Incoherent Narrator: Israeli Public Diplomacy During the Disengagement and the Elections in the Palestinian Authority
by Itay Gabay
Israeli public diplomacy surrounding the disengagement from Gaza and the general elections in the Palestinian... more Israeli public diplomacy surrounding the disengagement from Gaza and the general elections in the Palestinian Authority (PA) in 2005 reflects a problematic misconstruction of Israel’s messages in English regarding its relations with the Palestinians. Based on content analysis of official documents, such as official announcements, press releases, and speeches by Israeli government officials (the PM and the foreign ministry), we point to the incompleteness of Israeli public messages aimed at non-Hebrew speakers in terms of major framing functions. Incorporating narrative analysis, we further claim that the problem of missing framing functions is part of a larger problem of misconstruction of the state’s foreign policy narrative. At the core of this problem lies a discontinuity between the definition of the problem faced by Israel, the characterization of those who are responsible for the problem, and the proposed solutions to the problem. While the definition of the problem tends to rest quite heavily on internal disputes within Israel, namely the dispute between the government and the settlers, the Palestinians are those who are held responsible for the problem, and the solution is defined as a confrontation with the Palestinians. This incoherence between the definition of the problems and the solutions offered has damaged the internal logic of Israeli public diplomacy. The article discusses these findings against the backdrop of the traditional Israeli approach toward public diplomacy as reflected by the concept of “explanation” (hasbara). It suggests that these incoherencies played a key role in the explanation of why Israel failed to achieve significant improvement in its international image following the disengagement.
Download (.pdf) Do Journalists Index the Range of Government Frames?
by Itay Gabay
Studies examining the indexing hypothesis have so far paid little attention to the actual opinions of the actors... more
Studies examining the indexing hypothesis have so far paid little attention to the actual opinions of the actors appearing in the media, as well as to the dynamic relationships between distinctive players such as politicians and states, and the international or foreign media. This study aims to combine the indexing hypothesis with frame analysis, and suggest a new concept: the dispersion of frames. The dispersion of frames distributed by an actor is analyzed via the distribution of different framing functions. A comparison between the dispersion of frames promoted by competing governments and the dispersion of frames offered by the media provides us with a better understanding of the complex actor-media interaction.
This study aims to combine the indexing hypothesis with frame analysis, and suggest a new concept: the dispersion of frames. The dispersion of frames distributed by a specific actor during a certain period is analyzed via the distribution of different framing functions. A comparison between the dispersion of frames promoted by competing governments and the dispersion of frames offered by the media provides us with a better understanding of the complex actor-media interaction.
Foreign Affairs and the Local Newsroom: Local Television News Coverage of the 2006 Lebanon War
by Itay Gabay
Local television news is the most watched news-source in America, yet we know very little how local television news... more Local television news is the most watched news-source in America, yet we know very little how local television news covers foreign events. In this paper, we examine and compare the news coverage of the 2006 Lebanon War on local and network news in the United States. Applying Entman’s framing functions, we find that coverage of the War on the local news is significantly more supportive of the Israeli position compared to the coverage of the same event on network news. We propose that this difference is caused by features of the local newsroom such as economic and institutional constraints, as well as newsroom routines, which result in the tendency of the local media to comply with the positions of the authorities.
The Media and Public Diplomacy: A Strategic Contest over international Agenda Building and Frame Building
by Itay Gabay
This study focuses on the competition over international agenda building and frame building as one central strategic... more
This study focuses on the competition over international agenda building and frame building as one central strategic activity of public diplomacy processes. It is the first analysis of a multi-actor contest over agenda and frame building in foreign media
focusing on two strategic acts with evident mediated public diplomacy objectives and implications: Israel’s disengagement from Gaza and the general elections in the Palestinian Authority. The success of the actors in promoting their agenda and frames in the U.S. and British news media is analyzed, revealing a complex media arena that includes the antagonists, foreign governments, and the media themselves as actors, each trying to promote its own agenda and frames. Cultural and political congruence between a foreign country and an adversary gives that antagonist an advantage over its rival actor. However, the antagonist actor still has to compete with the agenda and
frames of foreign governments and media organizations.
Exporting anti-Zionism: The delegitimization of Israel in the Iranian Press
by Rusi Jaspal
**FOR A PDF OF FULL PAPER, E-MAIL ME**
Jaspal, R. (under review). Exporting anti-Zionism: The delegitimization of Israel in the Iranian Press. Submitted to Israel Studies.
Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Anti-Zionism has remained an important ideological building-block of the Islamic... more
Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Anti-Zionism has remained an important ideological building-block of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This paper examines the manifestation of anti-Zionism in the English-language Iranian Press in order to elucidate how this ideology is ‘exported’ to an international readership. The paper presents the results of an empirical study of two leading English-language Iranian newspapers: The Tehran Times and Press TV. The study uses critical discourse analysis and draws upon tenets of Social Representations Theory and the notion of Delegitimization from social psychology. The following themes are outlined: (i) “Problematizing Israel’s right to exist”; (ii) “Unveiling the global Zionist conspiracy”; and (iii) “Leading the global anti-Zionism – the declining ‘Zionist regime’”. Both anti-Zionist and anti-Semitic representations are observable in the corpus. The paper identifies three key components of the delegitimization process in textual representations of Israel, and discusses possible implications of outgroup delegitimization for identity, emotion and action.
Keywords: media representations; Iran; Israel; anti-Zionism; prejudice; social representations theory; critical discourse analysis; qualitative; social psychology
"No Person is Illegal"? Configurations and Experiences of" Illegality" Among Undocumented West African and Filipino Migrant Workers In Tel Aviv, Israel
by Sarah Willen
Willen, Sarah S. 2006. "No Person is Illegal"? Configurations and Experiences of "Illegality" among Undocumented West African and Filipino Migrant Workers in Tel Aviv. PhD thesis. Department of Anthropology, Emory University. Atlanta, GA.
“Review of Latino Migrants in a Jewish State by Barak Kalir.”
by Sarah Willen
Willen, Sarah S. Forthcoming 2012. “Review of Latino Migrants in a Jewish State by Barak Kalir.” Review of Middle East Studies. 46(1).
The ‘Israel-Cyprus-Greece’ axis and Turkey
Published on AlYunaniya, 20/05/2012
It has become obvious that in the Eastern Mediterranean a new politico-economic, and in an important degree,... more It has become obvious that in the Eastern Mediterranean a new politico-economic, and in an important degree, strategic, axis is developing, consisting of Israel, Cyprus, and Greece. This cooperation has not come as a surprise for those who follow the geopolitical developments of the last years in the region. It is the product of various factors and developments that have taken place on different levels. Yet, the most significant factors that have led to the creation of this cooperation (and for many, alliance) are the gradual changes in Turkish foreign policy, mainly since 2002, which have led to the deterioration of the Turkish-Israeli relations, as well as the discovery of hydrocarbons in the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of Cyprus, in conjunction with the efforts of the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) to delimitate its EEZ with other states of the Eastern Mediterranean.
Ο Άξονας «Ισραήλ-Κύπρος-Ελλάδα» και η Τουρκία
Published on Strategy International, 20/05/2012
Είναι πλέον εμφανές ότι στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο είναι υπό διαμόρφωση ένας νέος πολιτικο-οικονομικός, και ως ένα... more Είναι πλέον εμφανές ότι στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο είναι υπό διαμόρφωση ένας νέος πολιτικο-οικονομικός, και ως ένα σημαντικό βαθμό στρατηγικός, άξονας αποτελούμενος από το Ισραήλ, την Κύπρο, και την Ελλάδα. Η συνεργασία αυτή δεν προήλθε από το πουθενά, αλλά ούτε και απετέλεσε έκπληξη για τους παρακολουθούντες των περιφερειακών γεωπολιτικών δρώμενων των τελευταίων χρόνων. Αποτελεί προϊόν διαφόρων παραγόντων, συγκυριών, και εξελίξεων που έχουν λάβει χώρα σε διάφορα επίπεδα. Παρόλα αυτά, ομολογουμένως, οι σημαντικότεροι παράγοντες που έχουν οδηγήσει στην δημιουργία αυτής της συνεργασίας (και για κάποιους εν δυνάμει συμμαχίας), είναι η σταδιακή αλλαγή κατεύθυνσης της τουρκικής εξωτερικής πολιτικής κυρίως από το 2002 και μετά, που οδήγησε στη χειροτέρευση των σχέσεων Άγκυρας-Τελ Αβίβ, αλλά και η ανακάλυψη υδρογονανθράκων στην Αποκλειστική Οικονομική Ζώνη (ΑΟΖ) της Κύπρου σε συνάρτηση με τις κινήσεις της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας (ΚΔ) για την οριοθέτηση της ίδιας της ΑΟΖ με άλλα κράτη της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου.
The Right to Education: Its Changing Faces in a Constitutional Revolution Era
Hebrew
Almost two decades after the constitutional revolution, the Supreme Court of Justice ruled in the Tebeka case that the... more Almost two decades after the constitutional revolution, the Supreme Court of Justice ruled in the Tebeka case that the right to education is a constitutional right, which is interrelated with the right to dignity. My article analyzes the norms that shaped the right to education in Israel during the last two decades in order to explore whether and how the Tebeka case reflected the processes that characterized the education policy. The discussion is divided according to four features of the right to education, whose definition is based on a normative framework outlined by the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights: the right to available education, which requires the establishment of functioning public schools and the certification of nonpublic schools that conform to certain educational standards; the right to accessible education, which relates to non-discrimination, physical accessibility and economic accessibility; the right to acceptable forms and substance of education; and the right to adaptable education, which responds to the students' cultural affiliations, learning abilities, and personal preferences. The article shows that several norms contributed to the realization of the right to education, although their application was sometimes slow and gradual. Other norms derogated the right to education, mainly due to the sectoral powers that initiated them. An interim category includes norms that expanded the scope of the right to education, but whose design and implementation diminished their influence. There are also norms that reflected contradictory policies. In addition, the article shows that the realization of the four features of the right to education is unequal, and the multiple layers of inequality integrate and intensify its impact. In light of the above, it seems that the recognition of the right to education as a constitutional right did not reflect substantial changes in the education policy. Its future impact on the realization of the right to education is doubtful without improving the place of education in the political priorities.
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Peace Now and Never: Images of Peace in the Israeli Peace Movement
by Jon Simons
In Stephen Gibson and Simon Mollan (eds.) Representations of Peace and Conflict (Palgrave-Macmillan: Basingstoke, forthcoming).
Representing the 'Zionist Regime': Mass Communication of anti-Zionism in the English-language Iranian Press
by Rusi Jaspal
**FOR A PDF OF FULL PAPER, E-MAIL ME**
Jaspal, R. (under review). Representing the 'Zionist Regime': Mass Communication of anti-Zionism in the English-language Iranian Press. Submitted to Mass Communication and Society.
Anti-Zionism constitutes an important ideological building-block of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). This paper... more
Anti-Zionism constitutes an important ideological building-block of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). This paper provides insight into the mass communication of anti-Zionism in the English-language Iranian Press in order to examine how this ideology is ‘exported’ to an international readership. The paper presents the results of an empirical study of two leading English-language Iranian newspapers: The Tehran Times and Press TV. The study uses critical discourse analysis and draws upon tenets of Social Representations Theory from social psychology. The following discourses are discussed: (i) Resisting social representations of Israeli statehood; (ii) Constructing threat: The Zionist regime as a terrorist entity; and (iii) Responding to threat: Anti-Zionism as a religious duty for the Muslim Ummah. As a ‘mouth-piece’ of the IRI, these outlets adopt and encourage a fervently anti-Zionist stance by refusing to recognise the statehood and civilian population of Israel and by constructing the ‘Zionist regime’ as a terrorist threat which should be mitigated collectively by the Islamic Ummah. Implications are discussed.
Keywords: media representations; Iran; Israel; anti-Zionism; prejudice; social representations theory; critical discourse analysis; qualitative; social psychology
Mounting Israeli soccer violence reflects fading hope in Palestinian peace
By James M. Dorsey
A stalled Israeli-Palestinian peace process, a dwindling number of Palestinians... more
By James M. Dorsey
A stalled Israeli-Palestinian peace process, a dwindling number of Palestinians participating in non-governmental reconciliation efforts and increased racism in Israeli soccer constitute two sides of the same coin: fading hope and interest in peace, hardening battle lines and a resurgence of racism on both sides of the divide.
Yet, the measures being discussed to curb mounting violence on and off the pitch threaten to reduce political and social issues to a problem of law enforcement as the heads of Israel’s 16 premier league club meet to debate how to cope with a situation that is spiralling out of control. The solution to Israel’s soccer violence no doubt involves law enforcement, but a crackdown and harsher penalties are unlikely to restore faith in future Israeli-Palestinian coexistence or mitigate the brutalizing effect on Israeli society of 45 years of occupation of Palestinian land.
Granted, the heads of Israel’s top soccer clubs lack the power to address the larger political and social issues. Their inability to influence political and security decisions has become evident over the past year in what Palestinian soccer officials say is the inability of Israeli sports officials to even ease the restrictions on travel imposed on Palestinian athletes in the West Bank and Gaza. A hotline established last year between the Israeli and Palestinian Olympic committees to tackle such issues has so far produced little results.
"The problem is the Israeli committee is not the relevant authority for the movement of people and equipment. We are trying, but I don't want to embarrass anyone," said Jibril Rajoub, who heads both the Palestinian Football Association and Olympic Committee, in an interview last year.
Nonetheless, there are things the Israeli soccer federation can do to counter an environment of increased polarisation and racially motivated violence in the absence of political will among both Israeli and Palestinian political elites to definitively tackle big ticket issues involved in peace such as settlements, refugees, borders and the future of Jerusalem.
The Israeli Football Association (IFA) and the heads of soccer clubs need to come to grips with two types of albeit inter-related violence: racially-motivated aggression against Palestinians and those that empathise with their cause and violence involving only Jewish players and fans. Their response to inter-Jewish violence is clear.
"The first thing to do is significantly increase the punishments. I have been talking about this for more than 20 years, and that was a time football was much more violent," the Associated Press quoted Maccabi Haifa Chairman Jacob Shahar as saying.
Less clear is their response to mounting Israeli-Palestinian soccer tension. "The field has become a battleground, involving not only fans but also players, coaches, officials ... it is impossible to stay silent," Israeli Culture and Sports Minister Limor Livnat told a recent press conference after being instructed by Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu to put an end to the violence.
Messrs. Livnat and Shahar were speaking after a series of incidents in which players and fans clashed on the pitch and notoriously racist supporters of Beitar Jerusalem, a club historically linked to Israel’s right-wing attacked Palestinian shoppers and workers in a mall as well as later a Jewish woman who protest against their racist attitudes. Beitar Jerusalem is the only Israeli club that has never hired a Palestinian player, who are among Israel’s highest scorers. In response to Beitar Jerusalem chants of ‘Death to the Arabs,’ Palestinian supporters of Israeli Palestinian clubs like Bnei Sakhnin have begun singing ‘Death to the Jews.’
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NJ8y7Zios3c
Writing in Soccer & Society, Israeli sports scholar Amir Ben-Porat warned already four years ago that “the football stadium has become an arena for protest: political, ethnic, nationalism, etc… ‘Death to the Arabs’ has thus become common chant in football stadiums… Many Israelis consider the Israeli Arabs (Palestinians) to be ‘Conditional Strangers,’ that is temporary citizens… Contrary to conventional expectations, these fans are not unsophisticated rowdies, but middle-class political-ideological right-wingers, whose rejection of Arab football players on their team is based on a definite conception of Israel as a Jewish (Zionist) state,” Mr. Ben-Porat wrote.
The IFA, despite being the only soccer body in the Middle East to have launched a campaign against racism, has allowed what Mr. Ben-Porat describes as ‘permissive territory’ that in which “some deviant behaviours are tolerated (such as using profanities) as long as definite rules are followed (that is, no racist chants)” to get out of hand.
The IFA has signalled a lack of sincerity by failing to impose its anti-racism rule by cracking down as hard on racism as it intends to do on what amounts to hooliganism. Forcing Beitar Jerusalem to drop its ban on Palestinian players, a violation of Israeli equal opportunity laws, and severely penalizing it for its fan behaviour rather than simply giving the club a slap on its knuckles while also taking Bnei Sakhnin to task for the behaviour of its fans would go a long way to tackling the issue of mounting racism on the pitch.
It would also send a signal to Israelis and Palestinians at a time that Palestinians are increasingly less inclined to engage with Israelis in the belief that reconciliation efforts are senseless as long as the Israeli-Palestinian peace process is stalemated. An IFA crackdown on racism would to some degree counter Palestinian claims that there is no partner in Israel amidst the violence employed by Israeli security forces against protesters on the West Bank and anti-Palestinian statements by Israel’s ultra-nationalist Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman.
Israeli peace activists warn that waning Palestinian interest in people-to-people encounters with Israelis threaten to undermine what is left of Israel’s already weakened peace movement. While peace may be beyond the IFA’s purview, a serious crackdown on racism would not only serve to counter what is an increasingly ugly trend in Israeli society but like the hotline signal that there are Israeli institutions that are willing to play their part.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
Conflicting visions of society spark Israeli and Egyptian soccer violence
By James M. Dorsey
Fan violence has sparked match cancellations on both sides of the Arab-Israeli... more
By James M. Dorsey
Fan violence has sparked match cancellations on both sides of the Arab-Israeli divide.
The stakes for Egyptian and Israeli soccer fans are high – the nature of the society they want to live in and in some cases the very existence of some of their financially troubled clubs – even if the two groups are likely to agree on little more than their passion for the game.
For militant Egyptian soccer fans the battle is about securing the goals of last year’s popular uprising that toppled Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, ending military rule and saving clubs from financial ruin as a result of initial suspension and ultimate cancellation of Egypt’s top two tournaments. A majority of Egyptian fans, who favor a more pro-Palestinian Egyptian foreign policy, have little empathy for their Israeli counterparts whom they see as thugs, many of whom are racists with their anti-Arab and anti-Muslim chants attitudes.
The Egyptian view is not unfounded even if leaders of the Egyptian ultras – militant, highly politicized, street battle-hardened fan groups modeled on similar organizations in Italy and Serbia – are struggling to keep their rank and file whose cry for dignity is often expressed in clashes with security forces under control.
Israeli soccer brawls over the past month ranged from pure hooliganism and violent clashes between players to attacks on Palestinians and more moderate Jews outside the confines of the stadium. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu Sunday called for a crackdown on violence on the soccer field, after fighting broke out on Friday between players of Hapoel Ramat Gan and Bnei Lod. "If there's violence, there will not be soccer. We must uproot this violence in order to return to games that spectators can enjoy, myself among them,” Mr. Netanyahu told a cabinet meeting according to The Jerusalem Post.
The incident in Ramat Gan followed thousands of Hapoel Tel Aviv fans rioting on the pitch after their team lost to Maccabi Tel Aviv.
A few days later, two fans of Maccabi Petach Tikvah attempted to attack a referee. In late March a Hapoel Haifa player was hospitalized after being headbutted by a Maccabi Petach Tikvah coach and then kicked in the head by a team associate. The two most onerous incidents involved militant anti-Arab fans of financially troubled Beitar Jerusalem, Mr. Netanyahu’s notorious club, in which supporters first attacked Palestinian workers and shoppers in a Jerusalem mall and later a Jewish woman who protested against their racist attitude. Police were severely criticized for failing to intervene in the mall attack.
The situation in nationalist Israel and post-Egypt could not be more different the laxity of the Israeli police notwithstanding. Yet, they are similar when it comes to the lack of political will on both sides of the Egyptian-Israeli divide to tackle soccer violence as well as governments’ failure to create an environment in which politically motivated violence is viewed as unacceptable. To be sure, the Israeli Football Association (IFA) has responded firmly to player violence but despite being the only soccer body in the Middle East and North Africa to have launched an anti-racist campaign has been lenient in meting out punishments for politically motivated violence.
The IFA last month significantly reduced Beitar's punishment for soccer violence from three home games out of town and one behind partly closed doors to on the grounds that the measure would not change fan behavior. With the worst disciplinary record in Israel’s Premier League, Beitar has faced since 2005 more than 20 hearings and has received various punishments, including point deductions, fines and matches behind closed doors because of its fans’ racism.
Beitar’s matches often resemble a Middle Eastern battlefield. It’s mostly Sephardic fans of Middle Eastern and North African origin, revel in their status as the bad boys of Israeli soccer. Their dislike of Ashkenazi Jews of East European extraction rivals their disdain for Palestinians. Supported by Israeli right wing leaders, Beitar traces its roots to a revanchist Zionist youth movement. Its founding players actively resisted the pre-state British mandate authorities. Beitar is Israel’s only leading club never to have signed an Israeli Palestinian player because of fan pressure despite the fact that Palestinians are among the country’s top players.
By contrast, Egyptian teams already reeling from the cancellation of the Premier League in February following the death of 74 fans in a brawl in the Suez Canal city of Port Said fear financial disaster as a result of Sunday’s looming annulment of the Egypt Cup. The Egyptian Football Association (EFA) has appealed to the country’s military rulers, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), to step in after a refusal by the interior ministry, which controls the police and the security forces. The refusal was prompted by the security forces’ reluctance to engage with deeply hostile, militant soccer fans because clashes would further damage their already tarnished image as the executioners of the former Mubarak regime and the military.
The military and the police have done little in the 14 months since Mubarak’s departure to polish the image of the security forces by projecting a willingness to reform the police, holding officers accountable for their actions and being seen to investigate the Port Said incident that allows the chips to fall where they fall. The trial against 61, people including fans and nine security officials, accused of responsibility for Port Said was suspended at its opening last week after disruptions by family and friends of the dead.
Police reform is a tough pill to swallow for the Egyptian military. The military “find themselves in a classic Catch-22 situation with regards to police reform. If they listen to the aspirations of the people and fully reform the police, they lose a valuable tool of state control. Should reform take place, where would the buck stop? Real reform in state institutions might later have personal ramifications for SCAF itself, as Egyptians are already calling for civilian control over the military, which may lead to investigations of the military junta down the line. On the other hand, should SCAF choose not to fully reform the police, they risk continued clashes with the people, who no longer fear the police - and consider it one of the last remaining bastions of the old regime,” said Adel Abdel Ghafar, a PhD scholar at the Australian National University and scion of a prominent Egyptian soccer figure, writing on Al Jazeera.com.
Granted, the Israeli police does not have the problems of their Egyptian counterpart. But if the stakes in Egypt are a more transparent, more accountable society, in Israel they are the very democracy that the Jewish state prides itself on, which increasingly is less based on tolerance and respect for diverging opinions and ethnic and religious minorities and ever more so on intolerance and the brutalizing effects of 45 years of occupation of Palestinian lands.
Violence in Israel is not limited to the soccer pitch. A senior Israeli military officer was celebrated by Israel’s right wing after attacking on camera a bicycle protester on the West Bank on camera in the same week as the Ramat Gan incident. Youths on a Tel Aviv beach taunted and abused a mentally disturbed woman inviting her to have sex with them.
The battles in Egypt and Israel are fought on multiple battlefields of which soccer is an important one. That puts the onus not only on governments but also on soccer associations, club management and last but not least world soccer body FIFA, which so far for all practical matters has looked the other way by at best issuing lame protests that Israelis and Egyptians can ignore because there is no price to pay.
With an inept military more concerned about its perks than the country’s future in charge in Egypt and an Israeli government that includes many Beitar Jerusalem supporters, little can be expected beyond at best demands for law enforcement from the highest authority in the country.
That means that the national soccer federations, FIFA and the regional associations, the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) and the Confederation of African Football (CAF), more than ever need to step up to the plate.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
Mixed Marriage and Post-Soviet Aliyah
by Mark Tolts
Paper presented at the round-table discussion on intermarriage (marriage between Jews and non-Jews) at Brandeis University, 17-18 December 2003 [Revised as of 26 July 2005]
This paper is a study of the incidence of mixed marriage in the Former Soviet Union (FSU) and the role of demographic... more This paper is a study of the incidence of mixed marriage in the Former Soviet Union (FSU) and the role of demographic peculiarities of the Jewish marriage market in the spread of mixed marriage. Special attention was paid to the offspring of mixed couples and their ethnic affiliation. The relatively high proportion of non-Jews in the migration movement to Israel (aliyah) from the FSU as a consequence of mixed marriage was also examined.
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