Fatigued for safety? Supply chain occupational health and safety initiatives in shipping
by Lijun Tang
Bhattacharya, S. & Tang, L. in Economic & Industrial Democracy
This article investigates impacts of supply chain occupational health and safety initiatives, utilizing the case of... more
This article investigates impacts of supply chain occupational health and safety initiatives, utilizing the case of Oil Majors’ involvement in inspecting/regulating shipboard health and safety. It reveals that while supply chain pressure has made a contribution in improving ship safety, seafarers are denied participation in the management of occupational health and safety. Instead, Oil Majors effectively pass their pressure through ship managers down to seafarers and force them to silently comply. Among the consequences are work intensification and fatigue leading to a skewed impact on seafarers’ health and safety. This article suggests that supply chain pressure cannot be an adequate substitute for what an organized workforce can achieve through effective participation in the management of workplace health and safety.
Regional unemployment and industrial restructuring in Poland
Co-authored with Andrew Newell.
Eastern European Economics, 2006, 44(3): 5-28.
(also available as IZA DP, n. 194, November 2000, University of Sussex DP, n. 63, May 2000, e CELPE DP, n. 51, February 2000)
This paper studies regional unemployment inequality in Poland. We find that regions experiencing greater change in... more This paper studies regional unemployment inequality in Poland. We find that regions experiencing greater change in industrial structure have higher unemployment rates. We also find that high-unemployment regions have higher inflow rates to unemployment rather than longer spells of unemployment. These findings suggest that regional unemployment varies importantly with job destruction in Poland. Econometric analysis of the determinants of employment to unemployment flows reinforces this impression. We use our estimates to assess the extent to which regional unemployment variation is due to economic restructuring. We show that this cannot be done unambiguously, and offer reasons why many previous attempts to separate out the effects of restructuring on unemployment have been unsuccessful.
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Seen by:R. Zahn, ‘Trade Unions and New Member State Workers in Germany and the UK’ (2011) International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 139 – 164
by Rebecca Zahn
This article examines and compares German and British trade union responses in a European context following the recent... more This article examines and compares German and British trade union responses in a European context following the recent European enlargements in 2004 and 2007 which are unprecedented in the history of the European Union. In particular, the article examines two case studies to explore how trade unions have responded to increased migration following the enlargements. Increased migration has created a number of problems for trade unions which are examined in the case studies. The findings of the case studies are used to undertake a contextualised comparison of trade union behaviour in responding to the changing regulatory and opportunity structures which present themselves following the enlargements. Account is taken of the role that trade unions adopt within their national legal systems as well as of the effects of the European Union’s policy of Europeanisation on national trade unions. The article concludes by elaborating a number of recommendations based on the analysis.
Challenges to workplace dignity in a total institution: Examining the experiences of Foxconn’s migrant workforce
Lucas, K., Kang, D., & Li, Z. (in press). Challenges to workplace dignity in a total institution: Examining the experiences of Foxconn’s migrant workforce. Journal of Business Ethics. doi: 10.1007/s10551-012-1328-0
In 2010, a cluster of suicides at the electronics manufacturing giant Foxconn Technology Group sparked worldwide... more In 2010, a cluster of suicides at the electronics manufacturing giant Foxconn Technology Group sparked worldwide outcry about working conditions at its factories in China. Within a few short months, 14 young migrant workers jumped to their deaths from buildings on the Foxconn campus, an all-encompassing compound where they had worked, eaten, and slept. Even though the language of workplace dignity was invoked in official responses from Foxconn and its business partner Apple, neither of these parties directly examined workers’ dignity in their ensuing audits. Based on our analysis of media accounts of life at Foxconn, we argue that its total institution structure imposed unique indignities on its workers that both raised questions of their self-respect and self-worth, as well as gave rise to multiple episodes of disrespectful communication. We interpret our findings in light of the larger cultural context and meanings of work in China to understand more fully the experience of dignity of Foxconn’s migrant workforce.
"Precarious Liberation: A Rejoinder
Published in "South African Review of Sociology" 43 (1): 98-105.
Response to Eddie Webster and Ben Scully on Franco Barchiesi, "Precarious Liberation: Workers, the State and... more Response to Eddie Webster and Ben Scully on Franco Barchiesi, "Precarious Liberation: Workers, the State and Contested Social Citizenship in Postapartheid South Africa" (SUNY Press 2011).
[2012] Capitalism, Illegality and Subversion: The Pre-Figurative Politics of the 2-Hour Work Day
published in Unrest Magazine, Issue 6 March/April 2012.
Though this essay does not seek to apologize for the management and owning class, it does attempt to pose a more... more Though this essay does not seek to apologize for the management and owning class, it does attempt to pose a more challenging question about our relationship to work and survival: What about those of us who make our way through capitalism by exploiting not our neighbors or coworkers, but the outside margins of ‘less than fully regulated’ economies? What about those who seek to work less, yet earn more because they choose to operate in a sphere of employment that exists in between legal and illegal, regulated and unregulated, socially accepted and stigmatized?
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Seen by:Trade unions reject World Cup-related Qatar labor measures and threaten global boycott
By James M. Dorsey
International trade unions this week rejected World Cup-related Qatari proposals to meet... more
By James M. Dorsey
International trade unions this week rejected World Cup-related Qatari proposals to meet concerns about worker rights, including health and safety that violate international human and labor rights as well as principles the Gulf state had adopted as a member of the International Labor Organization ILO.
The unions said they were moving ahead with plans for a global campaign this summer under the motto 'No World Cup in Qatar without labor rights’, to deprive Qatar of its right to host the 2022 World Cup if it failed to align its labor legislation and workers’ condition with international standards.
“It is not too late to change the venue of the World Cup. This is not an industrial skirmish about wages; this is a serious breach in regard to human and labor rights. The country is incredibly wealthy and is portraying itself as a model country. That is simply not true. Our members are football fans and they don’t want to see the game played in a country that practices slavery,” Sharan Burrow, General Secretary of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), which represents 175 million workers in 153 countries, said in a telephone interview.
A spokesman for the Qatar 2022 Supreme Committee declined to comment on Ms. Burrow’s statements.
The looming confrontation between Qatar and the international workers’ movement comes at a sensitive time for the six-nation Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) that incorporates Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Bahrain and Oman. The GCC is preparing for a summit in Riyadh later this month to discuss a political union that would allow Saudi Arabia to pressure the smaller states to fall in line with its more conservative social and foreign policies at a time that the Middle East and North Africa are experiencing popular revolts in demand of greater freedom.
The issue of labor rights is also sensitive because several Gulf states have populations that are in majority foreign. Beyond the commercial and economic advantages of a cheap pool of labor, discussion of any kind of rights for non-locals raises the specter of the minority Gulf population in countries like Qatar, the UAE, and Kuwait no longer having a country that is theirs and which they control.
“It’s a real problem. Everybody knows that,” said a source close to Qatari and Gulf thinking on the issue against the backdrop of the UAE and Bahrain alongside Qatar seeking to project themselves as global sports hubs. An attempt by Bahrain to project an image of business as normal and distract attention from continuing popular discontent despite the suppression of last year’s revolt by letting Formula 1 go ahead last month backfired with protests overshadowing the race.
Ms. Burrow said the unions were seeking an urgent Qatari acceptance and implementation of international human and labor rights because the Gulf state was about to start construction of World Cup-related infrastructure.
Qatar’s 2022 Supreme Committee this week issued a second tender for the project, design, commercial and construction management of one of the 12 stadiums it is planning for the tournament, nine of which will be newly built. The three remaining stadiums already exist but need to be refurbished. The committee earlier tendered the contract for a master planning and lead design consultant for the stadiums.
“Gradual change is not good enough. The urgency is because the stadiums are about to be constructed in a serious way. Companies are gearing up their supply chains and costing infrastructure on a model of modern day slavery. We want that to change and companies might have to adjust their costing and pricing accordingly,” Ms. Burrow said.
Qatar with a majority expatriate population expects to import up to one million foreign workers to complete infrastructure needed both for the World Cup and the development of the energy-rich nation.
In a statement, the ITUC said it had requested an urgent meeting with Qatari labor minister Sultan bin Hassan, charging that “workers are dying in Qatar as they build World Cup stadiums and infrastructure, and suffer large scale exploitation every day.” Ms. Burrow said she had yet to receive a reply to the letter, which was also sent to world soccer body FIFA.
The union leader said that some 200 Nepalese died last year in Qatar, a favored destination for the country’s low skilled expat labor; 30 of them while on a construction job while another approximately 70 as a result of the country’s brutal summer temperatures that rise above 40 degrees Celsius. It was not clear whether any of these deaths were directly related to World Cup-related construction. “We quite confidently predict that more people will die off the field than there are players on the field,” Ms. Burrow said. She said she would soon be travelling to Nepal for discussions with the government and trade unions.
A spokeswoman for Ms. Burrow pointed to a report in The Himalaya Times that described Qatar, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Malaysia as “graveyards for young Nepali workers in the 25-42 years age group.”
The unions in a meeting with FIFA last November gave the soccer body and FIFA six months to ensure that workers in Qatar have “the legal right to organize themselves in free, independent trade unions without punishment or interference from authorities” that could “collectively bargain” with employers.
“Construction workers, the majority who are migrant workers are risking their lives today as they work in poor and unsafe conditions with low wages. They need trade union rights today to protect them", the ITUC statement quoted Ambet Yuson, General Secretary of Building and Wood Workers International, as saying.
Ms. Burrow said the fight for workers’ rights in Qatar was a battle for labor rights in the region. She said of the three GCC states – Oman, Bahrain and Kuwait – that legally allow trade unions only Bahrain had enshrined international standards in its legislation. She said Bahrain’s progress had however been marred by last year’s Saudi-backed brutal repression of a popular uprising in which teachers, nurses, doctors and others were detained and tortured for demanding basic democratic rights.
“Bahrain was on track until it came under pressure. The prime minister admitted to us that there were concerns from the Gulf states around them, Saudi Arabia in particular but also Qatar etc. Bahrain at least had public recognition of the rights if not realization of those rights in their totality because of the pressure of the Gulf states,” Ms. Burrow said.
She said a Qatari proposal for the creation of a labor committee and abolishment of its controversial system of sponsorship of foreign labor was a “far cry” from union demands for a free and independent trade union and equitable and human working conditions. Qatar is seeking to project itself as a show case member of the global community, “yet it is so far outside the basic human framework of human and labor rights” that it need to choose between being part of the international community or a model of 21st century slavery, Ms. Burrow said.
Qatari media this week quoted Labor Undersecretary Hussain Al Mulla as saying that the country’s emir was considering a plan to establish a Qatari-led labor committee that would represent workers’ interests as well as an abolition of the sponsorship system that would stop short of allowing foreigners to freely change jobs. Qatar recently abandoned the requirement that foreign workers surrender their passports to their Qatari employers. Mr. Al Mulla said the plan had already been endorsed by the Qatari prime minister.
Denouncing conditions of foreign workers in Qatar as 21st century slavery, Ms. Burrow said unions were demanding not only improved health and safety conditions but also the ability to live freely in the community, bring their families and move freely in and out of the country. “Current conditions are absolute enslavement to the employer,” Ms. Burrow said.
She said Mr. Al Mulla’s proposal for a labor committee involved creation of a government controlled body rather than an independent trade union. The way Qatar planned to abolish the sponsorship system failed to create a level playing field or guarantee workers’ freedom of movement, she said.
Qatar 2022 Supreme Committee Secretary General Hassan Al Thawadi pledged early this year in a speech at Carnegie Mellon University’s campus in Doha that the Gulf state would adhere to international labor standards.
"Major sporting events shed a spotlight on conditions in countries. There are labor issues here in the country, but Qatar is committed to reform. We will require that contractors impose a clause to ensure that international labor standards are met. Sport and football in particular, is a very powerful force. Certainly we can use it for the benefit of the region." Mr. Al Thawadi said.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
Coalition Building in New York and Los Angeles: Political Insiders and Social Activists
Co-author: Lowell Turner
In: Lowell Turner and Daniel B. Cornfield (eds.). Labor in the new urban battlegrounds: local solidarity in a global economy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 129-143. 2007.
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Seen by:Private returns to human capital over transition: A case study of Belarus
Co-authored with Alina Verashchagina.
The Economics of Education Review, 25(1): 91-107 (also available as XVI EALE Conference 2004: electronic proceedings [Compact disc edition], University of Lisbon; and as IZA DP, n. 1409, November).
The gradualist approach to economic transition in Belarus would contribute to form the a priori expectation that the... more The gradualist approach to economic transition in Belarus would contribute to form the a priori expectation that the rate of return to education is low and the earnings profile by work experience flat, like they supposedly were under central planning. However, the first available estimates of Mincerian earnings equations based on the Belarusian Household Survey on Incomes and Expenditure suggest that the skill payoff was high in 1996, at about 10.1% per year, and stable. The return to 1 year of work experience is also high at 5%. This result maintains also after controlling for sample selection bias, despite a general reduction in the annual rate of return to education by about 20–30%. Though, it is ambiguous whether the high-skill payoff is the consequence of market forces coming into play or of policy decisions, considering the pervasive role of the state in the process of wage determination.
Wage effects of recruitment methods: The case of the italian social service sector
Co-authored with Michele Mosca
In S. Destefanis and M. Musella, Paid and Unpaid Labour in Social Utility Services, Physica Verlag, Heidelberg (also available as IZA dp, n. 3422).
This paper uses a unique data set containing detailed micro-information on organisations, managers, workers and... more This paper uses a unique data set containing detailed micro-information on organisations, managers, workers and volunteers belonging to public, private forprofit and private nonprofit institutions delivering social services in Italy. The analysis aims to estimate the determinants of wages across organisations at a sector level focusing on the role of hiring and job search methods, including informal networks. We find that, independent of the organisation type, being hired through public competitions brings with it a substantial wage premium (ranging from 7 to 32%). Informal networks bring with them a wage penalty (-6.5%) in the state sector, where formal hiring methods are common, and a wage premium (6.3%) in social cooperatives and religious institutions, where formal hiring methods are not common. Interestingly, the differences in hiring and in job search methods between state and private organisations explain from 50% to 100% of the conditional wage differentials across organisation types. Our interpretation of these findings is that nonprofit organisations prefer informal recruitment methods not for nepotistic reasons, but to better select the most motivated workers, those who share the nonprofit mission. This paper adds to the previous literature by suggesting that in addition to lower than average monetary compensations, informal recruitment methods are part of the process of self-selection of motivated workers in nonprofit organisations.
Multinational Corporations and Industrial Relations in China
by Mimi Zou
Co-authored with Professor Russell Lansbury, AIRAANZ 23rd Conference Proceedings, Newcastle, Australia, 4 February 2009
The distribution of wages in Belarus
Co-authored with Alina Verashchagina.
Revised version published in: Comparative Economic Studies, 2006, 48 (3), 351-376.
This paper uncovers evidence on the distribution of wages in Belarus in the second half of the 1990s. The returns to... more
This paper uncovers evidence on the distribution of wages in Belarus in the second half of the 1990s. The returns to education and work experience are high and stable. While the former is a typical finding of transition studies, the latter is not.
This might be due to the pervasive role of the state in fixing wages in the dominant budget sector, rather than to market forces coming into play. Women experience a small, though largely unexplained wage gap coupled with higher than average
returns to education. A wage curve effect is found, which is similar in size to that of other transition countries, but much higher than in market economies.
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Seen by:Introduction to the Special Issue on Manufacturing: New Industries, Progressive Approaches?
Clark, Jennifer and Pierre Clavel (2012) Introduction: A Progressive Approach to Manufacturing Policy. Special Issue: Manufacturing: New Industries, Progressive Approaches? Progressive Planning. No. 190 Winter 2012.
Manufacturing has long been the focus for progressive reforms. But these reforms, pushed by labor in the 1930s and... more Manufacturing has long been the focus for progressive reforms. But these reforms, pushed by labor in the 1930s and 1940s, did not particularly involve city planners, and the idea of “progressive planning” that emerged in the 1960s focused on community and neighborhood struggles over urban renewal, highway clearances and the depredations of real estate developers—not necessarily manufacturing. The question now is whether, with changes in manufacturing, and new initiatives from the Obama administration, progressives can make a contribution through the manufacturing sector, and whether professional planners can play a role at all.We asked a group of geographers and planners—academics and practitioners with track records looking at manufacturing—to give brief reports on issues that might interest readers of Progressive Planning.
Subaltern Consciousness in South Africa’s Labor Movement: ‘Workerism’ in the KwaZulu-Natal Sugar Industry
by Jason Hickel
2012. South African Historical Journal 64(3).
Labour Relations with “Chinese Characteristics”? Chinese Labour Law at a Historic Crossroads
by Mimi Zou
International Association of Labour Law Journals Annual Conference, Seville, Spain, 20 September 2011
Awarded the 2011 Marco Biagi Award Runner-up
Will be published as 'Rapporti di lavoro con «caratteristiche cinesi»? Il diritto del lavoro cinese ad un bivio storico' (translated into Italian), in Lavoro e Diritto (forthcoming).

