Authoritarianism

[Book review]: O. Schlumberger - Autoritarismus in der arabischen Welt. Ursachen, Trends und Demokratieförderung

by Erik Mohns

Oliver Schlumberger: Autoritarismus in der arabischen Welt. Ursachen, Trends und Demokratieförderung, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2007. Published in: Welttrends 67: 125-7.

Holding Back The Flood: Regimes of Censorship in the Middle East & North Africa in Comparative Perspective

by Ed Webb

Global Media Journal (German Edition) Volume 2, No. 1
Spring / Summer 2012

Special issue: Covering the Arab Spring:
Middle East in the Media – the Media in the Middle East

In order to investigate the relationship between censorship and popular uprisings, I survey trends in repression of... more In order to investigate the relationship between censorship and popular uprisings, I survey trends in repression of information across Iran and the Arab states of the Middle East & North Africa over several decades to see if the recent wave of popular mobilization appears to respond to changes in the degree of repression in particular countries. I argue that while the available data is inconclusive, there is little support for the idea that partial liberalization provokes revolutionary outbreaks and conversely some support for high or increasing repression of expression as a contributor to regime-challenging popular mobilization.

Morocco's Monarchical Legacy and its Capacity to Implement Social Reforms

by Florian Kohstall

in: Elisabeth Özdalga & Sune Persson (ed.), Contested Sovereignties: Government and Democracy in Middle Eastern and European Perspectives, IB Tauris, Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul, 2010, p. 197-208.

In this paper I question current views on the king’s supremacy in Morocco's policy process and the country as a model... more In this paper I question current views on the king’s supremacy in Morocco's policy process and the country as a model for reform. I show that social reforms in Morocco are subject to a complex process of agenda-setting and decision-making. The different steps in policy-making involve not only the king but also international organizations and various political parties. While the king still acts as an arbiter, he depends heavily on the support of party members and the pluralistic nature of Morocco’s political system to push through sensitive policy issues. In other words, Morocco’s ability to reform more efficiently than other countries in the Middle East and North African region (MENA) depends not on its monarchical legacy but on its pluralistic nature, a specific configuration that has been built up and remodelled since Independence in an authoritarian way.

Pluralistic Conditioning: Effective democracy and social tolerance

by Kris Dunn

Co-authored with Shane Singh.  Forthcoming in Democratization.

One of the main principals upon which liberal democratic and non-democratic regimes differ is the incorporation of... more One of the main principals upon which liberal democratic and non-democratic regimes differ is the incorporation of diverse viewpoints into public life.  Exposure to such variety highlights any existing heterogeneity in society, and, for most individuals, exposure to this heterogeneity promotes tolerance of difference (pluralistic conditioning).  However, those who are exposed to diversity under aversive conditions are instead pushed toward intolerance of difference (aversive pluralistic conditioning).  We thus predict that increased democracy will increase tolerance of outgroups in general while decreasing tolerance among authoritarians, who are defined by their inherent distaste of diversity, relative to the general population.  We test these predictions with multilevel models and survey data across several countries and find strong support for our expectations: under non-aversive conditions, exposure to the diversity inherent to effective democracy corresponds with higher levels of tolerance of outgroups; exposure under aversive conditions corresponds with relatively lower levels of tolerance toward outgroups.

The Terrifying Mimicry of Samizdat

by Serguei Alex. Oushakine (Сергей Ушакин)

in Public Culture. Vol. 13, No. 2 (2001): 191-214.

The Fall and Rise of Regionalism?

by Paul Goode

Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 26, no. 2 (2010): 233 - 56.

The centralization of power and the decline of regionalism were two of Vladimir Putin's principal achievements during... more The centralization of power and the decline of regionalism were two of Vladimir Putin's principal achievements during his presidency. These achievements are now threatened by the global financial crisis, which weakens the Russian central state and widens existing divisions between the centre and the regions. While the crisis does not portend a revival of a 1990s-style regionalism, it exposes the Kremlin's over-centralization of power in the form of stress within the ruling party, United Russia, and rising internal defections among regional elites. As a result, the regime is increasingly vulnerable to social protest and its potential transformation into anti-regime nationalism.

Redefining Russia: Hybrid Regimes, Fieldwork, and Russian Politics

by Paul Goode

Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 4 (2010): 1055-75.

All qualitative research faces fundamental hurdles in overcoming issues of access and ensuring the credibility of... more All qualitative research faces fundamental hurdles in overcoming issues of access and ensuring the credibility of one's observations. These issues are particularly acute when conducting research in hybrid regimes when the area of investigation is explicitly political and local authorities are sensitive to scrutiny. In the study of Russian politics, growing authoritarianism has meant a shrinking of the field and a corresponding adjustment in fieldwork practices. The disciplinary silence concerning the impact of regime type on fieldwork further threatens the quality and usefulness of comparative research on non-democratic regimes beyond Eurasia. The danger is that interesting and necessary questions about hybrid regimes are sacrificed as scholars opt to conduct fieldwork in more congenial locales where high status methods may be utilized. One can already see this effect as Russianists leave Russia rather than risk isolation within the discipline.

Democratic Reversals, Scientific Closure, and Post-Soviet Eurasia

by Paul Goode

APSA Comparative Democratization 9, no. 2 (2011): 1-13.

Nationalism in Quiet Times: Ideational Power and Post-Soviet Electoral Authoritarianism

by Paul Goode

Forthcoming in May-June 2012 issue of Problems of Post-Communism

In explaining the durability of electoral authoritarian regimes, the bulk of existing scholarship focuses on the... more In explaining the durability of electoral authoritarian regimes, the bulk of existing scholarship focuses on the exercise of material and organizational power in accounting for the dynamics of intra-elite unity, the control of opposition, and the likelihood of social mobilization against the regime. This paper argues that this picture is incomplete without the consideration of ideational power in the form of nationalism among post-Soviet regimes. Nationalist practices are necessary because material sources of power are seldom sufficient to secure compliance and support during the “quiet” periods of daily life between noisy election cycles. Hybrid regimes therefore adopt nationalist stances and select among repertoires of nationalist practice associated with successful claims to rule. Yet nationalist practices are also essential in that they are constitutive of sovereignty and legitimacy. In other words, regimes engage in nationalist practice not simply because they choose to do so, but because they must. At the same time, examining nationalism as a source of durability for electoral authoritarian regimes suggests their underlying weakness. Nationalist practices expose regimes to a variety of risks in ways that accounts premised upon material and organizational definitions of power would not predict.

Challenging Authoritarian Rule: Opposition Strategies in Belarus

by Matthew Frear

ASN 17th Annual World Convention, 20 April 2012, New York

Politics and Democracy in Ukraine

by Serhiy Kudelia

Chapter in an edited volume "Open Ukraine: Changing Course towards a European Future," Taras Kuzio and Daniel Hamilton eds., Washington, DC: Center for Transatlantic Relations, 2011.

This chapter will first look at the political legacy of Yushchenko’s
presidency that prepared ground for an... more This chapter will first look at the political legacy of Yushchenko’s
presidency that prepared ground for an authoritarian revival. It will then analyze key political reversals under Yanukovych focusing on the closure of main arenas for political contestation and enhanced capacity of the new authorities to neutralize civil society mobilization. The chapter will conclude by outlining a set of recommendations on how to deter Ukraine from turning into a full-blown authoritarian regime and promote its greater political openness.

Censorship and Revolt in the Middle East & North Africa: A Multi-Country Analysis

by Ed Webb

ISA Annual Convention, San Diego, 1-4 April 2012

Please do not cite without permission

I analyze data from two indexes of media freedom, by Freedom House and Reporters Without Borders, in order to test the... more I analyze data from two indexes of media freedom, by Freedom House and Reporters Without Borders, in order to test the plausiblity of connections between relative levels of censorship in states of the Middle East & North Africa and those states' proneness to regime-challenging uprisings. I then consider in more detail the trajectory of censorship and media manipulation in Egypt and Tunisia over the past few decades, drawing mainly on key-informant interviews conducted January-March 2012. I argue that the Ben Ali regime's highly repressive approach in Tunisia was an ineffective response to international developments, technological and otherwise, and that while Egypt's more adaptive approach failed to preserve the Mubarak family's hold on power, it makes for a more useful toolkit in sustaining authoritarian rule.

On Erich Fromm: why he left the Frankfurt school

by Caroline Kamau

Kamau, C. (2012).

Chapter synopsis: 'On Erich Fromm: Why he left the Frankfurt School':

-Biography: Erich Fromm
-Erich... more Chapter synopsis: 'On Erich Fromm: Why he left the Frankfurt School':

-Biography: Erich Fromm
-Erich Fromm was very critical of Freudian psychoanalysis. The Frankfurt School disapproved of that.
-Tension arose between Fromm and Horkheimer/Adorno/Marcuse and other pro-Freudian contemporaries
-Erich Fromm had reservations about the Frankfurt School's desire to merge psychoanalysis with Marxist theory
-Controversy arose over the Frankfurt School's decision not to publish a manuscript that Fromm wrote, with Weiss. This was a report of their landmark authoritarian personality study of 1931. The topic and methodology shaped the Frankfurt School's later research into authoritarianism (e.g. Adorno et al.'s famous studies).

This chapter also discusses Erich Fromm's work post-Frankfurt School:
--Fromm on social neurosis
--Fromm on thoughts as a form of self-presentation or impression management
--Fromm's theoretical focus on self identity, rather than instincts
--Fromm's theory about personality traits
--Fromm on empiricism and psychology versus psychoanalysis

The „Domestication“ of legislatures in post-communist Eastern Europe: Russia and Ukraine in comparative perspective

by Ingmar Bredies

The institutional design of political systems has been discussed by political scientists as one of the most... more The institutional design of political systems has been discussed by political scientists as one of the most significant determinants in post-communist transitions. Parliamentary systems are generally supposed to exhibit a higher compliance with democratization. Correspondingly, powerful legislatures seem to indicate a successful transition to democracy whereas less powerful ones are associated with failed democratization. These findings are tested with regard to the national legislatures in Russia and Ukraine. Why did neither the Russian State Duma nor the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine decisively contribute to the democratization of these countries? Currently one can find clear evidence for the institutional subversion – or „domestication“ – of parliamentary structures and decision-making processes by authoritarian government practices. However, there are substantial differences in both scope and shape of authoritarianism in the respective countries. [ZParl, vol. 43 (2012), no. 1, pp. 153 – 169]

Reny, Marie-Eve (2011), “Authoritarianism as a Research Constraint for Political Scientists in the Field? The Case of China”, in a Symposium on Field Research under Authoritarianism: Where Methods Meet Regime Type’, Comparative Democratization Newsletter (American Political Science Association), Vol. 9, No. 2.

by Marie-Eve Reny

Η πολιτική των ψευδαισθήσεων. Κατασκευές και μύθοι της μεταξικής δικτατορίας" = The politics of illusions. Ideological Perceptions of the Greek interwar dictatorship.

by Catherine Brégianni

Τα Ιστορικά/ Historica, 30, 1999, p. 171-198.

Networked authoritarianism & social media in Azerbaijan

by Katy Pearce

Pearce, K. E., & Kendzior, S. (2012). Networked authoritarianism & social media in Azerbaijan. Journal of Communication, 62(2), x-x. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.2012.01633.x

The diffusion of digital media does not always have democratic consequences. This mixed-methods study examines how the... more The diffusion of digital media does not always have democratic consequences. This mixed-methods study examines how the government of Azerbaijan dissuaded Internet users from political activism. We examine how digital media were used for networked authoritarianism, a form of Internet control common in former Soviet states where manipulation over digitally mediated social networks is used more than outright censorship. Through a content analysis of 3 years of Azerbaijani media, a 2-year structural equation model of the relationship between Internet use and attitudes toward protest, and interviews with Azerbaijani online activists, we find that the government has successfully dissuaded frequent Internet users from supporting protest and average Internet users from using social media for political purposes.

Authoritarianism: A Political Governance Structure for Implementing Economic and Social reforms to reduce Poverty and Inequality in Latin America?

by Charles Laffiteau

In his book, Political Order in Changing Societies, Samuel Huntington argues that because authoritarian regimes can... more In his book, Political Order in Changing Societies, Samuel Huntington argues that because authoritarian regimes can impose unpopular economic and or social reforms within their countries without fear of being voted out of office, they have a political governance advantage over democratic regimes. So if Huntington’s observations about authoritarian governance are accurate, could one conclude that authoritarianism can provide the foundation for the market reforms and economic growth that will lead to a reduction in poverty and income inequality? To answer this question this paper will utilize a mixture of quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis. The World Bank’s economic growth data for 18 developing countries in Latin America is used in a quantitative analysis to compare the economic growth from 1960 to 2000 that was experienced by Latin American nations that were governed by authoritarian regimes for at least 10 years, against other Latin American democracies which did not have authoritarian governments in power for at least a decade. The empirical analysis will then compare and contrast changes in economic growth and their cause in Argentina, Peru and Chile. Authoritarianism (as demonstrated in Chile) can provide the necessary foundations upon which enduring democratic institutions can be built provided it is used to implement free market economic reforms and to build an institutional infrastructure (judiciary and regulatory) that will sustain and protect them.

Renewed authoritarianism in Southeast Asia: undermining democracy through neoliberal reform

by Simon Springer

Springer, S. 2009. Renewed authoritarianism in Southeast Asia: undermining democracy through neoliberal reform. Asia Pacific Viewpoint. 50 (3), 271-276.

In the wake of the Asian Crisis, cases studies from Southeast Asia often reinforced the perception that neoliberalism... more In the wake of the Asian Crisis, cases studies from Southeast Asia often reinforced the perception that neoliberalism is thriving in authoritarian states. Processes of intensive neoliberalisation in the region have now been ongoing for over a decade, yet attempts at democratic consolidation have been tenuous, fragile and incomplete at best, calling into question the supposed nexus between democracy and neoliberal reform. Accordingly, there is need for a moment of pause, to take stock of the neoliberalising process in the region, and importantly, to reframe the question and reflect on how and why authoritarianism is continuing to thrive in the neoliberalising Southeast Asian state.

Violence, democracy, and the neoliberal ''order'': the contestation of public space in posttransitional Cambodia

by Simon Springer

Springer, S. 2009. Violence, democracy, and the neoliberal "order": the contestation of public space in posttransitional Cambodia. Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 99 (1), 138-162.

Neoliberal policies explain why authoritarianism and violence remain the principal modes of governance among many... more Neoliberal policies explain why authoritarianism and violence remain the principal modes of governance among many ruling elites in posttransitional settings. Using Cambodia as an empirical case to illustrate the neoliberalizing process, the promotion of intense marketization is revealed as a foremost causal factor in a country's inability to consolidate democracy following political transition. Neoliberalization effectively acts to suffocate an indigenous burgeoning of democratic politics. Such asphyxiation is brought to bear under the neoliberal rhetoric of order and stability, which can be read through the (re)production of public space. The preoccupation with order and stability serves the interests of capital at the global level and political elites at the level of the nation-state. Citizens themselves may fiercely contest these particular interests in a quest for a more radical democracy, as evidenced by the burgeoning geographies of protest that have emerged in Cambodian public spaces in the posttransition era.