Another look at kinship: Reasons why a paradigm shift is needed
by Dwight Read
Published in Algebra Rodtsva 12:42-69.(in English and Russian), 2009
The ontological relationship between a genealogical space determined through genealogical tracing of links connecting... more The ontological relationship between a genealogical space determined through genealogical tracing of links connecting individuals and kin relations as they are identified through the use of kin terms can be clarified by uncovering the underlying logic of a kinship terminology through which the kin terms form a computational system with reference to a genealogical space. Then we need to consider how the ontological connection between the computational system for genealogical relations and the computational system for kin term relations are connected together to form a conceptual system for identifying and constructing kin relations. Finally, we need to show that delineation of the logic underlying the structure of the kinship terminology leads to new insights into the properties of kinship systems and differences among kinship systems.
What is Kinship?
by Dwight Read
published in 'The Cultural Analysis of Kinship: The Legacy of David Schneider and Its Implications for Anthropological Relativism,' R. Feinberg and M. Ottenheimer eds. University of Illinois Press,
I hypothesize that the terminological space provides a framework for defining the world of kin without presupposing... more I hypothesize that the terminological space provides a framework for defining the world of kin without presupposing that the kinship world is genealogical. Cultural rules of instantiation give kin terms genealogical reference and thereby the problem of presuming parenthood defined via reproduction as a universal basis for kinship is circumvented. The terminological space is constrained by general, structural properties that make it a “kinship space” and structural equations that give it its particular form. A mapping from the terminological space to the genealogical grid can be constructed under a straightforward mapping of the generating symbols of the terminological structure onto the primary kin types. This implies that it will always be possible to provide a genealogical “meaning” of the kin terms. Whether the genealogical “meaning” so constructed has cultural salience is at the heart of Schneider’s critique of kinship based on a presumed universal genealogical grid.
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Seen by:Formal analysis of kinship terminologies and its relationship to what constitutes kinship (complete text)
by Dwight Read
Published in Mathematical Anthropology and Cultural Theory: An International Journal Vol 1 No. 1
The goal of this paper is to relate formal analysis of kinship terminologies to a better understanding of who,... more
The goal of this paper is to relate formal analysis of kinship terminologies to a better understanding of who, culturally, are defined as our kin. Part I of the paper begins with a brief discussion as to why neither of the two claims: (1) kinship terminologies primarily have to do with social categories and (2) kinship terminologies are based on classification of genealogically specified relationships traced through genitor and genetrix, is adequate as a basis for a formal analysis of a kinship
terminology.
The social category argument is insufficient as it does not
account for the logic uncovered through the formalism of rewrite rule analysis regarding the distribution of kin types over kin terms when kin terms are mapped onto a genealogical grid. Any ormal account must be able to account at least for the results obtained through rewrite rule analysis. Though rewrite rule analysis has made the logic of kinship terminologies more evident, the second claim must also be rejected for both theoretical and empirical reasons. Empirically, ethnographic evidence does not provide a consistent view of how genitors and genetrixes should be defined and even the existence of culturally recognized genitors is debatable for some groups. In addition, kinship relations for many groups are reckoned through a kind of kin term calculus independent of genealogical connections. Theoretically, rewrite rule formalism is descriptive and not explanatory of kinship terminology features. Four substantive
problems with rewrite rule formalism are identified and illustrated with an example based on the concepts, Friend and Enemy. In Part II these problems are resolved when a kinship terminology
is viewed from the perspective of a structured, symbolic system in which there is both a symbol calculus and a set of rules of instantiation giving the symbols empirical content.
Kinship theory: A paradigm shift
by Dwight Read
Published in 'Ethnology', 2007
The received view regarding the centrality of kinship terminologies in kinship systems assumes that terminologies are... more The received view regarding the centrality of kinship terminologies in kinship systems assumes that terminologies are genealogically constrained. This assumption ignores the generative logic of kinship terminologies, hence the need for a new paradigm. It is argued that kinship systems are based on two conceptual systems: the logic of genealogical tracing and the logic of kin term products. Structural implications of the generative logic of terminological structures are discussed, including the logical basis for the difference between descriptive and classificatory terminologies and transformations that may be made between different kinship terminologies through simple changes in structural equations. Connection between ethnographic observations and structural properties are identified. (Cultural anthropology, kinship, formal models, genealogy)
Kinship based demographic simulation of societal processes
by Dwight Read
Published in Journal of Artificial Societies and Social Simulation vol. 1, no. 1, <http://jasss.soc.surrey.ac.uk/1/1/1.html>
The social boundaries of small scale human societies are defined through culturally defined kin relations that... more The social boundaries of small scale human societies are defined through culturally defined kin relations that transcend the specifics of the genealogical relationships produced through procreation. Kinship knowledge is culturally defined, distributed knowledge that provides structure for the persons produced through demographic processes. However, the interplay between the demographic system and the cultural system has been difficult to model. Genealogical data are static and do not show how the vagaries of demographic processes affect implementation of a culturally defined, conceptual system. Demographic simulations can provide the dynamic dimension, but usually lack information on how the changing demographic makeup of a population affects application of culturally defined rules relating to marriage, reproduction, residence and the like. This paper presents results obtained from implementation of a multi-agent, demographically driven, simulation of a hunting and gathering group in which each agent is imbued with cultural knowledge that affects decisions to be made about marriage, reproduction and place of residence. The goal is to assess the implications of demographic processes, ego-centered decision making, and culturally determined structures (kin relations, social groupings and the like) for the resulting social system. Questions addressed in the simulation are based on ethnographic observations and it is shown that the simulation provides an effective means to assess the validity of hypotheses about the ethnographic observations.
An Algebraic Account of the American Kinship Terminology
by Dwight Read
Published in Current Anthropology, Vol. 25, No. 4 (Aug. - Oct., 1984), pp. 417-449
To be demonstrated in this article is the manner in which the AKT is structured as being generatable from a few, basic... more To be demonstrated in this article is the manner in which the AKT is structured as being generatable from a few, basic prin- ciples. The minimum goal is to demonstrate explicitly that the set of terms for the AKT is inherently structured as a system of objects (= kin terms), operations (= kin term products), and equations (e.g., Parent of Child as a consanguineal relation equals Self) and that the whole terminology can be mapped isomorphically onto an appropriately defined algebraic struc- ture. In turn, through this isomorphism, the machinery used in the study of algebraic structures can be invoked to examine the structural properties of the AKT as engendered by the set of objects, operations, and equations.
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Seen by:Kinship Algebra Expert System (KAES): A Software Implementation of a Cultural Theory
by Dwight Read
Published in Social Science Computer Review 2006 24: 43
The computer program Kinship Algebra Expert System (KAES) provides a graphically based framework for constructing, if... more
The computer program Kinship Algebra Expert System (KAES) provides a graphically based framework for constructing, if possible, a generative algebraic model for the structure of a kinship terminology (the terms used to refer to one’s kin). The algebraic modeling is based on a theory of kinship terminologies elaborated through writing the software program. The theory
relates the properties and structure of kinship terminologies to an underlying logic that the KAES program helps uncover and model as a generative structure. The program then relates the
structural logic of a kinship terminology modeled by the KAES program to a genealogical space based on genealogical tracing of kin relations. The KAES program demonstrates the surprisingly logical character of kinship terminologies and challenges the received viewof the primacy of genealogical relations in defining cultural kinship through showing how genealogical definitions of kin terms can be accurately predicted in the terminologies considered to date.
Cuerpo, sujeto, persona: Rodeo etnológico a la ética y la política de las tecnologías reproductivas
by Daniel Alberto Alegrett Salazar
Nociones de cuerpo, sujeto y persona fundamentarían debates éticos-políticos sobre lastecnologías de reproducción... more Nociones de cuerpo, sujeto y persona fundamentarían debates éticos-políticos sobre lastecnologías de reproducción asistida (ART). Éstas encarnarían promesas y amenazas para la“vida humana”. El desarrollo de las ART resolvería la infertilidad, superaría obstáculos a la procreación y satisfacería el deseo de familia. En un contexto tecno-científico, tienen una posición en el mercado y los regímenes de poder. Participarían problemáticamente en procesos de producción de individuos y relaciones. Reemplazarían al parentesco, unaimaginación moral para la que la persona es una especificación. Tal impacto sugeriría undesvío etnológico en la discusión. El registro etnográfico contextualizaría y recontextualizaríalas nociones de cuerpo, sujeto y persona. Recupero la etnología clásica del parentesco como principio de organización y recojo las intenciones de los llamados “nuevos estudios de parentesco” de ir más allá de supuestos naturalistas acerca de las relaciones. Trato de problematizar los usos discursivos de lo humano, natural, biológico, psicológico, social ycultural, incorporados en los debates sobre la intervención tecno-científica en la creación delhijo deseado.
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Seen by:Marriage and Consent in Pretridentine Venice: Between Lay Conception and Ecclesiastical Conception, 1420-1545. In: The Sixteenth Century Journal, 39, 2008, 389-418.
The main sources of this article are 750 matrimonial trials discussed before the ecclesiastical court in Venice... more The main sources of this article are 750 matrimonial trials discussed before the ecclesiastical court in Venice (1420-1545). This article analyzes the differing conceptions of marriage held by the laity and by the ecclesiastical hierarchy as these ideas were expressed in a dialectical relationship in court. Central to this analysis is the concept of consent, since consent, with widely differing interpretations, formed the foundation and the essence of both canonical and lay customary marriage. In the pre-Tridentine ecclesiastical court, custom played a leading role in deciding matters related to the marriage bond. These sources allow access to aspects of marriage that are usually not recorded and make it possible to reevaluate social phenomena which have been defined from a post-Tridentine perspective as transgressive. Practices such as bigamy, concubinage, and stuprum appear not as deviant, but as part of socially accepted marital behavior that is much broader and more heterogeneous than historians have appreciated.
L’oubli des origines. Amnésie et information généalogiques en histoire et en ethnologie
Co-authored with Laurent Barry, published in 'Annales de démographie historique', 2008, n° 2, p. 53-104
Computers are more and more frequently used to analyse genealogical data. While this development has opened new... more
Computers are more and more frequently used to analyse genealogical data. While this development has opened new perspectives, it also raises problems, many of which already existed to a certain degree. For example, the privileged place allotted to men in the data collected from historical sources has resulted in agnatic lines being better known than uterine ones. Similar, built-in asymmetries with regard to genealogical “memory” also exist in anthropological material gathered by means of primary investigations. What can be done about such “gaps”, such genealogical “amnesia”? How can we measure it? Does it have an impact on the matrimonial structure of a kinship network? Can this impact be overcome? This article addresses these methodological difficulties and, using PUCK software, outlines different ways to identify and qualify the loss of genealogical information. These methods, however, also raise problems of their own. In answer to these, the authors suggests a method of increasingly constrained “genealogical reduction” whereby the “gray areas” in a body of data may be eliminated by retaining for matrimonial censuses only those individuals for whom minimum genealogical knowledge is available.
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Le recours à l’ordinateur pour traiter et analyser des données généalogiques est de plus en plus fréquent. S’il ouvre des voies nouvelles, il n’est pas sans poser quelques problèmes, dont certains se situent d’ailleurs en amont. En effet, les informations collectées dans les sources historiques, par exemple, privilégient souvent les hommes et de fait les lignées agnatiques sont davantage connues. En ethnologie aussi, les corpus généalogiques constitués à partir d’enquêtes de terrain comportent leur lot d’asymétries en ce qui concerne la «mémoire » généalogique. Que faire de ces « vides », de cette « amnésie » généalogique ? Comment la mesurer ? A-t-elle un « impact » sur la structure matrimoniale d’un réseau de parenté ? Est-il possible de la contourner ? L’article revient sur ces difficultés méthodologiques, et montre, avec l’aide du logiciel Puck, différentes façons de repérer et de qualifier la déperdition de l’information généalogique. Mais ces méthodes posent à
leur tour un certain nombre de problèmes. L’article propose donc une méthode de « réductions généalogiques » qui, posant des contraintes allant crescendo, permet d’évacuer les « zones d’ombre » des corpus, ne prenant en compte, dans les recensements matrimoniaux, que les individus pour lesquels une connaissance généalogique minimale est disponible.
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Seen by:Aproximación cuantitativa a la organización social de los ticuna del trapecio amazónico colombiano
(with Juan José Vieco)
La organización social de los Ticuna del trapecio amazónico colombiano: una aproximación cuantitativa. Revista Colombiana de Antropología 35:146-179. 1999 1999
This paper argues that Ticuna identity is based on terms of belonging to a clan (which they call nacao= nation). These... more This paper argues that Ticuna identity is based on terms of belonging to a clan (which they call nacao= nation). These clans are clustered in the moieties of "Earth" and "Air". The Ticuna have a hierarchical society than can be interpreted under the model of the house society. The clans have a prescriptive marriage that favors the endogamic control of territories and settlements. Although the marriage system is denominated "hypertotemic exogamous moieties" by Levi-Strauss, there is no significant exchange of females between villages.
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Seen by:The Personal is Patrilineal: Namus as Sovereignty
King, Diane E. 2008 The Personal is Patrilineal: Namus as Sovereignty. Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 15(3):317-342.
In this article I propose a new model of namus, the concept recognized in some circum-Mediterranean, Middle Eastern,... more In this article I propose a new model of namus, the concept recognized in some circum-Mediterranean, Middle Eastern, and Central and South Asian cultures and usually translated as “honor.” One way to understand namus is to regard it as patrilineal sovereignty, particularly reproductive sovereignty. After an “honor killing,” a “defense of honor” explanatory narrative is told by both perpetrator and community alike. I argue that an honor killing represents a show of reproductive sovereignty by people who belong to a patrilineage. I first describe ethnographic contexts in which “honor killings” are operative, and then, relying on Delaney’s (1991) model of namus as deeply bound up with patrogenerative theories of procreation, argue that a hymen is both a symbolic and real border to membership in the group. Finally, I apply this new conceptualization to statecraft, specifically to killings carried out in Iraqi Kurdistan following the founding of the Kurdish statelet there in 1991. Here, reproductive sovereignty and defense of borders were operative writ large as “honor killing” logic was expanded from lineage to state.
Lineal Masculinity: Gendered Memory within Patriliny
King, Diane E. and Linda Stone 2010 Lineal Masculinity: Gendered Memory within Patriliny. American Ethnologist 37(2):323-336.
In this article, we present a model of gender within patrilineal descent for a broad region covering Asia, Europe, and... more In this article, we present a model of gender within patrilineal descent for a broad region covering Asia, Europe, and North Africa. We develop the concept of "lineal masculinity," a perceived ontological essence that flows to and through men over the generations. It is especially expressed through people's notions of the past, present, and future of their patrilineages. We elaborate lineal masculinity in terms of male achievement, lineage founders, lineage segmentation, and male reproduction. Our model offers cross-cultural analysis and so provides an alternative to the position of strong cultural relativism in kinship and gender studies. [patriliny, masculinity, lineage theory, kinship, gender, identity, memory]
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Seen by: and 5 moreA typology of godkinship practices in Romania
paper presented at Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle/S.
The paper draws a typology of various forms of godparenthood across Romania, punctuated with case studies from... more
The paper draws a typology of various forms of godparenthood across Romania, punctuated with case studies from different field sites. It shows that spiritual kinship is vivid and diverse in this part of the world, as opposed to its shrinking in Western Europe. Furthermore, godkinship proves to be a useful social and economic tool, through networking, but also a practice surrounded by numerous religious and superstitious beliefs. The types of godparenthood treated in the paper are, as defined by the author: (1) descent group type (2) dyadic type (3) bilateral type (4) vertical alliance type and (4) multiple godparents type.
Based on extensive fieldwork and also secondary sources, the argument put forward is descriptive and synthetic in nature and the aim of the paper is mainly to fill a gap in the knowledge of godparenthood practices in Eastern Europe.

