Khirbet Qeiyafa: An Unsensational Archaeological and Historical Interpretation
Co-authored with Israel Finkelstein
Finkelstein, I. and Fantalkin, A. 2012. Khirbet Qeiyafa: An Unsensational Archaeological and Historical Interpretation. Tel Aviv 39: 38-63.
The article deals with the finds at the late Iron I settlement of Khirbet Qeiyafa, a site overlooking the Valley of... more The article deals with the finds at the late Iron I settlement of Khirbet Qeiyafa, a site overlooking the Valley of Elah in the Shephelah. It points out the methodological shortcomings in both field work and interpretation of the finds. It then turns to several issues related to the finds: the identity of the inhabitants, their territorial affiliation and the possibility of identifying Khirbet Qeiyafa with sites mentioned in the Bible and in the Shoshenq I list.
Why Did Nebuchadnezzar II Destroy Ashkelon in 604 BCE?
Fantalkin, A. 2011. Why Did Nebuchadnezzar II Destroy Ashkelon in Kislev 604 B.C.E.? In: Finkelstein, I. and Na'aman, N. eds. The Fire Signals of Lachish: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Israel in the Late Bronze Age, Iron Age, and Persian Period in Honor of David Ussishkin. Winona Lake: 87–111.
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Seen by: and 4 moreThe Ritual Baths Near the Temple Mount and Extra-Purification Before Entering the Temple Courts: A Reply to Eyal Regev
Published in: Israel Exploration Journal 56 (2006), pp. 209–215
Private, Communal and Royal Economy in the Iron Age II (the Period of the Monarchy), Jerusalem and Eretz-Israel 4-5 (2007): 41-58 (HEBREW)
The economy of ancient Israel had received a number of studies over the years. Initially, those attempted to describe... more
The economy of ancient Israel had received a number of studies over the years. Initially, those attempted to describe the major economic specialization and the region’s trade, mainly by using the written sources. Gradually, however, the archaeological finds received the leading role - many archaeological studies have discussed various items, unearthed in excavations, and identified their place of origin, in order to learn on interregional and even international trade. Other studies analyzed the agricultural installations and discussed the period’s technology. The economic systems in which the installations or items were embedded had received much less attention, and the socio-economic system behind them was hardly discussed at all.
Still, the wealth of archaeological finds unearthed in the land of Israel enable, by combining all sources of information, to reconstruct the various socio-economic systems that operated at the time. The finds indicate that during Iron Age II there were private\familial (at the nuclear family level) economic systems, communal (at the lineage level) economic systems, and an urban\royal economic system. Those systems operated contemporaneously, sometimes even at the same settlement.
Bunimovitz, S., and Faust, A., 2001, Chronological Separation, Geographical Segregation or Ethnic Demarcation? Ethnography and the Iron Age Low Chronology, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 322: 1-10.
BASOR articles are available on JSTOR and the JSTOR Current Scholarship Program (JSTOR CSP).
The traditional Iron Age chronology has recently been challenged by I. Finkelstein who proposed a wholesale lowering... more The traditional Iron Age chronology has recently been challenged by I. Finkelstein who proposed a wholesale lowering of its dates. The cornerstone of the new chronology is the seemingly absence of Philistine Monochrome pottery in 20th Dynasty sites in southern Canaan and the absence of Egyptian(ized) pottery in Philistine sites. According to Finkelstein the only viable explanation for this phenomenon is chronological. Adherents of the traditional schema, on the other hand, prefer an interpretation based on cultural segregation and reject the low chronology. Both views, however, are based on the implicit premise that there is a straightforward correlation between the extent of interaction between human groups and the amount of similarity in their material culture. Relying on ethnographic/ethnoarchaeological evidence, we intend to show that this premise is flawed, and that restricted distribution of artifacts does not contradict interaction. This observation on human behavior is enough to cast serious doubts on the foundations and methodology of the low chronology. Furthermore, since symbolic delineation of group identity and boundaries is accentuated at times of competition, items symbolizing cultural identity may be held back in spite of interaction. As competition seems to characterize Iron I Philistia, it is highly tenable that the social meaning of the Philistine Monochrome pottery as well as of its Egyptian counterpart prevented their diffusion and adoption outside the restricted zones in which they communicated group identity and cohesion.
Archaeological Training in Mandate Palestine: The BSAJ Minute Books at the PEF
A feature for the Palestine Exploration Fund website.
Archaeological Training in Mandate Palestine: The BSAJ Minute Books at the PEF
A feature for the Palestine Exploration Fund website.
Katz, H., and Faust, A., 2011, The Assyrian Destruction Layer at Tel 'Eton, Eretz Israel 30 (Ben Tor Volume), pp. 256-274 (HEBREW)
Tel `Eton is a large site (approximately 60 dunams) in the southeastern Shephelah, just below the Hebron Hills. The... more Tel `Eton is a large site (approximately 60 dunams) in the southeastern Shephelah, just below the Hebron Hills. The site was densely occupied during the Iron Age II, and it appears that a large and probably even planned town existed there at the time. This city was destroyed in late eighth century BCE, like most sites in the Shephelah, and did not recover. The rich ceramic assemblage that was unearthed in the destruction layer is very similar to the one found at nearby Lachish (level III), though some elements suggest that it could be a little earlier. At the present state of knowledge, we cautiously attribute the destruction to Sennacherib’s campaign.
Judah in the Sixth Century BCE: A Rural Perspective, Palestine Exploration Quarterly 135 (2003): 35-51.
Copyrights: Palestine Exploration Journal (Maney Publishing);
for online versions of the journal, see: www.maney.co.uk/journals/peq and
www.ingentaconnect.com/content/maney/peq
The Babylonian conquest of Jerusalem is an important historical event. For scholars this date usually marks the end of... more
The Babylonian conquest of Jerusalem is an important historical event. For scholars this date usually marks the end of the period of the monarchy or even the end of the Iron Age, the beginning of the exilic period, etc. For many, this date was regarded as a ‘watershed’ (e.g., Bright 1972, 343). But what was the reality in Judah following the 586 BCE events? The Bible informs us that there were people remaining in the land, but seems to give the general impression that they were relatively few and unimportant. This view seems to have been prevalent in modern scholarship until recently, but is now challenged by scholars who claim that the majority of the population remained in Judah after the Babylonian destructions (mainly in rural sites). The debate that has evolved during the past few years over the issue of the settlement and demographic reality in the sixth century BCE has brought the archaeological evidence to the front. But, as is widely known, as yet no material culture of the ‘Babylonian period’ has been identified, and the debate seems to go on.
The present paper aims to tackle the problem from a different direction. After briefly presenting the problem, I will suggest a new method to solve it: since these who claim that Judah was quite densely populated at the time believe that the inhabitants of the region continue to live in their hamlets and villages, an examination of continuity in excavated Iron Age rural settlements might hold the key to solving the issue. The data from various regions will be analyzed and contrasted in light of the new method, and the similarities and differences will then be used to reconstruct the processes the different regions went through during the Iron Age – Persian Period Transition.
Alcuni esempi di adozione di modeli planimetrici neo-assiri nell'architettura sacra della Palestina e della Transgiordania del Ferro IIC
published in Dolce, R. (ed.) 2010, Quale Oriente? Omaggio a un Maestro. Studi di Arte e Archeologia del Vicino Oriente in memoria di Anton Moortgat a trenta anni dalla sua scomparsa, pp. 135-161
The Southern Temple of Tell el-Husn/Beth-Shean: The sacred architecture of Iron Age Palestine
published in Cordoba J.M. et al (edd.) 2008, Proceedins of the 5th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, pp. 181-202
In the twenties of the 20th century an expedition of the University of Pennsylvania Museum brought to light at Tell... more
In the twenties of the 20th century an expedition of the University of Pennsylvania Museum brought to light at Tell el-Husn/Beth-Shean a sacred precinct of the Iron Age I, comprising a pair of temples characterized by an unusual plan. The origin of the Southern Temple planning concept, with the large long-room divided by two rows of columns into three aisles, was debated for a long time. Mariusz Burdajewicz suggested a comparison with
the Cypriote temples built at Kition and Palaepaphos during the 12th-13th centuries B.C., but in Palestine the Beth-Shean temples were the only examples of this architectural typology. The recent discovery of Complex 650 at Khirbet el-Muqanna‘/Ekron provided a new example of a temple with a long-room cella divided into three aisles and surrounded by a row of auxiliary rooms, offering new evidence for the reconstruction of the Iron Age sacred architecture.
Keywords: Tell el-Husn/Beth-Shean, Iron Age I Palestine, sacred architecture, Mariusz Burdajewicz, Khirbet el-Muqanna’/Ekron Complex 650.
La formulazione architettonica e spaziale dell'area sacra nell'edilizia templare del Ferro I in Palestina
published in Vicino Oriente XII 2007, pp. 59-83
Who Are You Calling A Philistine?
(2012) Bulletin of the Australian Archaeological Institute at Athens 8: 14.
Brief overview of the University of Melbourne excavations at Tell es-Safi/Gath in collaboration with Prof. Aren Maeir... more Brief overview of the University of Melbourne excavations at Tell es-Safi/Gath in collaboration with Prof. Aren Maeir and Bar-Ilan University.
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Seen by: and 42 moreJudah in the Sixth Century BCE: Continuity or Break, Eretz Israel 29 (Stern Book; 2009): 339-347 (HEBREW).
The situation in Judah after the Babylonian conquest is currently hotly debated. The traditional view have been... more The situation in Judah after the Babylonian conquest is currently hotly debated. The traditional view have been recently challenged by several scholars, who claim that not much had changed in Judah after the fall of Jerusalem. While admitting that the Judean cities were destroyed, they argue that the rural sector was not affected by the Babylonian campaigns. Triggered by this debate, the present article examines the data on excavated rural sites, and shows that this sector, too, was devastated in the 6th century. The extent of the crisis the Judahite society experienced is further exemplified by the cessation in the use of Judahite tombs and four-room houses, so ubiquitous in the Iron Age. The sporadic usage of those features in the first generations after 586 shows that the very limited population of the Neo-Babylonian period continued to use the tombs and houses it was familiar with. But this population was very limited indeed. Furthermore, even this extremely limited usage lasted only a generation or two, signifying the disintegration of the Judahite society, whose values those features both reflected and shaped. The Judahite society collapsed as a consequence of the Babylonian destructions, and its values and ideology simply ceased to function. Such great demographic decline and social disintegration is similar to processes experienced by other societies in comparable historical contexts. Judah after the Babylonian conquest should therefore be viewed as a "post-collapse society".
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Seen by:Faust, A., and Erlich, A., 2008, The Hasmonean Policy toward the Gentile Population in Light of the Excavations at Kh. er-Rasm and Additional Rural Sites, Jerusalem and Eretz Israel 6: 5-32 (HEBREW)
A full and updated discussion (in English) of the Hasmonean policy toward non-Jewish population in the territories they conquered in light of the excavations of Kh. er-Rasm is included it the final report of the excavations at the site:
Faust, A., and A. Erlich, 2011, Kh. er-Rasm: The Changing Faces of the Countryside, Oxford: Archaeopress
Hasmonean Policy toward non-Jewish population in the territories they conquered, and especially in Idumea, is the... more
Hasmonean Policy toward non-Jewish population in the territories they conquered, and especially in Idumea, is the subject of heated debate. Some scholars believe that the Hasmonean carried out a policy of forced conversion and that the local population suffered greatly during the military campaigns. Others claim that the Hasmonean harmed mainly the Hellenized urban non-Jewish population, while the rural sector, whose lifestyle was similar to that of the Jews, did not suffer too much. The Debate over the historical reality in the rural sector is based on the interpretation of the historical sources, on the evaluation of the possible considerations that could have dictated the Hasmoneans policy, and on an examination of the archaeological evidence in the major sites that were excavated. Surprisingly, the discussion did not examine the archaeological finds in rural sites – the only source of information that can shed light directly on the issue.
With the finds at Kh. er-Rasm, a small site in northern Idumea, serving as a trigger, for our study, the present article examines the finds in various non-urban sites in Idumea and throughout the country, in order to throw new light on the fate of the local, "non-Hellenized" population during the time of the Hasmonean expansion. The archaeological evidence from those sites shows quite clearly that the non-urban settlements suffered no less than the urban ones during the campaigns that accompanied the Hasmonean expansion, resulting with their destruction or abandonment.
Socioeconomic Stratification in an Israelite City: Hazor VI as a Test Case, Levant XXXI (1999): 179-190
Copyrights: Levant (Maney Publishing);
for online versions of the journal, see: www.maney.co.uk/journals/peq and
www.ingentaconnect.com/content/maney/peq
This article attempts to determine the degree of socioeconomic stratification in Stratum VI of Hazor, based mainly on... more This article attempts to determine the degree of socioeconomic stratification in Stratum VI of Hazor, based mainly on an analysis of dwellings uncovered at the site. The analysis of the structures consists of four elements which are examined in relation to each of the architectural units: 1) the area of each of the houses; 2) the quality of construction; 3) the use of common walls; 4) the location of each dwelling within the site. The combination of these components is examined in order to determine the degree of wealth and power enjoyed by the owners of the different dwellings, and it seems that the analysis shows the existence of two distinct population strata: the senior and wealthy functionaries on the one hand, and the poor on the other, and possible the existence of a (lower-) middle class.
Ethnic Complexity in Northern Israel During the Iron Age II, Palestine Exploration Quarterly 132 (2000): 2-27
Copyrights: Palestine Exploration Journal (Maney Publishing);
for online versions of the journal, see: www.maney.co.uk/journals/peq and
www.ingentaconnect.com/content/maney/peq
Much discussion has focused on the ability of archaeology (and archaeologists) to identify, on the basis of material... more
Much discussion has focused on the ability of archaeology (and archaeologists) to identify, on the basis of material culture, ethnic groups. According to Colin Renfrew ‘the most problematic of all the concepts which we have tended to use is that of ‘a people’’. Much of the discussion of this subject in the Syro-Palestinian archaeology has concentrated around the identification of the ‘Israelites’. Most of this discussion has focused on Iron Age I (the period of Settlement), in an attempt to identify the similarities and differences between the various ethnic groups which existed in the Land of Israel at this time.
The present article will discuss the ethnicity of the inhabitants of Northern Israel during the Iron Age II. The departure point of this article is the rural sector, which did not receive much attention by the ‘Tell minded’ archaeological research, but, for reasons given below, seems to hold the key to the attempt to identify ethnic groups in ancient Israel.
