The Rise of China is likely to result in military conflicts in East Asia
by Owais Rajput
The East Asian region is the most economically dynamic in the world. China, a major nuclear power and possessing the... more
The East Asian region is the most economically dynamic in the world. China, a major nuclear power and possessing the largest army in the region, is experiencing explosive economic growth coupled with an increase in military modernization; this situation has created concern among her neighbours. There is the complex pattern of rising tensions between china and Taiwan; increasing militarism in the South China Sea; ongoing hostilities between North and South Korea and anxiety over North Korea’s stability and its nuclear capability.
Thus the nations in this region face many obstacles over disputed territories that could hinder their co-operation in regional economic and security problems; these disputes remain sources of tension, suspicion, and misunderstandings. China’s rapid economic development is accompanied by an increasingly active foreign policy and growing military might. Because of the defence modernization, the increase of the defence budget and disputes in the region, for some China is a military threat.
In this paper I will look at whether the rise of china will increase the risk of conflict or whether it would improve stability in the region. I will look briefly at the disputes in this region, the arms build-up and better relationship institutions.
Public Secrets, Conscious Amnesia, and the Celebration of Autonomy for Ladakh
van Beek, M. (2001). Public Secrets, Conscious Amnesia, and the Celebration of Autonomy for Ladakh. States of Imagination: Ethnographic Explorations of the Postcolonial State. T. B. Hansen and F. Stepputat. Durham, NC, Duke University Press: 365-390.
Dissimulations: representing Ladakhi identity
van Beek, M. (2000). Dissimulations: Representing Ladakhi 'Identity'. Perplexities of Identification: Anthropological Studies in Cultural Differentiation and the Use of Resources. H. Driessen and T. Otto. Aarhus, Aarhus University Press: 164-188.
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Seen by: and 6 moreTHE FIRST INDO-PAKISTANI WAR, 1947-48 - AZ ELSŐ INDIA-PAKISZTÁNI HÁBORÚ, 1947-48
Research paper written in Hungarian in 2010. in partial fulfillment of requirements for a PhD in Military Sciences.
The confrontation between British India's two successor states, Pakistan and India dates from the first day of... more The confrontation between British India's two successor states, Pakistan and India dates from the first day of independence. They fought their first war over the possession of Jammu and Kashmir. The war was a limited affair – limited in its goals, over a limited theater, with limited means. It was the first modern war in which one of the belligerents (Pakistan) relied on an artificially created and nurtured insurgency in the target area to realize its political goals. The experiment – partly due to lack of doctrinal foundations and lack of experience – had only limited success, but its results encouraged Pakistan to rely on insurgents and irregular militias in the enemy's rear in it later wars.
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Traditional Textile Of India Kashmir Textiles
Kashmir was a pivotal point, through which the wealth, knowledge, and products of ancient India passed to the world... more Kashmir was a pivotal point, through which the wealth, knowledge, and products of ancient India passed to the world although Islam and its enduring influence in Kashmir took root only in the 14th century. By the time of the Mughals the influence of Persian and Middle Eastern arts was considerable and is still evident in Kashmir's crafts. Kashmir was most famous for its intricately woven and embroidered shawls, which for centuries were a cornerstone of European fashion until the invention of Jacquard looms enabled the production of less expensive paisley shawls. Thirty thousand rural workers still weave and embroider Kashmiri shawls, which remain a status symbol in India. Another forty thousand weavers produce hand-woven fabrics, and the total output makes Kashmir one of India’s leading producers of handloom textiles. Men wear shawls with patterns expressed in tapestry weave over a twilled ground, mostly made of Pashmina, goat's wool.
HISTORICIZING PAKISTAN’S KASHMIR POLICY
The Historian,
Volume 3 July-December 2005 Number 2
This article makes an historical analysis of Pakistani
Kashmir policy between 1947-88. Besides providing
a... more
This article makes an historical analysis of Pakistani
Kashmir policy between 1947-88. Besides providing
a synoptic view of the Kashmir policies, pursued by
various regimes in Pakistan both civilian and
military also provides a thorough insight into all the
major developments concerning Kashmir dispute as
well as the responses of Pakistani governments’ visà-
vis these developments. It contextualizes these main
planks of Pakistan’s Kashmir policy by situating
historical factors which invariably shaped its main
contours. The last portion of this article analyses this
policy by isolating discernable trends largely shaped
by extraneous factors which subsequently limitized
the options and choices before our policy makers.
Consequently, these factors led to the failure of
Kashmir policy in terms of realization of its main
objectives by reducing it merely to rhetorics. The
recurrent theme of this article is that Pakistan’s
Kashmir policy remained consistent i.e. focused on
resolution of Kashmir dispute through the UN
resolution.
KEY WORDS: UN Resolutions, Kashmir, Pakistan, India
“AN INGLORIOUS END TO A GLORIOUS ADVENTURE”
THE HISTORIAN
JULY-DECEMBER 2008 (VOL. 6, NO. 2)
This paper analyses the background of the Kargil
operation along with highlighting the significant
operation along with highlighting the significant
developments in Kargil (mis)adventure, which serves
as a most glaring example of inconsistency in
Pakistan's Kashmir policy. It played a central role in
the derailment of Lahore peace process, it was also
indicative of the dominance of hawkish elements over
doves with respect to Pakistan's Kashmir policy.
Failure of Pakistan’s hawkish policy makers to
withstand international pressure is evident from the
retreat of Pakistani Mujahideen from Kargil. The
subsequent reliance of the hawks on the civilian
leadership, comprising pacifist elements virtually
sidelined by the military elites during planning and
execution of this operation, also alludes to their
misplaced expectations. Consequently confusion was
compounded. Ironically the military leadership tried
to place the onus of withdrawal on "civilian
government" which later turned out to be a major
cause of difference between the Prime Minister,
Muhammad Nawaz Sharif and the Chief of the Army
Staff, General Pervez Musharraf. This sudden shift in
Pakistan's Kashmir policy later triggered the blame
game as to who was responsible for this
"misadventure"; the Prime Minister or the Army
Chief. Particularly after the dismissal of Nawaz
Sharif’s government on October 12, 1999, Pervez
Musharraf and the deposed Prime Minister brought
to surface new facts about Kargil, further exposing
the inconsistencies in Pakistan's Kashmir policy at
the highest level.
KEY WORDS: Kargil, Kashmir, India, Pakistan, Pervez Musharraf, Nawaz Sharif, Mujahideen, Militancy.
BLEEDING WOUND: ANALYZING PAKISTAN’S KASHMIR POLICY
THE HISTORIAN
JANUARY-JUNE 2009 (VOLUME 7, NUMBER 1)
This article analyses Pakistan’s Kashmir policy from
1989 to 1995. This period constitutes a new phase in
1989 to 1995. This period constitutes a new phase in
Pakistan’s Kashmir policy as it was synchronized
with the resurgence of Kashmiri resistance
movement. During the previous two decades Kashmir
issue was overlooked because Pakistan was
entangled with many other problems, ranging from
crisis in East Pakistan to the problems arising from
the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. Therefore,
Pakistan was providing only lip service by placing
rhetorical emphasis on the UN’s resolution
concerning Kashmir. During 1989-95, Pakistani
governments tried to align themselves with the
‘Kashmir cause’ because not only it was in tune with
the ‘popular sentiments’ but also it was crucial for
the very survival of these civilian regimes. The entry
of civilian forces in the post-Zia political arena under
certain checks and balances of the military elites and
non-political actors who kept themselves away from
power but not the politics, therefore, the civilian
political forces found not other alternative but to tiptoe
the agenda scripted by these non-political actors
which pulled the strings from behind. In this
backdrop, it becomes quite convenient to develop the
hypothesis that Pakistan’s Kashmir policy remained
consistent, i.e., it stressed on the solution of Kashmir
dispute on the basis of the UN resolutions. Though
this objective remained the same yet the strategy to
pursue it somewhat underwent an insidious change
as Pakistani authorities through overt and covert
support to the Jehadi elements, tried to engage India
in a low intensity conflict so as to increase the cost of
the Indian occupation. Pakistani authorities also
found it an effective tool to internationalize the
Kashmir dispute. This paper also highlights the main
trajectories of Pakistan’s Kashmir policy like
Pakistan’s leadership posturing on Kashmir, efforts
for public mobilization, Pakistan’s quest for
internationalization of Kashmir dispute and
endeavors of governments to negotiate with
international pressures. Besides this, it also analyses
the successes and failures of Pakistan’s Kashmir
policy between the years 1989 to 1995 along with
examining the role of forces of status-quo (primarily
military establishment, jingoistic press and rightists
and religious parties) and forces of change
(extraneous pressures) in defining the dynamics of
Pakistan’s foreign policy.
KEY WORDS: Jehadi organizations, Kashmir, India, Pakistan, Benazir Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif.
A LITANY OF ERRORS: PAKISTAN’S KASHMIR POLICY (1996-99)
THE HISTORIAN
VOLUME 7 JULY-DECEMBER 2009 NUMBER 2
Pakistan’s Kashmir policy became more and more
inconsistent as was evident by the fact that instead
of... more
Pakistan’s Kashmir policy became more and more
inconsistent as was evident by the fact that instead
of following one clear‐cut agenda Pakistani policymakers
seem to follow three parallel agendas, i.e.,
traditional rhetorical emphasis on Kashmir cause for
public consumption, Nawaz Sharis’s twin track
approach, and the use of jehadi organizations, thus
exposing glaring inconsistencies in our policy‐making
and policy execution. These inconsistencies became
more pronounced with the outbreak of Kargil
conflict, which represented the height of inconsistent
policy making.
KEY WORDS: Kargil operation, India, Pakistan, Nawaz Sharif, Chanab Line Formula, Back Channel Diplomacy, Pervaiz Musharraf.
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