Conflict Resolution, Islam, Violence, Terrorism, Peace
The Relevance and Role Played by Ibn Abd al-Wahhab's Doctrines on the Al-Qaida Ideology and the Problematic Nature of Attempting to Define the Relationship
by Nadim Pabani
The purpose of this essay is to address the issue regarding the role played by Wahhabi thought in Al-Qaida’s discourse... more
The purpose of this essay is to address the issue regarding the role played by Wahhabi thought in Al-Qaida’s discourse and ideology as well as whether we are able to tackle this issue appropriately.
The author hopes to demonstrate that both, Bin Laden’s Al-Qaida and Ibn Abd al-Wahhab ’s Wahhabi movements were shaped by the circumstances in which they developed; products of their time, and consequently, although overlapping in some areas, at the core of each movement, the essence and motivations upon which both were founded, differ quite markedly.
Slavery and Colonialism: The Worst Terrorism on Africa
by Mohamed Eno
Co-authored with Omar A. Eno, Mohamed H. Ingiriis, and Jamal M. Haji; Published in African Renaissance, Vol. 9, No. 1, 2012.
Humans need not justify terrorism of any kind, regardless of whether one is Muslim, Christian or Jew, because it is... more Humans need not justify terrorism of any kind, regardless of whether one is Muslim, Christian or Jew, because it is the axis of evil and devastation of mankind. However, the deliberate use of the term terrorism in recent decades was carefully selected, mainly, against a certain religion (Islam). The idea was then globally politicized by the Western world. Leaving that scholarly view in its own right, we disagree with the opinion raising terrorism as the devil’s just-born child of evil, when in reality Africans had been terrorized for centuries as slaves and human chattel. Hence the basis for the concept of this thesis: conceptualizing the episode of ‘terrorism’ and ‘terrorist’ from the broader perspective of its practice from the Middle Passage or the Atlantic Slave Trade. To portray that argument and broaden the scope of the debate over this critically sensitive subject, we divided the discussion into three sections: an examination of what constitutes terrorism and terrorist; history of terrorism and terrorists from an Africa perspective; and the ideological constraints within the subject of terrorism as practiced by the US and its Western allies.
Soccer in Guantanamo – a duel between Republicans and Democrats
By James M. Dorsey
A row in the US Congress over Pentagon spending on a soccer pitch for suspected... more
By James M. Dorsey
A row in the US Congress over Pentagon spending on a soccer pitch for suspected terrorists incarcerated in Guantanamo focuses attention on the importance of the beautiful game to both the militants and their counter-terrorist detractors.
The $744,000 pitch outside a $39 million penitentiary-style building known as Camp 6 at the U.S. Navy base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba is intended to reward the most cooperative of the facility’s 120 171 inmates. It builds on US efforts to employ soccer over the past decade as evidence that it complies with the Geneva Conventions and to reduce tensions between the militants and their wardens.
The pitch, set to be inaugurated next month once contractors have installed latrines and goals, is surrounded by guard towers and surveillance cameras and accessible by a secure walkway to reduce contact and conflict between the inmates and their captors.
It is also yet another example of the US government’s use of soccer in its battle for the hearts and minds of militants and their potential supporters. If soccer was a bonding and recruitment tool for jihadists across the globe, it could well serve to reinforce rehabilitation.
That is a notion that doesn’t go down well in an election year and at a time of economic crisis with President Barak Obama’s Republican opponents in the US Congress.
"Seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars for crying out loud? Our deficit this year is $1.2 trillion and we're spending this kind of money on terrorists?" asked Florida Republican member of the House of Representatives Gus Bilirakas in a television interview.
Dennis Ross, another Florida Republican went a step further. He introduced in Congress what he dubbed the ‘NO FIELD Act’ or None of Our Funds for the Interest, Exercise, or Leisure of Detainees Act, which would reduce the Defence Department's 2013 budget by $750,000 – the soccer pitch’s price tag.
Guantanamo "should not be a place of comfort. It should house the worst of the worst of the world's terrorists, not be a training ground for the World Cup,” McClatchy Newspapers quoted Mr. Ross as saying.
“Though it’s a tough choice to say who deserves more blame for such apparent waste, fraud and abuse, the genius who thought up the soccer field in the first place, or the contractor fleecing Uncle Sam for a small dirt field surrounded by a green fence, one thing is certain – this episode shows President Obama’s priorities in action,” said retired Navy Commander and former Pentagon spokesman J. D. Gordon who served as an advisor to Herman Cain’s failed 2012 Republican presidential campaign in an op-ed on Fox News.
Guantanamo commander Rear Admiral David B. Woods told McClatchy that construction costs were high because all equipment and supplies had to be imported to the 116-square-kilometer base in southeast Cuba.
"That's probably the biggest misperception and lack of understanding of the expense of doing things down here. It's unlike any place else in the world mainly because we don't have the opportunity to capitalize on the local economy,” Admiral Woods said.
Over the past decade, soccer has constituted part of the United States’ soft power tools in seeking to win hearts and minds. The US administration in Iraq in the wake of the overthrow of Saddam Hussein made the construction and rehabilitation of soccer stadiums and clubs a priority in a bid to counter efforts by militants to make inroads among the country’s youth.
US military and civilian officials argued that reopening soccer stadiums and encouraging people to play free of fear or persecution would win hearts and minds among those scarred by regimes for which soccer was either the enemy or a weapon of terror.
Members of the US 87th Infantry's 1st battalion were thrashed 9:0 a few years ago when they played the Sons of Iraq, a team made up of former insurgents, on a makeshift pitch on a dirt field in northern Iraq. As far as the Americans were concerned, their thrashing contained an important message: soccer balls can be more powerful than bombs. "You lose a game, but you win a lot of friends," said Maj. Gen. Mark Hertling, the then commander of the 1st Armored Division and Multi-National Division North.
Before US-led coalition troops entered Baghdad in 2003, Saddam Hussein's men went into the neighbourhoods and passed out guns and stored weapons in schools. Because it was too dangerous to drive the trailers away through the streets, American forces blew them up - and in the process, damaged schools and surrounding homes. Though the US military returned to clear away the debris, distribute soccer balls and help set up teams and leagues in tense towns like Ramadi and Sadr City, unexploded shells remain in fields and school-yards where children kick their balls.
With an estimated 42 million land mines or two landmines per person in Iraq in a nation of 24 million, US Provisional Reconstruction Teams partnered with Spirit of Soccer, a Johnstown, Pennsylvania NGO that employs soccer to educate youth about the risk of mines. Trained by Spirit of Soccer, Iraqi coaches, including women, discussed fair play, avoiding dangers from land mines and other unexploded munitions, sportsmanship, tolerance and the need for non-violent conflict resolution while dribbling and kicking penalties. Participants returned to their communities as coaches and organizers of Youth Soccer and Mine Awareness Festivals.
In Afghanistan, US-led international forces played shortly after their 2001 overthrow of the Taliban soccer against an Afghan team in Kabul’s Ghazi Stadium to highlight the change they were bringing to the war-ravaged country. The stadium had been used by the Taliban for public executions, stonings and amputations. Americans and Iranians competed in Iran in the reconstruction of soccer pitches as a way of earning brownie points.
Soccer may seem an odd foreign policy tool or military priority. But with at least half the population of Iraq and Afghanistan under the age of 18, soccer balls and shoes are as basic to mending the two countries’ social fabric as beams and girders are to mending the damaged buildings. Indeed, the future of Iraq as well as Afghanistan and US relations with both countries may well in part depend on soccer paraphernalia and US efforts to prevent political interference and sectarian strife from undermining the two nations’ soccer performance.
Clearly, it will take more than a soccer training, a soccer league and a successful national team to overcome Iraq' and Afghanistan’s ethnic, religious and social divisions. Yet sociologists suggest that soccer can play a role in strengthening feelings of unity and national identity. Sports can also have a cathartic effect by channelling human aggression away from violence and into more healthy channels. Nelson Mandela used a racially integrated national rugby team to unite South Africa in the wake of apartheid -- a story now made famous by the movie Invictus. South Africa went on to become the first African nation to successfully host the World Cup.
These are lessons that may be lost on the Republicans but they are certainly not lost on militants. The most radical militants including Al Qaeda’s Somalia affiliate as well as some Saudi and Egyptian Salafi sheikhs denounce soccer as the infidel’s game because it was introduced by British colonialists and because of its potential to compete with Islam, particularly as a release valve in autocratic environments. Saudi Arabia recognized soccer’s competitive power during the 2010 World Cup when it, afraid that believers would forget their daily prayers during matches broadcast live on Saudi TV, rolled out mobile mosques on trucks and prayer mats in front of popular cafes where men gathered to watch the games.
More mainstream militants like the late Osama Bin Laden, Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh and Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah are fervent soccer fans who use the game as a bonding and recruitment tool. Soccer brought recruits into the fold, encouraged camaraderie and reinforced militancy among those who had already joined. The track record of soccer-players-turned suicide bombers proved their point.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
Hatred for Women and Islamic Terror
by Iakov Levi
Published in Free Republic
An analysis of the dynamics between misogyny and Islamic terrorism as a consequence of the social structure of Islamic... more An analysis of the dynamics between misogyny and Islamic terrorism as a consequence of the social structure of Islamic society.
Central Asia: Islamic Extremism and Terrorist Violence in the 21st century
published in Research Program on Foreign Policy, Defence & Security, Center of Russia, Eurasia & Southern Europe (CERE), Institute of International Relations (IIR), vol. 3, pp. 3-7, 2012, http://ceregreece.org.
Examining the Underlying Conditions Presdisposing Societies to Terrorism
Thesis written for the requirements of the Global Security Studies M.A. Program at Johns Hopkins University.
The document examines theories of underlying conditions which predispose societies to the use of terrorism stemming from cultural, socio-economic and political, and individual psychological factors.
Chapter Summaries- pg. 17
Chapter 1- Case study of Northern Ireland, pg. 20
Chapter 2- Case study of Algeria, pg. 43
Chapter 3- Case study of Chechnya, pg. 79
Conclusion- pg. 103
Abstract
This paper attempts to examine the underlying conditions which predispose societies to... more
Abstract
This paper attempts to examine the underlying conditions which predispose societies to terrorism. The paper will specifically focus within three different regions to provide balance to the discussion. These areas are Western Europe in Northern Ireland, Northern Africa and the Middle East in Algeria and Eastern Europe in the North Caucus within the territory designated as Chechnya.
Each chapter of this thesis presents a different case study of the history of a terrorist group and its country of origin. After setting historical foundations, the chapters then analyze these accounts in relation to modern theories of terrorism.
The thesis tests theories of terrorism which are based on the arguments derived from five working groups on the topic at the March 2005, Madrid Summit. The groups included the top experts from around the world who are knowledgeable on the categories of terrorism resulting from cultural, economic, political, psychological and religious (or ideological) factors. The case study used the working groups to test the arguments that have been developed by theorists within these categories in order to help bring further understanding to the topic of terrorism.
This thesis also tested the hypothesis that claims that multiple combinations of underlying conditions within society blend together to predispose societies to the use of terrorism. In spite of the fact that the combinations of factors varied in importance from case to case, the thesis found that all of the potential underlying conditions which predispose some societies to terrorism mentioned at the Madrid Summit are confirmed in the case studies presented.
The thesis shows that the most comprehensive explanations for predisposition of terrorism come from a combination of multiple underlying conditions with varying degrees depending on which society is targeted.
Thesis Advisors: Dr. Ken Masugi, Dr. Mark Stout, Dr. Ariel Roth
North Caucasus - Islamic Insurgency and the Russian Rejoinder_ A Brief Review of 2011
published in Research Program on Foreign Policy, Defence & Security, Center of Russia, Eurasia & Southern Europe (CERE), Institute of International Relations (IIR), vol. 2, pp. 7-10, 2011, http://ceregreece.org.
Al-Kaida sp. z o.o. – czy wygrywamy wojnę ze światowym terroryzmem?
Published in Polska-Wschód. Polityka, gospodarka, historia, red. Wojciech Śleszyński, Białystok 2010, ss. 252, s. 48-59.
A Mujahideen Conundrum: The multiple faces and roles of the Iranian MeK
This paper attempts to understand the ambiguous and multifaceted role played by the Islamic-Socialist organization... more This paper attempts to understand the ambiguous and multifaceted role played by the Islamic-Socialist organization Mojāhedin-e Khalq (MeK) in its trajectory from anti-Shah dissident to anti-American terrorist, from American protégé to pro-western spy. The American troops protect the MeK members as a politically threatened minority while at the same time the US Department of State classifies it as FTO- Foreign Terrorist Organization. I argue that historical changes and political choices of both the USA and Iran prompted the MeK to assume diverse and even contradictory roles, while attempting to reach its main goal of defeating the Islamic Regime of Iran.
Awlaki’s death highlights Yemeni president’s increasing irrelevance
By James M. Dorsey
If the killing of US-Yemeni jihadist Anwar al-Awlaki highlights the increasing... more
By James M. Dorsey
If the killing of US-Yemeni jihadist Anwar al-Awlaki highlights the increasing marginalization of Al Qaeda, it also weakens embattled Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Saleh’s effort to cling to power despite six months of anti-government protests that have brought his country to the brink of civil war.
Mr. Saleh, who returned to Yemen last week from three months of treatment of severe wounds he suffered during an attack in June on his presidential compound, has sought to portray himself as the only obstacle to Al Qaeda grapping power in the Red Sea geo-strategic country straddling Red Sea. In recent interviews, he has asserted that his departure would bring the Muslim Brotherhood and with it Al Qaeda to power in Yemen.
Mr. Awlaki’s death compounds the major body blows Al Qaeda has suffered in the past ten months with the killing in May by US Navy Seals of Al Qaeda leader Osama Bin Laden and the Arab revolt sweeping the Middle East and North Africa.
It also significantly reduces Mr. Saleh’s controversial role in the fight against an increasingly weakened Al Qaeda.
US diplomatic cables disclosed by Wikileaks detail the president’s willingness to allow the US to conduct a military campaign against Al Qaeda on its territory as long as he could maintain plausible deniability because of overwhelming public opposition to foreign operations on Yemeni territory.
At the same time, the cables discussed Mr. Saleh’s failure to provide agreed anti-terror training to Yemeni airport officials, permitting of cargo to pass through x-ray machines unchecked and refusal to act on US suspicions that several Yemeni Islamic institutions were Al Qaeda recruiting grounds.
Few doubt that Mr. Saleh has repeatedly manipulated the terrorist threat in Yemen and played both ends against the middle to curry US and European favor. Powerful dissident military commander Brigadier-General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar, the head of the first armored brigade who defected to the protesters in March, has gone as far as charging that Al Qaeda’s Yemeni affilitate to which Mr. Awlaki belongs was a creature of Mr. Saleh’s making to secure Western military and economic support.
From a US perspective, Al Qaeda has been weakened to a degree that it can risk Mr. Saleh being succeeded by a government that at worst would be as unreliable and duplicit an ally as he was.
The peaceful mass anti-government protests that toppled Egyptian and Tunisian presidents Hosni Mubarak and Zine el Abedine Ben Ali, brought the autocratic regimes of Syrian president Bashar al Assad and Mr. Saleh to the brink of demise, and only morphed into a civil war in Libya after ousted Libyan leader Moammar Qaddafi employed his armed forces highlight the rejection of Al Qaeda’s militant Islam and indiscriminate violence by a majority of Middle Easterners and North Africans.
Mr. Awlaki’s death may well strengthen a growing belief that Al Qaeda has been reduced to a local threat in the three areas where it still retains a presence of any significance: Yemen with Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) that suffered a serious blow with the departure of the Yemeni-American cleric, Somalia where Al Qaeda affiliate Al Shabab has been forced to surrender territory in recent months and Algeria where Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) has largely limited itself to harassing Algerian forces.
Increasingly, western counterterrorism officials and analysts are coming to the conclusion that the body blows dealt to Al Qaeda render it incapable of launching large scale, dramatic attacks of the kind it perpetrated in the last decade such as the 9/11 targeting of the World Trade Towers in New York and the Pentagon in Washington, the 2005 and 2007 attacks on public transport in London and Madrid and the bombings of multiple targets in Casablanca, Amman and Saudi Arabia. The attacks in Arab cities moreover played a key role in diminishing Al Qaeda’s public appeal in much of the Muslim world.
Western counterterrorism officials stop short of declaring victory in their more than a decade-old fight against Al Qaeda. Yet, the organization they are fighting today is but a shadow of what it was at the time of the 9/11 attacks.
Mr. Saleh’s inability to leverage his cooperation in the hunting down of Mr. Awlaki to reduce US, Western and Saudi pressure for his resignation after 33 years in office was evident with the Obama administration’s reiteration of its insistence that he step down in the same breath as acknowledging his part in the death of the Yemeni-American.
US and European diplomats are nudging Mr. Saleh behind closed doors to agree to a transition plan under which he would step down within a maximum of 30 days in exchange for immunity from prosecution for himself and members of his family.
Mr. Saleh’s contribution to the killing of Mr. Awlaki may amount to little more than standing aside and letting the US do the dirty work.
In doing so, he may have highlighted his increasing irrelevance rather than his importance. Mr. Saleh’s successors will not need the perception of a terrorist threat to secure international assistance in rebuilding their crisis-ridden country.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at Nanyang Technological University's S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
Do Targeted Assassinations Work? A Multivariate Analysis of Israel's Controversial Tactic during Al-Aqsa Uprising
by Joe Hatfield
Co-authored with Mohammed M. Hafez, published in "Studies in Conflict and Terrorism", Routledge 2006.
We assess the impact of Israel's targeted assassinations policy on rates of Palestinian violence from September 2000,... more We assess the impact of Israel's targeted assassinations policy on rates of Palestinian violence from September 2000, the beginning of Al-Aqsa uprising, through June 2004. Literature concerning the relationship between repression and rebellion suggests four plausible effects of targeted assassinations on insurgents: deterrence, backlash, disruption, and incapacitation. Using differenced and lagged time-series analysis, this article utilizes multiple and logistic regression to evaluate the effect of targeted assassinations on Palestinian violence. It is concluded that targeted assassinations have no significant impact on rates of Palestinian attacks. Targeted assassinations do not decrease rates of Palestinian violence, nor do they increase them, whether in the short or long run. Targeted assassinations may be useful as a political tool to signal a state's determination to punish terrorists and placate an angry public, but there is little evidence that they actually impact the course of an insurgency.
Soccer binds jihadists in Russian terror plot
Friday, August 19, 2011
By James M. Dorsey
Islam Khamushev played soccer as a kid with Muradom... more
Friday, August 19, 2011
By James M. Dorsey
Islam Khamushev played soccer as a kid with Muradom Edilbiyev and Muradom Umayev. As adults, the three childhood friends with roots in the northern Caucasus, a hotbed of Islamist militancy, planned to blow up the high speed Sapsan railway linking Moscow and St Petersburg.
Messrs Khamushev, Edibilyev and Umayev together with Fyarit Nevlyutov, the fourth member of their group, were arrested last month in Moscow but the charges and details of their plot were only released this week.
Russia’s Federal Security (FSB) detained them after following their preparations for the attack that could have resulted in a high number of casualties by tapping their telephones. Russian press reports quoted FSB director Alexander Bortnikov as saying that explosives, weapons and maps of targets were seized when the four were arrested.
Russian media reports said that 22 year-old Mr. Khamushev moved last year to a forest training camp in Dagestan to prepare for the attack where he linked up with Messrs. Edilbiyev and Umayev, with whom he played soccer in Moscow’s amateur Daimokkh and Darul Arkam teams. The team met Mr. Nevlyutov at a local Moscow mosque.
Darul-Arqam’s players are members of a Muslim society with the same name to which Mr. Edilbiyev belongs. Mr. Umayev’s club, Diamokhk, is predominantly Chechen.
Mr. Khamushev first broached the idea of the attack in June and the others quickly agreed, according to Russian daily Kommersant. The paper quoted Mr. Edilbiyev as agreeing because he recalled seeing as a 10-year old in 1999 in his native Chechnya federal forces “kill his mate” and how soldiers “grossly violated the rights of citizens of the republic.”
The arrest of the four men highlights jihadists’ love hate relationship with the beautiful game. Soccer has served jihadists as an important recruitment and bonding tool. It brings recruits into the fold, encourages camaraderie and reinforces militancy among those who have joined.
Jihadists like Messrs Khamushev, Edibilyev and Umayev often start their journey as members of groups organized around soccer. The perpetrators of the 2003 Madrid subway bombings played soccer together. Saudi players made their way to Iraq to become suicide bombers. Similarly, several Palestinian Hamas suicide bombers traced their routes to a mosque-sponsored soccer team.
Men like Al Qaeda leader Osama Bin Laden, who was killed by US Navy Seals in May, and Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh learnt the significance of soccer early on. They hail from a part of the world populated by authoritarian, repressive regimes in which soccer offered for much of their lives a rare opportunity for the expression of pent-up anger and frustration.
As a child, Mr. Bin Laden organized soccer games in poor parts of Jeddah, his hometown. In the 1990s, when he based Al Qaeda in Sudan, the group reportedly had two competing teams that maintained regularly scheduled practices and played weekly matches after Friday prayers. Back in Afghanistan during the US-backed Islamist war against the Russians, the Afghan guerrillas and their foreign fellow travellers fought boredom in between battles with their own soccer tournament in which fighters competed in teams representing their countries of origin. Once the Soviets withdrew and foreign jihadists returned home, soccer matches offered an opportunity to stay in touch.
Ironically, Islamist leaders like Messrs Bin Laden and Haniyeh occupied a middle ground in the militant theological debate about soccer that runs the gamut from passionate advocacy to murderous rejection. Their enthusiasm for and endorsement of the game put them at odds with radical clerics who condemn the sport as un-Islamic and more in line with mainstream scholars who argue that the Prophet Muhammed advocated physical exercise to maintain a healthy body.
Soccer doesn’t fit into, for example the vision of an Islamist society advocated by Somalia’s Al Shabab or Afghan Taliban. In their view, it distracts the faithful from worshipping Allah, competes with the militants for recruits and lends credence to national borders at the expense of pan-Islamist aspirations. It also celebrates peaceful competition and undermines the narrative of an inevitable clash of civilizations between Islam and the West.
Despite their passion for soccer, men like Mr. Haniyeh or for that matter Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, as well as more mainstream, non-violent, ultra-conservative Muslims recognize a kernel of truth in the militant cleric’s religious rulings. Only soccer was until the eruption of the Arab revolt in December 2010 able to spark the same deep-seated emotion, passion and commitment that Islam evokes among a significant segment of the population of the Middle East and North Africa.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at Nanyang Technological University's S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
Al Qaeda Global Revolution
by Robert Silva
This is about comparing Mao and Leninist Spark to Al Qaeda phenomenon, also looking at social and cognitive psychological approaches to identity creation, and causes to impulse to destroy in the name of ideology.
This paper is about the narratives of Al Qaeda and perception of threat causes violent reactions. Economic and... more This paper is about the narratives of Al Qaeda and perception of threat causes violent reactions. Economic and cultural changes are forms of conquering of a cultural thus meet with violence.
EUROPOL (Avrupa Polis Departmanı): Bütün Teröristler Müslümandır… % 99.6’sı hariç.
Avrupa ve Terör - İçlerindeki İrlandalılar
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Seen by:Islam-Christian Interreligious Dialogues: Peacemaking Activity by Pope John Paul II and by Sheikh Allahsukur Pashazade
by Sándor (Alexander) Földvári
Proposal for a 30 minute Paper Presentation at the 2nd
International Conference on Religion and Spirituality in Society, to be held in Canada, Vancouver, between 2012/02/20 and 2012/02/22.
Keywords: Dialogues, Interreligious Communication, Political Activity of Church Leaders, Islam, Catholic Church, Christian-Muslim Contacts
Stream: Sociology and Anthropology of Religion, Religious Practices, Rites and Institutions
Dialogues between Christians and Muslims have been carrying since the early 2nd millennium, though their value have... more
Dialogues between Christians and Muslims have been carrying since the early 2nd millennium, though their value have remained in the shadows because of terrible wars. The situation improved due the flourishing culture at the court of Abbasid caliphs. We give examples of dialogues by Abu Qurra in Damascus.
In the 20th century Egypt and Syria played an important role. President Mubaraq not only invited, but personally highly respected Pope John Paul II. Another case, when the Pope came to Damascus, the calling by muezzins – in Arabic the ‘adhān ( أذان ) – was ceased to sound while the pope was speaking.
A brief survey of activity by the former pope Blessed John Paul II in the field of the Islam-Christian contacts, including the political alliance with Bhenazir Bhutto the then president of Pakistan and other Muslim leaders for the Cairo conference in 1994 where the Pope together with famous politicians from the Islam World protested against the USA policy for frameless legalisation of the abortion. Due to his beatification, the very positive revaluation seems to be given to his apostolic journeys and intercultural dialogues held in Assisi, thus the author of this paper works on a book in the topic, too.
Another famous person in religious and political scene is the Muslim leader of Azerbaijan and the entire Caucasus region. In recent years, the city of Baku has also joined these great centres of Islam and plays a leading role in interfaith dialogue. We give feedback about the meeting, which occurred in Baku, April 26 of the past year.
Believers must remain to be the hope of the world: such was the appeal of Cardinal Jean-Louis Tauran, president of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue, just returning from Baku, where the Cardinal participated in a meeting of religious leaders at the top – as Cardinal Tauran spoke to the correspondent of The Radio of The Vatican.
The Vatican hierarch said in his speech that he stressed the fact that globalization did not automatically meant the fraternity. On the contrary, this requires that the believers were talking among themselves, that they knew each other better, they were discussing what they could do together to strengthen interfaith dialogue that could promotes the values and the public good; while avoiding the two evils: relativism and intolerance. I had tried to illustrate the specific contribution of believers in the maintenance of peace, said the cardinal.
He confirmed that Muslims in Azerbaijan are remarkable for their tolerance. The head of the Muslim community, who was co-chair at the said meeting, was "a very kind man, well related to the Catholics and believers in general, and especially to the Holy See." In the presence of the representative of the Holy See, on several occasions, he spoke of the Pope, expressing his respect. "I think he is a model of harmony," says Cardinal Tauran.
In the final document, it was referred to the issue of terrorism. Participants stressed that religious leaders should not allow the use of religion to justify any kind of violence.
The rich historical tradition, through which Baku has became one of the main cultural centres of Islam, is also to be surveyed in the paper.
The roots, practices and consequences of terrorism: A literature review of research in the arts and humanities
Co-authored with Kim Knott, Seán McLoughlin, Matthew Francis in 2006 for the Home Office. My colleague, Matthew Francis has done further work beyond this report on radicalisation and the move to violence.
A review of Humanities Literature that at the time was infrequently consulted by policymakers. The report provides an... more A review of Humanities Literature that at the time was infrequently consulted by policymakers. The report provides an analytical framework within which to think through issues of radicalisation and the move to violence, the 'sacralised' worldview of terrorist actors, extensive discussions of Islam which set Muslim communities in the global and postcolonial as well as the British context and the concept of fundamentalism.
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