Fighting Terror Through Justice: Implementing the IGAD Framework for Legal Cooperation Against Terrorism
Co-authored with the Task Force on Legal Cooperation against Terrorism in the IGAD Subregion.
East Africa and the Horn face a number of transnational security threats, including terrorism, transnational crime,... more
East Africa and the Horn face a number of transnational security threats, including terrorism, transnational crime, and piracy. In recent years, particularly following the July 2010 attacks in Kampala, al-Shabaab has been increasingly viewed as a threat not only to Somalia, but to the greater subregion. Tourism has declined and shipping costs have risen due to the threat of piracy from Somalia. Lawless pockets where government reach is weak, together with rampant corruption, have turned the region into a major transit point for black market financial flows and various forms of illicit trafficking.
Terrorism and transnational crime increasingly threaten security in the subregion of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development [IGAD]. Because of their transnational nature, no individual IGAD member state will single-handedly be able to deal effectively with these threats. As the IGAD Security Strategy adopted in December 2010 makes clear, effective cooperation will be crucial to winning the struggle against terrorism and to ensuring that other forms of transnational crime do not similarly jeopardize the IGAD subregion’s growth, prosperity, and stability.
Catharsis and Violence: Terrorism and the Fascination for Superlative Destruction
(2012) “Catharsis and Violence: Terrorism and the Fascination for Superlative Destruction”. Boleswa Journal of Philosophy, Theology and Religion. Vol. 3, No.3, 2012, pp. 172-184, ISSN 1817-2741
This paper investigates human interest in simulated, mediated and real violence, especially in the context of... more This paper investigates human interest in simulated, mediated and real violence, especially in the context of terrorism, by following a synthetic-transdisciplinary approach bridging research findings on aggression and violence from areas such as philosophy, religious studies, art theory, cultural critique, psychology, anthropology and ethology. The findings suggest that certain acts of superlative destruction, e.g. the 9/11 terror attacks, can be rendered as numinous acts and as imitatio dei. The paper claims that the fascination for superlative destruction (FSD) is an anthropological datum. Depending on the circumstances, the distanced experience of simulated, mediated or real violence may lead to an experience of catharsis, a discharge of particular suppressed emotions. But the relation of violence and catharsis is delicate due to the potential and evidenced risk of copy-cat effects regarding such aggression.
Committing to Conflict Prevention: The OSCE in Belarus and Ukraine
by Paul Pryce
Published in May 2012 by the Latvian Institute of International Affairs
Slavery and Colonialism: The Worst Terrorism on Africa
by Mohamed Eno
Co-authored with Omar A. Eno, Mohamed H. Ingiriis, and Jamal M. Haji; Published in African Renaissance, Vol. 9, No. 1, 2012.
Humans need not justify terrorism of any kind, regardless of whether one is Muslim, Christian or Jew, because it is... more Humans need not justify terrorism of any kind, regardless of whether one is Muslim, Christian or Jew, because it is the axis of evil and devastation of mankind. However, the deliberate use of the term terrorism in recent decades was carefully selected, mainly, against a certain religion (Islam). The idea was then globally politicized by the Western world. Leaving that scholarly view in its own right, we disagree with the opinion raising terrorism as the devil’s just-born child of evil, when in reality Africans had been terrorized for centuries as slaves and human chattel. Hence the basis for the concept of this thesis: conceptualizing the episode of ‘terrorism’ and ‘terrorist’ from the broader perspective of its practice from the Middle Passage or the Atlantic Slave Trade. To portray that argument and broaden the scope of the debate over this critically sensitive subject, we divided the discussion into three sections: an examination of what constitutes terrorism and terrorist; history of terrorism and terrorists from an Africa perspective; and the ideological constraints within the subject of terrorism as practiced by the US and its Western allies.
Analytical Method for the Identification of Lone Wolf Terrorist
This research project is intended to explore and create knowledge on the phenomenon of lone wolf terrorism. A case... more This research project is intended to explore and create knowledge on the phenomenon of lone wolf terrorism. A case study approach is used to explore and reveal common themes across three different incidents of lone wolf attacks. The research results revealed what has been termed as rhetoric shifts that act as markers in the evolution of a lone wolf terrorist. Based on the results of case study, an analytical method is explored and proposed for the identification of lone wolf terrorist from within the broader population they exist.
'Afghanisation' of the Security Sector: An Assessment
Co-authored with Shanthie Mariet D'Souza, Published in CLAWS Journal (Summer 2011), pp. 116-28.
Continuing symbolic and high profile suicide attacks in Afghanistan pose questions to the claims by the United States... more Continuing symbolic and high profile suicide attacks in Afghanistan pose questions to the claims by the United States that the surge in its troop levels has been successful in blunting the Taliban-led insurgency.
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Seen by:Domopolitics of Japanese Human Security
by Nik Hynek
published in "Security Dialogue", Vol. 43, No. 2, pp. 119-137. ISSN 0967-0106
Link Prediction in Highly Fractional Data Sets
by Michael Fire
co-authored with "Rami Puzis and Yuval Elovici, draft version
Extremist organizations all over the world increasingly use online social networks as a communication media for... more
Extremist organizations all over the world increasingly use online social networks as a communication media for recruitment and planning. As such, online social networks are also a source of information utilized by intelligence and counter
terror organizations investigating the relationships between suspected individuals. Unfortunately, the data mined from open sources is usually far from being complete due to the efforts of suspected and known terrorists to hide their relationships. One
of the methods used to uncover missing information in social networks is referred to as link prediction. We use link prediction methods solely based on network struc-ture analysis to infer hidden relationships among individuals and investigate their
effectiveness in fractional datasets. Experiments performed on a number of closed communities extracted from organizational and public social networks show that structural link prediction retains its effectiveness even when large parts of the origi-nal social network are hidden.
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Seen by:Civilizational futures: Clashes or alternative visions in the age of Globalization?
Co-authored with Çınar Özen,
Futures 42 (2010) 545–552
This article underlines the existing similarities between Samuel Huntington’s civilizational approach hypothesis and... more
This article underlines the existing similarities between Samuel Huntington’s civilizational approach hypothesis and the fundamentals of political Islam. The similarity pertains to the argument related to the gradual weakening of nation-states, which also constitutes the main theme of the globalization debate. The civilizational approach and political Islam signify new efforts to reach a much larger political community and organization in world politics. Both of them argue that the formation of new political actor(s) is replacing the old nation-states across religious and cultural affinities. The terrorist organization Al-Qaeda is trying to legitimize its political violence by manipulating the weakness of the nation states and the utopia of the formation of a much more comprehensive political community and political organization through Islam. Huntington’s clash of civilizations thesis indirectly provides a base for Al-Qaeda’s rhetoric and a certain type of justification for its terror activities, since the theory argues for the inevitability of the conflict between civilizations, regardless of their political regimes (liberal or totalitarian) with civilizations being determined by their cultural and religious differences—a theme that is used by the
ideologues of political Islam.
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Seen by:2010 'Peace and Security’ as Counterterrorism? Old and New Liberal Interventions and their Social Effects in Kenya, in: African Affairs 109 (434) (with Jan Bachmann).
by Jana Hönke
This article analyses the merging of development and security in Western policies vis-à-vis ‘deficient’ states in the... more This article analyses the merging of development and security in Western policies vis-à-vis ‘deficient’ states in the Global South, looking at the social life of anti-terror policies in Kenya. The attacks on 11 September 2001 renewed the interest in strong and stable states, leading many donors to focus on capacity building and security sector reform. In Kenya, the repressive use of these new powers by the Kibaki government has created significant resistance and the main external actors have taken the local opposition into account and have adapted their anti-terror agendas. They have complemented hard security assistance with soft interventions aimed at addressing local issues such as conflict prevention and development in communities perceived as being ‘at risk’ of harbouring terrorists. Representing a more general shift in security interventions in Africa, countering terrorism is now presented as part of a broader ‘peace and security’ agenda, but despite using new methods to engage with so-called crucial parts of the population, this repositioning is not a paradigm shift. Despite the different approaches and objectives, the various projects have ambiguous effects and donors have not abandoned the traditional rationality, which privileges homeland protection over civil rights in the recipient country.
Extraordinary Rendition in U.S. Counterterrorism Policy
by Mark Murray
This article examines the United States Government policy of extraordinary rendition as a response to terrorism. The... more This article examines the United States Government policy of extraordinary rendition as a response to terrorism. The paper provides a working definition of the term, outlines why it has become controversial, and uses case studies to examine success and failures of extraordinary rendition in practice. The paper concludes with lessons learned—more specifically, policy amendments—that are necessary to keep extraordinary rendition as a viable tool for the Obama Administration and mitigate political fallout against the United States from both its allies and enemies. This paper argues that extraordinary rendition provides flexibility to policymakers to detain terrorists in cases where an attack may be forthcoming and when other approved legal processes are slow to react. Therefore, instead of ending extraordinary renditions altogether, the United States should reevaluate how it implements the policy on a tactical, operational, and strategic level and amend it based on the recommendations put forward in this article.
Soccer in Guantanamo – a duel between Republicans and Democrats
By James M. Dorsey
A row in the US Congress over Pentagon spending on a soccer pitch for suspected... more
By James M. Dorsey
A row in the US Congress over Pentagon spending on a soccer pitch for suspected terrorists incarcerated in Guantanamo focuses attention on the importance of the beautiful game to both the militants and their counter-terrorist detractors.
The $744,000 pitch outside a $39 million penitentiary-style building known as Camp 6 at the U.S. Navy base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba is intended to reward the most cooperative of the facility’s 120 171 inmates. It builds on US efforts to employ soccer over the past decade as evidence that it complies with the Geneva Conventions and to reduce tensions between the militants and their wardens.
The pitch, set to be inaugurated next month once contractors have installed latrines and goals, is surrounded by guard towers and surveillance cameras and accessible by a secure walkway to reduce contact and conflict between the inmates and their captors.
It is also yet another example of the US government’s use of soccer in its battle for the hearts and minds of militants and their potential supporters. If soccer was a bonding and recruitment tool for jihadists across the globe, it could well serve to reinforce rehabilitation.
That is a notion that doesn’t go down well in an election year and at a time of economic crisis with President Barak Obama’s Republican opponents in the US Congress.
"Seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars for crying out loud? Our deficit this year is $1.2 trillion and we're spending this kind of money on terrorists?" asked Florida Republican member of the House of Representatives Gus Bilirakas in a television interview.
Dennis Ross, another Florida Republican went a step further. He introduced in Congress what he dubbed the ‘NO FIELD Act’ or None of Our Funds for the Interest, Exercise, or Leisure of Detainees Act, which would reduce the Defence Department's 2013 budget by $750,000 – the soccer pitch’s price tag.
Guantanamo "should not be a place of comfort. It should house the worst of the worst of the world's terrorists, not be a training ground for the World Cup,” McClatchy Newspapers quoted Mr. Ross as saying.
“Though it’s a tough choice to say who deserves more blame for such apparent waste, fraud and abuse, the genius who thought up the soccer field in the first place, or the contractor fleecing Uncle Sam for a small dirt field surrounded by a green fence, one thing is certain – this episode shows President Obama’s priorities in action,” said retired Navy Commander and former Pentagon spokesman J. D. Gordon who served as an advisor to Herman Cain’s failed 2012 Republican presidential campaign in an op-ed on Fox News.
Guantanamo commander Rear Admiral David B. Woods told McClatchy that construction costs were high because all equipment and supplies had to be imported to the 116-square-kilometer base in southeast Cuba.
"That's probably the biggest misperception and lack of understanding of the expense of doing things down here. It's unlike any place else in the world mainly because we don't have the opportunity to capitalize on the local economy,” Admiral Woods said.
Over the past decade, soccer has constituted part of the United States’ soft power tools in seeking to win hearts and minds. The US administration in Iraq in the wake of the overthrow of Saddam Hussein made the construction and rehabilitation of soccer stadiums and clubs a priority in a bid to counter efforts by militants to make inroads among the country’s youth.
US military and civilian officials argued that reopening soccer stadiums and encouraging people to play free of fear or persecution would win hearts and minds among those scarred by regimes for which soccer was either the enemy or a weapon of terror.
Members of the US 87th Infantry's 1st battalion were thrashed 9:0 a few years ago when they played the Sons of Iraq, a team made up of former insurgents, on a makeshift pitch on a dirt field in northern Iraq. As far as the Americans were concerned, their thrashing contained an important message: soccer balls can be more powerful than bombs. "You lose a game, but you win a lot of friends," said Maj. Gen. Mark Hertling, the then commander of the 1st Armored Division and Multi-National Division North.
Before US-led coalition troops entered Baghdad in 2003, Saddam Hussein's men went into the neighbourhoods and passed out guns and stored weapons in schools. Because it was too dangerous to drive the trailers away through the streets, American forces blew them up - and in the process, damaged schools and surrounding homes. Though the US military returned to clear away the debris, distribute soccer balls and help set up teams and leagues in tense towns like Ramadi and Sadr City, unexploded shells remain in fields and school-yards where children kick their balls.
With an estimated 42 million land mines or two landmines per person in Iraq in a nation of 24 million, US Provisional Reconstruction Teams partnered with Spirit of Soccer, a Johnstown, Pennsylvania NGO that employs soccer to educate youth about the risk of mines. Trained by Spirit of Soccer, Iraqi coaches, including women, discussed fair play, avoiding dangers from land mines and other unexploded munitions, sportsmanship, tolerance and the need for non-violent conflict resolution while dribbling and kicking penalties. Participants returned to their communities as coaches and organizers of Youth Soccer and Mine Awareness Festivals.
In Afghanistan, US-led international forces played shortly after their 2001 overthrow of the Taliban soccer against an Afghan team in Kabul’s Ghazi Stadium to highlight the change they were bringing to the war-ravaged country. The stadium had been used by the Taliban for public executions, stonings and amputations. Americans and Iranians competed in Iran in the reconstruction of soccer pitches as a way of earning brownie points.
Soccer may seem an odd foreign policy tool or military priority. But with at least half the population of Iraq and Afghanistan under the age of 18, soccer balls and shoes are as basic to mending the two countries’ social fabric as beams and girders are to mending the damaged buildings. Indeed, the future of Iraq as well as Afghanistan and US relations with both countries may well in part depend on soccer paraphernalia and US efforts to prevent political interference and sectarian strife from undermining the two nations’ soccer performance.
Clearly, it will take more than a soccer training, a soccer league and a successful national team to overcome Iraq' and Afghanistan’s ethnic, religious and social divisions. Yet sociologists suggest that soccer can play a role in strengthening feelings of unity and national identity. Sports can also have a cathartic effect by channelling human aggression away from violence and into more healthy channels. Nelson Mandela used a racially integrated national rugby team to unite South Africa in the wake of apartheid -- a story now made famous by the movie Invictus. South Africa went on to become the first African nation to successfully host the World Cup.
These are lessons that may be lost on the Republicans but they are certainly not lost on militants. The most radical militants including Al Qaeda’s Somalia affiliate as well as some Saudi and Egyptian Salafi sheikhs denounce soccer as the infidel’s game because it was introduced by British colonialists and because of its potential to compete with Islam, particularly as a release valve in autocratic environments. Saudi Arabia recognized soccer’s competitive power during the 2010 World Cup when it, afraid that believers would forget their daily prayers during matches broadcast live on Saudi TV, rolled out mobile mosques on trucks and prayer mats in front of popular cafes where men gathered to watch the games.
More mainstream militants like the late Osama Bin Laden, Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh and Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah are fervent soccer fans who use the game as a bonding and recruitment tool. Soccer brought recruits into the fold, encouraged camaraderie and reinforced militancy among those who had already joined. The track record of soccer-players-turned suicide bombers proved their point.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
Le misure di prevenzione del terrorismo e dei traffici criminosi internazionali ("The Measures of Prevention of International Terrorism and Criminal Trafficking")
Versione definitiva in italiano della mia tesi di dottorato. Vietata ogni distribuzione o riproduzione non autorizzata (Final italian version of my Ph.D. dissertation. Do not distribute or copy without permission)
Università degli Studi di Trento (University of Trento)
Relatore (Tutor/Supervisor): Prof. Silvio Riondato
Obiettivo della presente ricerca è stata la ricognizione, la sistematizzazione e la critica delle misure di... more
Obiettivo della presente ricerca è stata la ricognizione, la sistematizzazione e la critica delle misure di prevenzione negative praeter delictum del crimine globale previste dal diritto internazionale e sovranazionale. Si è cercato di adottare un metodo rispondente al carattere, appunto, globale della materia, nonché all’esigenza di offrirne una lettura sistematica universale. In questo senso, si è fatto largo uso della comparazione giuridica, al fine di individuare principi, categorie e prassi comuni, con cui interpretare anche il diritto internazionale e sovranazionale.
Il lavoro si è strutturato in quattro parti. Nella prima si è introdotto il problema della possibile confusione fra pene e misure preventive predelittuali, che, applicate senza idonee garanzie di certezza legale, si prestano a fungere da pene del mero sospetto. Nella seconda parte si è affrontata l’evoluzione della prevenzione negli ordinamenti contemporanei, con particolare riferimento all’impiego di misure negative da parte del potere politico in tempi di emergenza. Nella terza parte sono state esaminate, in un quadro d’insieme, le esperienze e le categorie maturate da vari ordinamenti nazionali in materia di prevenzione. Nell’ultima parte si è cercato di interpretare alla luce di tali strumenti i modelli di prevenzione di diritto internazionale e sovranazionale.
All’esito della nostra ricerca è emerso come il ricorso a misure di prevenzione negativa praeter delictum sia prerogativa comune ad ogni ordinamento giuridico, se non altro nei casi in cui vengano meno l’efficacia deterrente della pena e l’efficacia di interventi di prevenzione positiva. In certi paesi tali misure sono uno strumento ordinario di lotta alla criminalità pur sempre riconducibili ai principi garantistici del diritto penale, in altri contesti esse vengono usate quali misure eccezionali o di guerra, in una concezione utilitaristica che, in nome della ragione politica, tende a giustificare indiscriminati sacrifici delle libertà e dei diritti individuali, come la tortura e i “targeted killings”.
Nonostante alcuni significativi interventi della Corte di Giustizia dell’Unione europea, la disciplina delle misure negative adottate dagli ordinamenti internazionali e sovranazionali risulta ancora troppo legata a logiche politiche e troppo svincolata da principi e garanzie in grado di tutelare, quanto meno, un nucleo inderogabile di diritti e libertà fondamentali.
Opposition to the NCTC is much ado about nothing
Published in New Indian Express, 26 February 2012
CERTAIN things are doomed to fail since the time of their conception. The National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC) too... more CERTAIN things are doomed to fail since the time of their conception. The National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC) too appears to be going in the direction of a dustbin. The current state of affairs is invariably a result of partisan politics and departmental turf war, rather than rational considerations.
Should environmental issues be securitised?
by Owais Rajput
Environmental issues
The variables that have defined national security for the most part of the World’s history... more
Environmental issues
The variables that have defined national security for the most part of the World’s history have largely been military in nature. Security was primarily made up of the physical defence of the country, its people and whatever they possessed. Profound factors outside the traditional area of military operations have been realised that could affect the securities of many countries.
It is within this background that environmental issues have raised to importance, and the term ‘Environmental Security’ has entered the language of environmentalists, policy makers and security planners. With the ending of the cold war, the usual concepts of the nature of national security and the methods to achieve it have changed. The global powers at the time were engaged in military containment of each other, as in the case of America and the Soviet Union containment of each other.
Counter-(T)error – The Role of Immigration in the Fight against Terrorism
Traditionally immigrants have been made responsible for a rise in a country’s crime rate, a state’s employment market... more Traditionally immigrants have been made responsible for a rise in a country’s crime rate, a state’s employment market or a nation’s cultural identity. However, since the events of 9/11 immigrants have evolved into a new kind of security concern. As a result of the terrorist attacks in 2001 by nineteen foreigners, the issue of immigration has become a central aspect in counter-terrorism as nations around the world scrambled to implement policies in reaction to the unprecedented situation. However, one has to question the validity and effectiveness of using immigration measures in the fight against terrorism. Is there an error in current counter-terror policies? The paper will critically discuss whether immigration policies are a useful means of addressing the global threat of terrorism.
