The attic Weights and the Economy of Athens
to be published in the Proceedings of the 15th Symposium of the Mediterranean Archaeology (Catania 3-5 March 2011)
In the new post-Finley environment for the studies on the Athenian economy in the classical period, this study offers... more In the new post-Finley environment for the studies on the Athenian economy in the classical period, this study offers an updated evaluation of a often misconsidered object class: the Attic weights. The careful consideration of the various (but all of them attic) weight standards, once put in their proper historical and economical context, can offer a new insight in the many fluctuations of the economic conditions of the Athenian state, from the 6th to the 2nd century BC. Moreover the study points out the value of these market weights (in their role of objects performing a function in the market but constituted according to the law) as a contribution to enlight the complex dialectic between the economic and the social aspect of athenian political life, in the frame of a neo-institutionalist perspective.
Le salaire de Dexios
à paraître dans le Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique
Au printemps 336, l’Amphictionie pyléo-delphique décide d’émettre un monnayage de bon poids éginétique, que les... more
Au printemps 336, l’Amphictionie pyléo-delphique décide d’émettre un monnayage de bon poids éginétique, que les comptes appellent le « nouvel amphictionique ». Un réexamen du devis de la frappe (CID II 75, col. I, l. 46-56) permet d’établir que le monnayeur engagé à cette occasion est payé à raison de 9 oboles amphictioniques à la mine livrée, et bénéficie d’une marge d’un soixantième (1,67 %) sur la masse d’argent à frapper, afin de couvrir les pertes à la fonte. Les deux dépenses s’ajoutent aux déficits pondéraux que présentent les lots de monnaies destinés à la fonte, et sont comptabilisés dans l’ἀπουσία globale du devis (l. 48-49). Ce calcul complexe est tout à fait conforme aux habitudes des orfèvres grecs. L’expérience du nouvel amphictionique sera interrompue brutalement au printemps 335, alors que ca 46 talents de métal restaient à frapper : cette masse d’argent brute, censée produire 44,31 talents de monnaies amphictioniques, est échangée contre 45,31 talents de monnaies attiques — soit une économie d’un peu plus d’un talent (CID II 76, col. III, l. 38-42).
In Spring 336 BCE, the Delphic Amphictyony decided to create a new full-weight Aeginetic coinage: the “new Amphictyonic”. A re-examination of the preliminary estimate of the minting (CID II 75, col. I, l. 46-56), allows us to establish that the minter was paid at a rate of 9 Amphictionic obols per delivered mina, and had a margin of a sixtieth (1.67%) of the total silver mass, in order to cover the losses in melting. An allowance for those two expenses, as well as the actual weight shortage of the different lots of coins intended for the melting pot, were entered in the account of the global ἀπουσία (l. 48-49). Such a complex calculation fits perfectly with the practices of Greek goldsmiths. In Spring 335 BCE, the experiment of the new Amphictyonic was brutally interrupted, while about 46 talents of metal were still to be struck. This raw silver mass, intended to produce 44.31 talents of Amphictyonic coins, was exchanged for 45.31 talents of Attic coins — which meant a saving of a little more than a talent (CID II 76, col. III, l. 38-42).
De la drachme au denier: retour sur l'ὀκτώβολος εἰσφορά de Messène
à paraître dans les Actes du Colloque “Το νόμισμα στην Πελοπόννησο”, Argos (25-29/05/2011)
L’ὀκτώβολος εἰσφορά de Messène (IG V 1, 1432-1433) est un impôt extraordinaire prélevé par les autorités romaines,... more L’ὀκτώβολος εἰσφορά de Messène (IG V 1, 1432-1433) est un impôt extraordinaire prélevé par les autorités romaines, probablement à l’époque du second triumvirat (43–31 av. J. C.). Le calcul de cet impôt conserve la plus ancienne attestation du denier romain dans une comptabilité qui repose encore, par ailleurs, sur les dénominations grecques traditionnelles (talent, mine, statère, drachme, obole et chalque). À ce titre, l’ὀκτώβολος εἰσφορά constitue un relais fondamental entre les systèmes métrologiques grec et romain, au tournant des époques hellénistique et impériale. Nous démontrons dans cette étude que le compte IG V 1, 1433 ne permet aucunement de postuler une assimilation du denier romain à la drachme attique au milieu du Ier s. av. J. C., mais atteste, tout au contraire, que l’étalon « dénarial » (δεινάριον) succède à l’étalon attique (ἀργύριον ἀττικόν) et le remplace définitivement, en s’inscrivant dans les usages métrologiques hellénistiques et en inaugurant les équivalences monétaires propres à l’époque impériale.
The reverse types from the local mint of Viminacium. An iconographic analysis
by Lajos Juhasz
Numizmatikai Közlöny 108-109 (2009-2010)
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Seen by: and 10 moreWHAT WAS THE MAIN PURPOSE OF THE EPHEBEIA: To become a citizen, a rite of manhood or a preparation for warfare?
Penultimate draft of MA dissertation
The premise of this study was to ascertain the exact purpose of the ephebeia, through three key aspects, spanning from... more
The premise of this study was to ascertain the exact purpose of the ephebeia, through three key aspects, spanning from its Classical roots in the 4th century BC, through the Hellenistic era and into the Imperial Roman period, eventually ending sometime in the 4th century AD. My title is:
What was the main purpose of the ephebeia: to become a citizen, a rite of manhood or a preparation for warfare?
To explore this question, I examined the institution of the ephebeia, principally the well-known Athenian ephebeia but also other Hellenic examples, with three aspects in mind and in chronological order. First, I studied the institution from a military viewpoint, looking at how the ephebes trained and how important polis defence was to them, all the while seeing how this changed over time. I also explored how the ephebeia prepared boys for citizenship, how they worked together, and what their concept of polis and chora was, as well as looking at symbolic representations of citizenship. My last chapter investigates how the ephebeia prepared boys from manhood, and what their ideals of manhood were.
I approached the subject by researching both ancient and modern sources, using them to make my own interpretations and to cast new light on the subject. I believe my findings indicate that we should move on from outdated, structuralist scholarship, which previously viewed the ephebeia as an essentially unchanged ritual, towards seeing the ephebeia as something that was constantly adapting over time and provided a combination of training for creating an adult, a citizen and a soldier – these terms are virtually synonymous in Ancient Greece.
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Seen by: and 31 moreRhizon (Montenegrin Coast) - A Trading and Staple Town on the Crossroads of Mediterranean and Inland Balkan Routes. Late Classical and Hellenistic Pottery Evidence
Quaderni ticinesi di numismatica e antichita' classiche 28 (Lugano, 1999), pp. 203-220.
Autonomous Coinage of Rhizon in Illyria
L'Illyrie méridionale et l'Epire dans l'antiquité 4, Actes du 4e colloque international de Grenoble 2002, réunis par P. Cabanes et J.-L. Lamboley (Paris 2004), pp.149-168.
There are two main types of the autonomous coins of Rhizon in Illyria, both of which have the inscription PIZONITAN on... more There are two main types of the autonomous coins of Rhizon in Illyria, both of which have the inscription PIZONITAN on the reverse: the Post-Ballaios type, and the Apollo/Artemis type. The following analysis of the autonomous coinages of Rhizon is based on the information available from more than 100 specimens of both types. All these coins were discovered in Risan, as stray site-finds at Carine, the modern name of the site of the lower town of ancient Rhizon, except for one specimen of unknown provenance.
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Seen by: and 8 moreNuovi ritrovamenti numismatici di Risan (Bocche di Cattaro, Montenegro)
Proceedings of the 11th International Numismatic Congress, Brussels 1991, eds T. Hackens, Gh. Moucharte (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1993), pp. 139-145.
Gli scavi effettuati nel 1988 a Risan (Bocche di Cattaro, Montenegro) hanno restituito abbondanti ed importanti... more Gli scavi effettuati nel 1988 a Risan (Bocche di Cattaro, Montenegro) hanno restituito abbondanti ed importanti reperti archaeologici, tra i quali i numerosi ritrovamenti delle monete del "re" Ballaios sono di particolare interesse e sono qui pubblicat iper la prima volta. Il contesto archeologico del materiale numismatico apre la strada ad analisi piu complesse, che possono essere di particolare interesse per la chronologia delle emissioni di questo sovrano ignoto all fonti scritte.
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Seen by: and 12 moreDispersion des monaies macedoniennes tardives en bronze sur les territoires du centre des Balkans
12. Internationaler Numismatischer Kongress, Berlin 1997, Akten - Proceedings - Actes, Hg von B. Kluge und B. Weisser, Berlin 2000, pp. 384-389.
Greek hoards from the Western Balkans
Numismatic Chronicle 51, 2001.
Section: Coin Hoards 2001, Ancient Hoards
Recently discovered or not widely known coin hoards from the Western Balkans. Recently discovered or not widely known coin hoards from the Western Balkans.
Le trésor monétaire de Risan (IGCH 391) - une contribution à l'étude de l'histoire économique de l'Illyrie du Sud
L'Illyrie méridionale et l'Epire dans l'Antiquité III. Actes du 3e colloque international de Chantilly (1996), réunis par P. Cabanes (Paris, De Boccard, 1998), pp. 107-114.
Monete di Ballaios dall'Ermitagio di San Pietroburgo
Rivista Italiana di Numismatica e Scienze Affini, vol. 97 (1996), pp. 37-41
Greek hoards from the Western Balkans
Numismatic Chronicle 51, 2001.
Section: Coin Hoards 2001, Ancient Hoards
Recently discovered or not widely known coin hoards from the Western Balkans. Recently discovered or not widely known coin hoards from the Western Balkans.
Le dépôt de monnaies en bronze des rois macédoniens et des villes ouest-pontiques de l’époque hellénistique découvert à Paraćin
Quaderni ticinesi di numismatica e antichità classiche, vol. 24, Lugano 1997, pp. 185-204
Pythagoras of Samos, Celator
published in the Celator, a journal of Ancient and Medieval Coinage, November, 2011
This article gives most of the evidence in ancient literature for the conclusion that Pythagoras was trained in the... more This article gives most of the evidence in ancient literature for the conclusion that Pythagoras was trained in the traditional business of celature, craftsmanship in precious metals and gems. This evidence does not deal with the incuse coinage of Magna Graecia, except tangentially insofar as Pythagoras was said to be behind the introduction of weights and measures.
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Seen by: and 4 moreTwo peculiar Thracian coin issues: ΔΑΝΤΗΛΗΤΩΝ and ΜΕΛΣΑ
Paper in: E. Paunov & S. Filipova (eds), HPAKΛEOVΣ ΣΩTHPOΣ ΘAΣIΩN. Studia in honorem Iliae Prokopov sexagenario ab amicis et discipulis dedicata, Sofia 2012 (forthcoming).
Two rare coins kept in the collection of the Welfare Foundation for Social & Cultural Affairs (KIKPE), Athens,... more
Two rare coins kept in the collection of the Welfare Foundation for Social & Cultural Affairs (KIKPE), Athens, became the stimulus for other specimens to be sought and for questions to be raised, requiring further study on several levels.
The heavy bronze pieces of the Danteletai (head of Dionysos l. / warrior r. with curved sword and light shield, ΔΑΝΤΗΛ/ΗΤΩΝ) constitute a remarkable issue for the Thracian monetary affairs. First the variations of the ethnic name are discussed and then the iconography of the warrior (hair, sword, shield) is scrutinized, with ample literary references and correlation of archaeological parallels on occasion. Numismatic comparanda in stylistic terms are provided both for the reverse and the obverse, while the metrological data are assessed in context. The few glimpses at a known provenance lead obviously to a focal area highlighted between the northern bank of the upper course of Hebros and the Haimos mountain ridge; the role of ‘Emporion Pistiros’ (probably Adjiyska Vodenitsa, near Vetren) is also examined to an extent. All things considered, and viewed in historical perspective, a dating of this coinage in the middle of the third quarter of the 4th century BC (ca. 339–335 BC?) is thought to be quite probable.
The bronze coins with the legend ΜΕΛΣΑ (filleted bucranium / fish) present an even more difficult puzzle; for starters, known and not so known pieces were traced. Discussion follows at length on the filleted bucranium and the fish while searching also for stylistic comparanda. The challenge of the strange legend required some necessary commentary before giving a thorough inspection at the chances for a valid interpretation. Certain options —e.g. an attribution to “a Messa of the Apolloniates” that evolved later into Anchialos— are examined and are found lacking, especially under the light of overstrike evidence (two pieces, one on AE of Philip II, the other on AE of Cassander). The latter alongside with other kinds of evidence provide a terminus post quem in or after the last fifteen years of the 4th century BC. Then argumentation is pondered on the hypothesis that the legend should correspond to an unknown so far Thracian chieftain; this and some other possibilities towards certain civic issues are rejected. The key for deciphering this riddle seems to lie by the northern coast of the Keratios near Byzantion; close study of historical topography and other clues reveal that probably there is a connection between the site of Semystra and the ΜΕΛΣΑ coins. Several elements are taken into account: the filleted bucranium; the fish in Bosporos; hints in the Roman provincial coin series of Byzantion; the marshy reed growing on Keratios’ shore; Thracian mythical ruler Melias; Meltas, the last king of Argos; the Argive colonization at Keratios. All in all, this may be a case of syncretism materialized in a period of dire straits, due to the Celtic presence in Thrace after 278 BC; perhaps a sanctuary in the premises of Byzantion, dedicated to a heroic cult, proceeded to strike a brief coin issue, possibly in association of a religious festival or an important anniversary, at a moment of temporary shortage in small change (maybe some time in the years ca. 275-250 BC).
Die Ziegen von Aigai
Published in: Revue suisse de numismatique 86 (2007), pp. 23-29.
Many of the Greek cities whose name begins with the syllable Aig- struck coins with a goat, using the goat, aix, as a... more Many of the Greek cities whose name begins with the syllable Aig- struck coins with a goat, using the goat, aix, as a canting badge. As in other cases, scholars willingly embraced that clue for an attribution, without wondering why the Greeks had chosen this coin type. For a couple of years the attribution of the late archaic Macedonian staters with a goat to Macedonian Aegae has been challenged. In other cases, the „goat badges“ are certainly true. It is argued that this canting badge is derived from a popular etymology leading to some fanciful historical aetiologies from the 4th century BC onward. The syllable aig- has nothing to do with goats but with the geographic position of the cities in question, which were all situated in coastal regions. They would keep the name even if for some reason they were moved inland, and newly founded cities could use a traditional name without being on the coast.
