Islam in Indonesia

Persoalan Ijtihad Dalam Ayat-Ayat Cinta

by Mohd Faizal Musa

Alayasastra Jurnal Ilmiah Kesusastraan, 7(1): 1-15.

Towards a Middle Way Islam In Southeast Asia: The Gulen Movement in Singapore and Indonesia

by Mohamed Nawab

in John Esposito and Ihsan Yilmaz (eds) Islam and Peace-Bulding: Gulen Movement’s Intercultural Initiatives (New York: The Blue Press, 2010).

Reviving the Islamic Caliphate: Hizbut Tahrir and its Mobilization Strategy in Indonesia

by Mohamed Nawab

Terrorism and Political Violence, Volume 22, Issue 4 October 2010 , pages 601 - 622

Hizbut Tahrir (HT) is a transnational Islamic movement operating in over forty-five countries. Literature on HT has... more Hizbut Tahrir (HT) is a transnational Islamic movement operating in over forty-five countries. Literature on HT has focused mainly on its activities in Central Asia and Europe. As such, when the HT chapter in Indonesia organized the largest-ever political gathering staged by HT, many observers were caught by surprise. Yet despite the importance of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), little is known about the organization in the English-speaking world. This paper is an attempt to present empirical data on this group. The paper argues that HTI's usage of different mobilization strategies has resulted in its ability to effect policy changes in Indonesia.

Understanding Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia

by Mohamed Nawab

Conference Paper, Truman Institute, Jerusalem, 1st of December 2008.

Localizing Transnationalism: Hizbut Tahrir in Aceh and Papua

by Mohamed Nawab

Conference Paper for International Studies Association Conference, New York, 15-19 February 2009.

Transnational Islam and Its Impact on Malaysia and Indonesia

by Mohamed Nawab

Middle East Review of International Affairs Journal ,Volume 15, No. 2 (June 2011)

This article argues that the Islamist resurgence of the 1980s and anti-American sentiments following the events of... more This article argues that the Islamist resurgence of the 1980s and anti-American sentiments following the events of September 11 have led to the strengthening of political Islamism in both Malaysia and Indonesia. It also discusses the impact of Islamist movements and governments outside of Southeast Asia (i.e., the Middle East) in shaping the political thinking of Islamist organizations and political parties in Southeast Asia and how this has affected the politics of both Indonesia and Malaysia.

Transnational Network of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia

by Mohamed Nawab

Southeast Asia Research, Volume 18, Number 4, December 2010 , pp. 735-755(21)

This paper explores the regional network of the Indonesian chapter of Hizbut Tahrir (HT), a transnational Islamic... more This paper explores the regional network of the Indonesian chapter of Hizbut Tahrir (HT), a transnational Islamic group aiming to revive the Islamic Caliphate. Focusing on the chapter of HT in Indonesia, the paper highlights how Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) supports the activities of other HT chapters in the region and beyond. The key argument of the paper is that an understanding of HTI's transnational activism brings new insights to the current understanding of HT as a transnational movement. The author seeks to show the linkages between HTI and other HT chapters around the world and to analyse the implications of HTI's transnational activism.

Faith Moral Authority and Politics: Progressive Islam in Indonesia and Turkey (Chapter 2)

by Alexander Arifianto

Islam is often perceived as a religion that is not receptive, even hostile, against liberal Enlightenment values such... more Islam is often perceived as a religion that is not receptive, even hostile, against liberal Enlightenment values such as democracy, religion-state separation, and religious tolerance/pluralism. However, several Islamic organizations have underwent major theological change away from fundamentalist and revivalist theology to one that embraces a “progressive”
Islamic theology that accepts and in some cases even helps to propagate these values.

What are the factors that explain these theological changes? What are the causal mechanisms that help to promote them? Using insights from constructivist international relations theory, I argue that culturalist and rationalist explanations are insufficient to answer this question. Instead, the answer lies on the role of religious leaders acting as 'moral authority' figures, who are promoting a given political theology that is either complementary to liberalism and democracy or is working against it. The success or failure of these “moral authority” figures in changing the their organizations is attributed to the existence of a rival theology that contest the premises of the theology promoted by these “moral authority” figures, as well as the historical relationship between these religious groups and the state in which they operate.

This study employs comparative historical analysis and structured focused comparison of three
Islamic groups: two from Indonesia (Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah) and one  from Turkey (the Fethullah Gulen Movement). The analysis serves as a theory development
exercise on the role of 'moral authority' leadership that can be used by other scholars who wish to conduct a comparative analysis of Islamic groups in other Muslim-majority countries or a cross-regional analysis of numerous Islamic movements that are generalizable across the Islamic world.

Women's Majelis Taklim and gendered religious practice in Northern Ambon.

by Phillip Winn

A draft of a paper to appear in a forthcoming edition of the journal: Intersections:Gender and Sexuality in Asia and the Pacific http://intersections.anu.edu.au/

The recent phenomenal growth of majelis taklim groups in Indonesia has been linked to the ‘Islamic revival’, often... more The recent phenomenal growth of majelis taklim groups in Indonesia has been linked to the ‘Islamic revival’, often conceived as involving innovative models of Muslim orthodoxy couched in scripturalist or theologico-legal terms. This paper asserts that women’s majelis taklim in Leihitu on the northern coastline of Ambon Island instead reaffirm longstanding forms of devotional performance among local Muslims by (re)presenting these as fully compatible with contemporary Muslim identity. While there is evidence to suggest majelis taklim are reshaping normative aspects of gendered religious practice in Leihitu, this process is as enmeshed in local understandings as it is influenced by new intersections of national religious and political discourse concerning Muslim women. Ultimately, the article argues for greater attention to the diverse terms in which global and national currents of Muslim religiosity are instantiated locally via closer consideration of the social and cultural settings in which shifts in religious practice, such as majelis taklim, occur.

Year of the Arab Uprising: Impact on Southeast Asia

by James M. Dorsey

Thursday, December 1, 2011
Year of the Arab Uprising: Impact on Southeast Asia
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RSIS presents the following commentary Year of the Arab Uprising: Impact on Southeast Asia by James M. Dorsey. It is also available online at this link. (To print it, click on this link.). Kindly forward any comments or feedback to the Editor RSIS Commentaries, at  RSISPublication@ntu.edu.sg
By James M. Dorsey

Synopsis

The popular revolts sweeping the Middle East and North Africa are part of a global demand for political openness and transparency. Southeast Asia has so far proven adept in its response but has yet to address fundamental issues.

Commentary

TUNISIAN STREET vendor Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation was not simply a cry for justice, freedom and economic opportunity. It was an act of desperation in the face of humiliation, a cry for dignity that resonated with the masses across North Africa and the Middle East.

Bouazizi's death sparked a move to end not just the yoke of tyranny but of neo-patriarchic rule in which the autocratic father figure replicates himself throughout society from head of state to village chief to the head of the nuclear family. The system franchised authoritarian rule. As a result Bouazizi’s cry for dignity was and is a quest for citizenship rather than guardianship, for legitimate authority, transparency and ultimately true sovereignty.

Arguably, more than anything else, Bouazizi’s cry integrated the relatively inward-looking region from Morocco to the Gulf into a globalised world. The region became part of a global trend and in some ways its most resilient, poised to rewrite political geography. The demand for openness and transparency, fuelled by a perceived failure of existing institutions, manifests itself in different ways in different parts of the world. In the West it's
Occupy Wall Street. In the Middle East and North Africa, pushing for greater transparency often meant violence to change ossified dictatorships incapable of accommodation of people's aspirations and reform.

Southeast Asia not immune

Southeast Asia has not been immune to the global trend. Nonetheless, to suggest that the Arab Spring would spark a counterpart uprising in Southeast Asia would be far-fetched. Southeast Asia was already confronting calls for change before the Arab revolt erupted and the impact of the trend in Southeast Asia is evident.

Myanmar has cautiously relaxed strict government control, Malaysia responded to sharp criticism of the police by repealing two sweeping security laws and lifting restrictions on the media and Thai voters returned to power the party of deposed premier Thaksin Shinawatra, a victory for his red-shirted supporters involved in bloody clashes with the military last year. In doing so, Southeast Asian governments have proven to be far more attuned than their Middle Eastern and North African counterparts to what was happening around them and have displayed a greater deal of vision and flexibility. Nonetheless, they will also require forward planning.

Ensuring energy security

When, rather than if, the Arab uprising inevitably spreads to the Gulf, Southeast Asian nations will have to define the risk to their energy security and develop alternatives in case of a disruption in oil and gas supplies as well as increase their focus on alternative energy options. Some, like the Philippines, will also have to deal with the impact of large numbers of migrant workers returning home to escape erupting turmoil.

Non-oil producing Southeast Asian nations like Singapore, Thailand and the Philippines depend on the Middle East for 70 percent of their oil and gas imports.

In addition, Southeast Asia and the Middle East are crucial links in a seaborne commerce conveyor belt that runs from the Gulf to the Pacific. If the Straits of Malacca and Singapore were seen until now as potentially risky maritime choke points, today it is the Strait of Hormuz in the Gulf and Bab el Mandeb between Somalia and Yemen that are more vulnerable.

Asia would be most affected if shipping particularly through the Straits of Hormuz were to be interrupted. The United States gets 22 percent of its oil from the Gulf, Europe about 30 percent but Asia all of 75 percent, which makes Asia having the most at stake in terms of energy security.

Southeast Asia’s strategic advantage

Almost a year into the Arab revolt, the Middle East and North Africa region is looking at up to a decade of volatility, uncertainty and bloodshed. The region may be the part of the world where resistance to change will prove to be most adamant with consequences far beyond its borders.

Southeast Asian nations, unlike those in the Middle East and North Africa, with few exceptions have demonstrated an ability to respond to demands for openness and transparency and sought to restore confidence in institutions in ways that do not escalate tensions. Nonetheless, steps taken by Southeast Asian government are likely to prove insufficient. Those steps are by and large designed to remove immediate lightning rods and release pent-up frustration but often do not really address basic grievances, among which corruption figures prominently.

A majority of Southeast Asian governments, unlike their Middle Eastern and North African counterparts, enjoy varying degrees of popularity and legitimacy. To the extent that there is a desire for change, it is a desire to effect change with the government, not in spite of it. That is an asset few Middle Eastern rulers can claim. However to maintain that strategic advantage, Southeast Asian nations will have to develop enlightened, proactive policies that go beyond removing immediate irritants and address real concerns.

James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.

Mengembalikan Wajah Sejuk Indonesia

by Surya Awangga

Maraknya pelbagai tindakan anarkis atas nama agama akhir-akhir ini meresahkan banyak orang. Pokok keresahan bukan saja... more Maraknya pelbagai tindakan anarkis atas nama agama akhir-akhir ini meresahkan banyak orang. Pokok keresahan bukan saja terletak pada banyaknya korban yang berjatuhan akibat penggunaan kekerasan. Tulisan sederhana yang menguak fenomena fundamentalisme agama ini bermaksud memantik kesadaran kita untuk berjuang memerangi sikap fundamentalisme yang destruktif ini dan menegakan kembali fungsi-fungsi konstruktif agama. Alur esai yang dipakai ialah melihat gejala/ fenomena yang ada, mencari akar permasalahannya, dan mengajukan beberapa solusi yang harus diperhatikan.

Multiple Formen von Inklusion und Silaturahim: Die indonesische Moscheegemeinde Mesjid Al Falah in Berlin

by Claudia Seise

Symbole w działaniu. Akademickie konteksty nurtu symbolicznego w antropologii

by Jarema Drozdowicz

Muslimah Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia: An Introduction to its Thoughts and Activities

by Claudia Seise

Working Paper

Holy War Redux: The Crusades, Futures of the Past, and Strategic Logic in the "Clash" of Religions

by Geraldine Heng

Theories and Methods Cluster, "Clash of Religions?"
PMLA March 2011

Other Papers:

Leah Marcus, on the European Renaissance

David Theo Goldberg, on the Internet and religion

Saskia Sassen, on globalization and religion

Gauri Viswanathan, on India's religions

Ato Quayson, on African religion in diaspora

Amy Hollywood, on religious studies

Respondent: Julia Luption

Explaining the Cause of Muslim-Christian Conflicts in Indonesia

by Alexander Arifianto

Published in "Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations", Vol. 20, No. 1 (January 2009), pp. 73-89.

The End of Fasting

by Paul Mason

"published in 'Inside Indonesia', 2008, 93"

Deep in the highlands of West Sumatra, a village celebrates the end of the month of fasting. This article looks at the... more Deep in the highlands of West Sumatra, a village celebrates the end of the month of fasting. This article looks at the performance arts included in the ceremonies and the changes that have been occuring in Minangkabau culture.

Gestures of Power and Grace

by Paul Mason

"published in 'Inside Indonesia', 2009, 96"

A look at the Hari Idul Adha celebrations in a Minangkabau community near Lake Maninjau in West Sumatra. A look at the Hari Idul Adha celebrations in a Minangkabau community near Lake Maninjau in West Sumatra.

Islamic New Year in West Sumatra

by Paul Mason

"published in 'Inside Indonesia', 2010, 102."
Cited in Margaret Kartomi's upcoming book, "Musical Journeys in Sumatra.
View footage of the Tabuik ceremonies here: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BECy1wggCTM

In 680AD, the grandchild of the Prophet Muhammad, Imam Hussein, died in the Karbala war (60AH). His death is observed... more In 680AD, the grandchild of the Prophet Muhammad, Imam Hussein, died in the Karbala war (60AH). His death is observed with mourning, fasting, and every year Shiites stage a lachrymose festival on the tenth day of the first month of the Islamic lunar calendar, called Muharram. At other times, Hussein’s ordeal has variously been remembered around the world by tragic and deviant acts of martyrdom. During Muharram, Hussein's story is enacted through boisterous parades associated with self-flagellation and sometimes riots and occasional violence. Along Sumatra’s west coast, however, the reliving of the suffering of Hussein in Karbala has become a yearly cultural manifestation that unites town-folk, promotes regional identity, and bolsters tourism and trade. The event is called Tabuik. Surprisingly, the festival of Tabuik is found in a predominantly Sunni country. Tabuik finds its earliest origins, however, from tenth century Shiite traditions in Iran. Even more fascinating is that the tradition finds its earliest roots in pre-Islamic Persian legends with themes of redemptive sacrifice and the veneration of deceased heroes. There may even be connections to celebrations of the Ark of the Covenant, or a form of processional worship from the Torah celebrating the Tablets of Law onto which the Ten Commandments were inscribed.