EU Defence Policy after Chicago: Going Smart?
CEPS Commentary, Co-authored with Giovanni Faleg
ublished on the eve of the NATO Summit in Chicago (May 20-21), this CEPS Commentary analyses the impact of the summit... more
ublished on the eve of the NATO Summit in Chicago (May 20-21), this CEPS Commentary analyses the impact of the summit and the Smart Defence agenda on the European Union’s defence policy. Will the EU follow NATO and go ‘smart’? The authors point out that the NATO agenda provides indeed a unique chance for the EU to make unprecedented progress on pooling and sharing. They outline a three-part road map to rationalise the EU defence market and put the Union back on track as a credible and capable security provider. The Commentary also stresses that complementarity between the NATO and EU agenda is all important to achieve long-term change.
Giovanni Faleg is a Visiting Researcher at CEPS and a Ph.D. Candidate at the London School of Economics and Political Science. Alessandro Giovannini is a Research Assistant at CEPS. This Commentary draws on the authors’ more detailed analysis presented in a CEPS Special Report, “EU between pooling & sharing and smart defence: Making a virtue of necessity?”, May 2012 (http://www.ceps.eu/book/eu-between-pooling-sharing-and-smart-defence-making-virtue-necessity).
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Seen by: and 8 moreEuropeanization of Foreign Policy
by Reuben Wong
Published in Christopher Hill and Michael Smith (eds), 'International Relations and the European Union', 2ed, Oxford: Oxford UP 2011), pp.149-170.
Original version in C. Hill and M. Smith (eds), 'International Relations and the European Union' (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2005), pp.134-153.
Reviewed by Raffaella Del Sarto in International Spectator 1/2006.
http://ukcatalogue.oup.com/product/9780199544806.do
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Seen by: and 6 moreEuropean Security in the 21st Century
by Ben Tonra
The European security environment which prevails in the early 21st century has evolved over more than twenty years.... more The European security environment which prevails in the early 21st century has evolved over more than twenty years. This paper identifies the major underlying characteristics of the current security order. It examines the origins of the system, identifies some of the major conceptual debates associated with the recent evolution, describes the multilateral institutional framework and, finally, comments on the contribution of Ireland.
L’Hexagone n’impose rien sans l’Europe
by Reuben Wong
Published in “Politique étrangère: La France n’en impose plus”, 'Alternatives Internationales' (Paris) no.34, March 2007, pp.51-52. (part of dossier on the role of France and its foreign policy in the world today.
An Anatomy of European and US Perspectives on China in the International System
by Reuben Wong
published in in C. Roland Vogt (ed), Europe and China: Strategic Partners or Rivals, Hong Kong University Press, 2012.
Towards a Common European Policy On China?: Economic, Diplomatic and Human Rights Trends since 1985
by Reuben Wong
Published in Current Politics and Economics of Asia, Vol.17, No.1, 2008, pp.155-181.
This article argues against the received view of European Union-China relations as hostage to historical rivalries and... more This article argues against the received view of European Union-China relations as hostage to historical rivalries and competing national interests between EU member states. It analyzes the trends in the EU's economic, political and human rights policies towards China since the 1985 European Community-China Trade and Cooperation Agreement was signed. By foucsing on the interactions between three member states with siginificant interests in China- Germany, France and the UK- and the Europeanization pressures which undercut national leaders' powers, and shape their prefereces and options, it argues that there has in facr been significant convergences in the policies of the major EU states and the European Commission towards China.
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Seen by:The EU-CSDP-NATO relationship: asymmetric cooperation and the search for momentum
Studia Diplomatica LXIII(3-4), Winter 2010, 185-202
A new European Union development cooperation policy with Latin America
Pedro Morazán (Dir.), José Antonio Sanahuja, FIIAPP, Bruno Ayllón. Brussels, Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union, European Parliament. ISBN 978-92-823-3719-6
This study contains an analysis of the key principles of the European Union’s development cooperation policy with... more
This study contains an analysis of the key principles of the European Union’s development cooperation policy with Latin America. The following issues are of particular importance: i) The relevance of cooperation with middle-income countries,
especially those in Latin America and the Caribbean. ii) The objectives that the EU’s development cooperation with Latin America and the Caribbean should pursue. iii) The alignment of the regional integration process with the wide range of existing realities and strategies in Latin America and the Caribbean. iv) The promotion of social cohesion policies as one of the core components of the EU’s development policy. v) The strategies complementary to the EU’s development policy and South South cooperation.
Bağımsızlık Sonrası Gürcistan-Avrupa Birliği İlişkileri
Sanem Özer, " Bağımsızlık Sonrası Gürcistan-Avrupa Birliği İlişkileri ", Uluslararası İlişkiler, Cilt 4, Sayı 15 (Güz), 2007
Avrupa Birliği (AB), Sovyetlerin daha uzun vadede beklenen ani yıkılışının yarattığı ilk şaşkınlığı atlatır atlatmaz... more Avrupa Birliği (AB), Sovyetlerin daha uzun vadede beklenen ani yıkılışının yarattığı ilk şaşkınlığı atlatır atlatmaz sınırlarını, eski Sovyet cumhuriyetlerinden oluşan Doğu Avrupa’yı içine alacak şekilde genişletmeye başlamıştır. Karadeniz’in öteki yakasında kalan Güney Kafkasya ülkeleri için ise daha temkinli ve Rusya’nın endişelerini gözönünde bulunduran bir yaklaşım benimsemiştir. Bu nedenle AB-Gürcistan ilişkileri ancak 1999’da Ortaklık ve İşbirliği Anlaşmasının sunduğu çerçeve sayesinde somutlaştırabilmiştir. AB bugün Gürcistan’ın taşıdığı jeostratejik öneminin farkındadır. AB oluşturmaya gayret ettiği Avrupa Güvenlik Mimarisi için de sınırlarını kuşatan bir dost ülkeler kuşağı tasarlamıştır. AB, yumuşak diplomatik “sivil gücü” ve Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası aracılığıyla Gürcistan’ı alternatif enerji kaynakları güzergahı üzerinde “Avrupalılaşmış”, istikrarlı bir ayrıcalıklı ortak olarak yeniden şekillendirmektedir. AB’nin küresel etkinliğini ve küresel enerji pazarında söz sahibi olmasını hedefleyen politikalar Gürcistan’ın Birlik ile bütünleşmesini kaçınılmaz kılmaktadır.
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Seen by:Comparing Japanese, Australian and European Responses to ‘out-of-area’ Security Challenges
In William T. Tow and Rikki Kersten (eds), Bilateral Perspectives on Regional Security: Australia, Japan and the Asia-Pacific Region (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, forthcoming August 2012).
ESDP in Asia: The Aceh Monitoring Mission in Indonesia
by Felix Heiduk
Felix Heiduk: ESDP in Asia: The Aceh Monitoring Mission in Indonesia, in: Muriel Asseburg, Ronja Kempin (ed.): The EU as a Strategic Actor in the Realm of Security and Defence? A Systematic Assessment of ESDP Missions and Operations, SWP Research Paper, Berlin 2009, pp. 100-111
ESDP in Asia: The Aceh Monitoring Mission in Indonesia
by Felix Heiduk
Felix Heiduk: ESDP in Asia: The Aceh Monitoring Mission in Indonesia, in: Muriel Asseburg, Ronja Kempin (ed.): The EU as a Strategic Actor in the Realm of Security and Defence? A Systematic Assessment of ESDP Missions and Operations, SWP Research Paper, Berlin 2009, pp. 100-111
What Has Gone Wrong with the EU's Structural Foreign Policy towards the Turkish Cypriot Community?
by Direnç Kanol
Interdisciplinary Political Studies, Vol.1, No 2. 2011
The Cyprus conflict has consequences not only for the Cypriots but also for the international community. After the... more The Cyprus conflict has consequences not only for the Cypriots but also for the international community. After the Annan Plan, the EU has become involved in the resolution of this conflict. Endeavouring to encourage Turkey and Turkish Cypriots to produce a quick solution, the EU advocated that the Cyprus problem should not hinder the accession of the Republic of Cyprus into the EU. However, in 2004 75.83% of Greek Cypriot community voted against the Annan Plan. Even if Turkish Cypriots supported the Annan Plan (64.90%), the Republic of Cyprus entered the EU representing the whole island. The European Commission reacted by agreeing to ‘reward’ Turkish Cypriot community’s ‘yes’ by a financial assistance package, easing trade between the two sides, lifting the isolations on Turkish Cypriots, and helping the Cypriots to solve the conflict. However, it has faced major difficulties in implementing these policies.
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Seen by:A constitutional leap, the Big Three and the capability expectation gap: theorizing the never-ending story of framing a truly CFSP/CSDP
by Carlos Corts
Master Thesis submitted at the Europa-Kolleg Hamburg (2011)
The Lisbon Treaty (LT) has governed the politics of the EU since 1 December 2009. Among a whole range of innovative... more The Lisbon Treaty (LT) has governed the politics of the EU since 1 December 2009. Among a whole range of innovative provisions that aim at tackling the Union’s internal democratic deficit, the Treaty incorporates a set of clauses under its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and its Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) with the objective of providing the Union with a coherent voice and an effective external representation. The current democratization wave in certain Middle East and North African (MENA) countries that started to unfold in Tunisia and whose extent and possible outcomes are on June 2011 still unknown, has reaffirmed one of the international community’s greatest concerns towards the EU: the EU still lacks a common voice to act on the international stage when foreign, security and defence policy issues are at stake. This fact undermines the EU’s external representation and its credibility as an international actor. The EU will continue to fail at speaking with one voice until, on the one hand, a bridging element between the institutional rhetoric and the national political will is found, and, on the other hand, the strategic culture of the Big Three acquires a higher degree of convergence. Identities and cultures are what hold the EU together. Nevertheless, they still represent the major constraint for the EU to develop a truly coherent CFSP/CSDP.
Una nueva política de desarrollo de la UE con América Latina
Pedro Morazán (Dir.), José Antonio Sanahuja, FIIAPP, Bruno Ayllón. Bruselas, Dirección General de Políticas Exteriores, Parlamento Europeo. ISBN 978-92-823-3720-2.
El presente Estudio contiene un análisis de los principios claves de la política de cooperación para el desarrollo de... more El presente Estudio contiene un análisis de los principios claves de la política de cooperación para el desarrollo de la Unión Europea con América Latina. De particular importancia son los siguientes temas: i) La relevancia de la cooperación con países de renta media y especialmente con los de América Latina y el Caribe. ii) Los objetivos que debe perseguir la cooperación al desarrollo de la UE con América Latina y el Caribe. iii) El alineamiento del proceso de la integración regional con la amplia gama de realidades y estrategias existentes en América Latina y el Caribe. iv) La promoción de las políticas de cohesión social como uno de los ejes de la política al desarrollo de la UE. v) Las estrategias complementarias entre la política para el desarrollo de la UE y la cooperación sur-sur.
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Seen by:Die europäischen Sanktionen gegen den Iran 2010. Wie effektiv können sie sein?
** published in German language** Hausarbeit 2010
Die Europäische Union erließ 2010 neue Sanktionen gegen den Iran, um ihn zu einem Einlenken im Atomkonflikt zu... more
Die Europäische Union erließ 2010 neue Sanktionen gegen den Iran, um ihn zu einem Einlenken im Atomkonflikt zu bewegen. Diese Hausarbeit untersucht diese Sanktionen auf ihre voraussichtliche Wirksamkeit unter einer neo-realistischen Perspektive. Unter Berufung auf empirische Erfolgsindikatoren und inhaltliche Abwägung messe ich die voraussichtliche Effektivität mittels vier Indikatoren: 1. Geschlossenheit der EULänder,2. der wirtschaftlichen Kosten der Sanktionen für die EU selbst, 3. der wirtschaftliche Schaden für den Iran und 4. den Auswirkungen des erlassen Waffenembargos. Dabei stellt sich heraus, dass die Kosten der Iran Sanktionen für die EU im Vergleich zu anderen Sanktionen zwar beträchtlich sind, aber dennoch keinen größeren wirtschaftlichen Schaden verursachen. Auch die suboptimale Geschlossenheit wird, begünstigt durch die Struktur der EU, die Sanktionen nicht gefährden, auch wenn es beunruhigende Uneinigkeiten zwischen den Mitgliedsländern gibt. Die Auswirkungen auf den Iran sind – gemessen an den Möglichkeiten der EU – groß, jedoch existieren ungenutzte Möglichkeiten und Ausweichmöglichkeiten für Teheran. Die Effektivität lässt sich als tendenziell positiv bewerten, jedoch kommt es nun darauf an, dass die EU in weiteren Sanktionen die noch ungenutzten Potentiale nutzt, um Verhandlungsdruck
aufzubauen und dafür wichtige Partner, wie die USA, China und Russland gewinnt.
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Seen by:Strategic Thinking in the EU – Aspiration or Reality?
by Mihai Sebe
Co-authored with Oana Mocanu and Gabriela Andreica. This paper reflects the Summary Report on the EPIN Conference “Strategic Thinking in the EU”, organized by the European Institute of Romania (EIR) and the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS - Brussels), with the support of the
Representation of the European Commission in Romania, in Bucharest on 30th September 2011.
The purpose of this paper is to make know the EPIN conference discussions among the RJEA readers, the members of the European Policy Institutes Network (EPIN) and other potential contributors to the journal.
Published in Romanian Journal of European Affairs, vol. 11, no. 4, December 2011
The aim of this paper is to show the most important points of view presented by high officials and representatives of... more The aim of this paper is to show the most important points of view presented by high officials and representatives of the academic milieu from European countries on the occasion of the EPIN conference regarding the strategic thinking in the EU, held in Bucharest on September 30th, 2011. There were proposed to the audience several topics related to macro-regional strategies such as: Danube Strategy and Baltic Sea Strategy, the Europe 2020 Strategy and some key points on strategic thinking in EU foreign policy. The conference consisted of three sessions in which speakers stressed out the main topics of the day. The first session outlined the main aspects regarding the Baltic Sea Strategy and the Danube Strategy. The Europe 2020 Strategy was the central point of the second session of the conference, and in the last session, the speakers highlighted some important aspects on the strategic thinking in EU Foreign Policy. The series of speeches was completed by a Conclusions session in which the most important results of the debate were brought to the attention. Also, it left open for further discussion the need for the strategic thinking of the EU to become a reality.
The Future of Energy Security in Southeastern Europe and the Establishment of the Greek EEZ
Published on Strategy International, 17/12/2011
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