Direct Democracy

Collegiate Executives and Direct Democracy in Switzerland and Uruguay: Similar Institutions, Opposite Political Goals, Distinct Results.

by David Altman

[2008] Swiss Political Science Review 14 (3): 483-520.

Uruguay, defining itself as the “Switzerland of Latin America”, took the Swiss model (collegial executives and direct... more Uruguay, defining itself as the “Switzerland of Latin America”, took the Swiss model (collegial executives and direct democracy) as an example when building its own political institutions. Despite the similarities of these institutions, the results were quite different due to the different context. The comparison between the institutions in these two isolated countries highlights the ways in which the same institutions may produce different results and evolve in distinctive ways. This is important to recognize as foreign models and experiences continue to inspire policies. Contrary to common arguments presented in the literature, even in such a “most likely case”, institutions cannot
simply be copied. Institutional effects are context-dependent and we need to pay attention to this interaction. This article provides new evidence showing that universalist institutional arguments can be misleading.

Does an Active use of Mechanisms of Direct Democracy Impact on Electoral Participation? Evidence from the U.S. States and the Swiss Cantons

by David Altman

(2012) Local Government Studies.

This article investigates the consequences that frequent uses of mechanisms of direct democracy have on electoral... more This article investigates the consequences that frequent uses of mechanisms of direct democracy have on electoral turnout, contrasting evidence from the Swiss cantons and states in the United States. It contributes to the existing literature in two senses. First, it constitutes the very first cross-national comparative study on the topic and, therefore, it allows for examination of hypotheses the literature previously advanced for single cases (mostly, but not confined, to the U.S. and Switzerland). Second, in contrast to previous research, it delves into the world of direct democracy and shows that not all MDDs are the same, nor do they have the same political effects in terms of electoral participation. I demonstrate that the previous U.S.-based knowledge does not resist empirical testing when contrasted with Swiss evidence: active use of citizen-driven initiatives have no statistically significant effects on turnout. Nonetheless, voter turnout rates are significantly lower in states and cantons with more top-down measures on the ballot.

Bringing Direct Democracy Back In: Toward a Three-Dimensional Measure of Democracy

by David Altman

[2012] Democratization. DOI:10.1080/13510347.2012.659020

Most procedural definitions and measurements of democracy are missing one crucial component: direct popular... more Most procedural definitions and measurements of democracy are missing one crucial component: direct popular decision-making. This is an important gap that does not allow users of data to ascertain some important variation among democracies. Thus, I propose a new measure that is strongly anchored in a procedural definition of democracy but includes this missing dimension. The proposed measure is well rooted in the literature and introduces a dimension whereby citizens may become the masters of their political fate at any time and without the consent of elected authorities, while avoiding the inclusion of extraneous attributes that are not highlighted in democratic theory. Tests of the validity of the new indicator, using Latin American cases, show that there is enough room for its inclusion without the typical collinearity problems this literature faces. This indicator is not only sound, but it is empirically appealing as it performs better than others when testing relevant hypotheses.

Public Space as emancipation: meditations on anarchism, radical democracy, neoliberalism and violence

by Simon Springer

Springer, S. 2011. Public Space as emancipation: meditations on anarchism, radical democracy, neoliberalism and violence. Antipode: A Radical Journal of Geography. 43 (2), 525-562.

In establishing an anarchic framework for understanding public space as a vision for radical democracy, this article... more In establishing an anarchic framework for understanding public space as a vision for radical democracy, this article proceeds as a theoretical inquiry into how an agonistic public space might become the basis of emancipation. Public space is presented as an opportunity to move beyond the technocratic elitism that often characterizes both civil societies and the neoliberal approach to development, and is further recognized as the battlefield on which the conflicting interests of the world's rich and poor are set. Contributing to the growing recognition that geographies of resistance are relational, where the “global” and the “local” are understood as co-constitutive, a radical democratic ideal grounded in material public space is presented as paramount to repealing archic power in general, and neoliberalism’s exclusionary logic in particular.

Os desafios da participação: novas instituições democráticas e suas perspectivas na Bolívia, Equador e Venezuela

by Clayton M. Cunha Filho

Published in Observador On-line, v. 6, n. 10, oct. 2011
Co-authored with André Luiz Coelho and Fidel Pérez Flores

The constitutions of Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela, all enacted within the last ten years, include besides... more The constitutions of Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela, all enacted within the last ten years, include besides traditional political representation institutions participatory mechanisms that broaden the scope for intervention on the decision making process beyond electoral mechanisms and the dispute for representative offices. In light of the theoretical debate between representative democracy and direct or participatory democracy, the aim of this work is to identify the challenges for the opening of the decision making process to deeper levels of popular participation and the dilemmas faced by the three countries for the effective implementation of those new institutions brought by their inherent complexity. Are the critics to participatory models right about the impracticality of such experiments or does the empirical evidence from the three countries point new paths for democratic theory?

The Democratic Surplus – The dangers of referendums

by Joseph Salomonsen

Official selection for Council of Europe papers 2010

What are the dangers of a democratic surplus? In short as in any balance dynamics, the ideal is not to move from a... more What are the dangers of a democratic surplus? In short as in any balance dynamics, the ideal is not to move from a deficit to a surplus, but to achieve equilibrium: Equilibrium to achieve a balance between legitimacy & effectiveness. My simple postulate for this paper is: Democratic deficit tends to lead to effective government, this at the cost of legitimate governance. And democratic surplus tends to lead to legitimate governance, this at the cost of effective government.

The Problematic Relation between Direct Democracy and Accountability in Latin America: Evidence from the Bolivian Case

by Anita Breuer

Institutions of Direct Democracy and Accountability in Latin America's Presidential Democracies

by Anita Breuer

Policymaking by Referendum in Presidential Systems: Evidence from the Bolivian and Colombian Cases

by Anita Breuer

COSTA RICA'S 2007 REFERENDUM ON THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC– CENTRAL AMERICA FREE TRADE AGREEMENT (CAFTA–DR): CITIZEN …

by Anita Breuer

The Use of Government-Initiated Referendums in Latin America: Towards a Theory of Referendum Causes

by Anita Breuer

Direct Democracy in and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America: Evidence from the Costa Rican Case

by Anita Breuer

Participation is a core principle of most existing definitions of democracy. It is commonly held that the quality of... more Participation is a core principle of most existing definitions of democracy. It is commonly held that the quality of democracy will improve as citizens become increasingly active and interested in politics. Consequently, to ensure citizens capability to take part in political decisions is considered an essential task in the process of democratic consolidation. The supplementing of representative democracy with elements of direct democracy is considered to be one possible way to increase citizens’ political knowledge and participation. However, the Latin American experience with direct democracy reveals a different story. Although several Latin American constitutions contain provisions for citizen-initiated direct democratic procedures, the practical application of these procedures has been scarce and exceptional. This paper proposes a research agenda aimed at investigating the reasons that lie behind the under-use of citizen participation mechanisms in Latin America. It develops preliminary hypotheses to explain the failure to realise the untapped potential of alternative citizen participation procedures and tests these hypotheses through a qualitative study of Costa Rica’s practical experience with direct democratic citizen participation.

The impact of populism on democratic reform

by Kristof Jacobs

This paper was presented at the 2010 ECPR Joint Sessions.  It discusses the impact of populism on democratic... more This paper was presented at the 2010 ECPR Joint Sessions.  It discusses the impact of populism on democratic reform theoretically and presents empirical evidence from Austria, Belgium and the Netherlands.  The findings reveal an interesting divide between two types of populist parties.  It seems that populist radical right parties are not genuinely interested in democratic reform, while (neo-)liberal parties are.

Electronic and Athenian Democracy

by paul cockshott

Looks at the voting machine technology used by the Athenians and its lessons for modern electronic democracy. Looks at the voting machine technology used by the Athenians and its lessons for modern electronic democracy.

The Utilisation of Direct Democracy and Meritocracy in the Decision Making Process of the Decentralised Virtual Community Anonymous

by Max Halupka

Co-authored with Cassandra Star
Presented at the Australian Political Studies Association conference, 2011

This paper will investigate the utilisation of direct democracy within the decentralised virtual community Anonymous,... more This paper will investigate the utilisation of direct democracy within the decentralised virtual community Anonymous, and in particular, their ability to function as a coherent political actor while adhering to their self enforced anonymity based persona. Anonymous is best understood as a virtual embodiment of the hacker ethos; orchestrating activist based operations which adhere to their internal majority opinion. Recently, Anonymous has been involved in providing support for the Middle Eastern democracy protests and orchestrating attacks on HBGary Federal and Sony Corporation.

We argue that meritocracy and direct democracy form the base for their decision making process. This, in itself, derives from their unique community characteristics which draw upon an anti- individualistic ideology. Anonymous functions as a leaderless ‘hive mind’, devoid of personal philosophy eschewing any individualisation or emergence of leadership or personality. Anonymous is able to identify insider status within the community through reference to individual knowledge of a collective cultural capital. Esoteric memes comprise the fundamental cultural formation of the group, and, as such, a detailed knowledge of these allows for inter-community communication. Anonymous employs aspects of meritocracy in formulating collective decisions. With all members utilising the same user-name, individualism is nonexistent. As such, the merit of an argument is based solely on its content as opposed to a pre-constructed perception of the individual and their perceived history or standing in the group. Furthermore, an individual’s mastery of the group’s culture denotes their involvement within the community and the level of their understanding in relation to its founding ideology.

From this basis, and utilising aspects of direct democracy, Anonymous is able to orchestrate large scale activist operations; coinciding with the current membership’s majority outlook. In this sense, Anonymous has no definitive political, philosophical, theological or sociological preference as the group’s membership is in a constant state of flux.

For these reasons, the paper argues that Anonymous, while utilising direct democracy in the decision making process, also employs aspects of meritocracy in judging the relevance, validity and worth of individual postings and contributions to their debates on upcoming actions and campaigns. Therefore, this paper provides a contribution to greater understanding of decentralised virtual community decision making processes amongst activist organisations.

Violence, democracy, and the neoliberal ''order'': the contestation of public space in posttransitional Cambodia

by Simon Springer

Springer, S. 2009. Violence, democracy, and the neoliberal "order": the contestation of public space in posttransitional Cambodia. Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 99 (1), 138-162.

Neoliberal policies explain why authoritarianism and violence remain the principal modes of governance among many... more Neoliberal policies explain why authoritarianism and violence remain the principal modes of governance among many ruling elites in posttransitional settings. Using Cambodia as an empirical case to illustrate the neoliberalizing process, the promotion of intense marketization is revealed as a foremost causal factor in a country's inability to consolidate democracy following political transition. Neoliberalization effectively acts to suffocate an indigenous burgeoning of democratic politics. Such asphyxiation is brought to bear under the neoliberal rhetoric of order and stability, which can be read through the (re)production of public space. The preoccupation with order and stability serves the interests of capital at the global level and political elites at the level of the nation-state. Citizens themselves may fiercely contest these particular interests in a quest for a more radical democracy, as evidenced by the burgeoning geographies of protest that have emerged in Cambodian public spaces in the posttransition era.

What really matters is who goes negative. Differentiated effects of negative campaigning on individual participation during Swiss federal ballots (1999-2005)

by Alessandro Nai

Current state of the art on negative campaigning fails to provide straightforward answers on its effects on individual... more Current state of the art on negative campaigning fails to provide straightforward answers on its effects on individual participation. While some authors demonstrate the existence of a mobilizing effect (e.g. Finkel and Geer 1998), others believe negative campaigning has a rather harmful incidence on individual behaviour, for example by increasing abstention, political cynicism, and disaffection towards elites (e.g. Ansolabehere et al. 1994 et 1995; Valentino et al. 2001).
Our paper starts from this conflictive theoretical background and elucidates how negative campaigning influences individual participation during Swiss federal ballots occurred between 1999 and 2005. We will advocate here that effects of negativism on individual participation depend on "who goes negative", and specifically on the direction of the political campaign ("status quo" versus "policy reform" campaign).
As of today, virtually no empirical researches try to demonstrate how negativism during political campaigns affects individual participation during Swiss direct-democratic ballots. We aim to compensate this lack. Starting from individual data on Swiss federal ballots (VOX data) and an original dataset on the evolution and content of political campaigns (Nai 2010), a series of multilevel models will provide strong support for our intuition, by showing that high negativism in "status quo campaigns" decrease individual likelihood for participation, whereas negativism for "policy reform campaigns" increases such likelihood.

Political campaign and correct voting in Swiss direct democracy

by Alessandro Nai

The quality of a political system stems from the quality of citizens' decisions. As some authors argue, this can be... more The quality of a political system stems from the quality of citizens' decisions. As some authors argue, this can be measured through the overall presence of "correct voting", namely the fact that even uninformed citizens can mimic the choice of political experts (Lau and Redlawsk 1997 and 2006).
A growing body of researches tried to identify and explain the presence of correct voting (Holbrook and McClurg 2006; Lau, Andersen and Redlawsk 2008; McClurg and Sokhey 2008). However, these researches have essentially concentrated on electoral issues rather than direct democratic ballots. The aim of the present paper is consequently to propose a multilevel model capable of explaining the presence of correct voting in direct-democratic choices. Built on Swiss data on federal ballots (VOX data, 1999-2005), our model will investigate the simultaneous effects on correct voting of individual features (political knowledge, motivation, and the activation of political heuristics) and political campaigning (intensity of the campaign, diversity and justification of arguments, and negative campaigning). Partially confirming our expectations, we will show that correct voting is enhanced through explanatory factors from different levels. Our paper thus opens up new venues for studying political behaviour by showing that analyses of correct voting should not be limited to electoral issues, and by providing empirical analyses able to grasp the theoretical complexity behind the emergence of more accurate decisions.

The Value Theory of Democracy

by Corey Brettschneider

Politics Philosophy Economics October 2006 vol. 5 no. 3 259-278

Liberal political theorists often argue that justice requires limits on policy outcomes, limits delineated by... more Liberal political theorists often argue that justice requires limits on policy outcomes, limits delineated by substantive rights. Distinct from this project is a body of literature dedicated to elaborating on the meaning of democracy in procedural terms. In this article, I offer an alternative to the traditional divide between procedural theories of democracy and substantive theories of justice; I call this the ‘value theory of democracy’. I argue that the democratic ideal is fundamentally about a core set of values (political autonomy, equality of interests, and reciprocity) with both procedural and substantive implications. Further, I contend that limits on policy outcomes can be newly understood as part of the democratic ideal.

PLATO REVISITED: E-DIRECT DEMOCRACY IN THE KNOWLEDGE SOCIETY

by José Caramelo Gomes

Co-authored with Cristina Abreu. MSKE 2009

This is an argumentative research paper. It aims to launch an academic exploratory discussion towards a fundamental... more This is an argumentative research paper. It aims to launch an academic exploratory discussion towards a fundamental research project on the replacement of representative democracy by direct democracy in the knowledge society.