the largest and widest flows of contemporary female migration, that of women from the Philippines who leave the country to work as domestic workers in the affluent economies of Asia, the Middle East, Western Europe and North America (Tyner, 2004). In a departure from a tendency in studies of language and migration to focus on receiving countries viewed as lands of permanent settlement (e.g. Block, 2006; Extra, Spotti & Van Avermaet, 2009; Menard-Warwick, 2009; Slade and Mollering, forthcoming), this book will center on the flow of Filipino domestic workers to Singapore, a highly developed, multilingual city-state where these migrant Filipino women are temporary and disposable labor. It analyzes how institutions, i.e. the Philippine and Singapore states and maid agencies, form globalized and interconnected systems of control that allow the women to be mobile precisely because they are marginal. They condition and regulate the circulation of migrant women by calibrating their linguistic resources to ensure their mobility, flexibility and transience as laboring bodies that can be marketed easily in different countries. Using data from my interviews with Filipino domestic workers in Singapore, this book then delineates how migrant women inhabit these scripts of servitude. It looks at various aspects of the linguistic practices they employ to create spaces of agency and what consequences these practices have.
The making of "workers of the world": language and the labor brokerage state
First proof, not the final version
Lorente, B.P. (2011). The making of workers of the world: language and the labor brokerage state. In A. Duchene & M. Heller (Eds.), Pride and profit: language in late capitalism (pp.183 – 206). London and New York: Routledge.
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