Ancient Geography

Alle sorgenti del Cinyps

by Massimiliano Munzi

Co-authored with G. Cifani, published in "Libyan Studies", 34, 2003, pp. 85-100.

Sotto la protezione delle Eliadi. La collana della tomba 660 di Megara Iblea

by Stéphane Verger

Medicina nei secoli. Arte e scienza, 23/1, 2011, pp. 151-176

Le bouclier de Diviciac. A propos de Liv. V, 34

by Stéphane Verger

dans D. Vitali (éd.), L'immagine tra mondo celtico e mondo etrusco-italico. Aspetti della cultura figurativa nell’antichità, Bologne, 2003, p. 333-369

Alle sorgenti del Cynips

by Gabriele Cifani

co-authored with M. Munzi, in Libyan Studies 34, 2003, pp. 85-100.

This paper deals with the location of the springs of the river Cinyps (or Cynips) in Tripolitania, by comparing... more This paper deals with the location of the springs of the river Cinyps (or Cynips) in Tripolitania, by comparing literary sources with topographic and archaeological data provided by explorers and by geoarchaeological studies carried out by the University of Rome III mission in collaboration with the Department of Antiquities between 1998 and 2000.
Although the Cinyps may be identified with the drainage basin of Wadi Taraglat, some 80 km long,
its springs were located within a strip 3,6 km (20 stadia) from the coast in a reach known as Wadi Caam.
These were the springs that supplied the Hadrianic Baths of Lepcis Magna in all probability by means of the scheme put in place by Q. Servilius Candidus in AD 119-120.
Field reconnaissance and cartographic analysis rule out the presence of springs any further inland. The claim by Herodotus (IV, 175) that the springs of the Cynips were located near the Hill of the Graces 200 stadia (36 km) from the coast may thus be considered an error in the tradition handed down in the text.

Artemidoro y la ordenación territorial de Hispania en época republicana

by Pierre Moret

PREPRINT - on press in: G. Cruz Andreotti & J. Santos Yanguas (ed.), Romanización, fronteras y etnias en la Roma antigua: el caso hispano (Vitoria-Gasteiz, 20-22 de Septiembre de 2010), Universidad del País Vasco, Vitoria-Gasteiz, à paraître (Revisiones de Historia Antigua, VII).

El papiro de Artemidoro contiene un mapa sin leyenda y a su lado, en las columnas IV y V, una descripción geográfica... more El papiro de Artemidoro contiene un mapa sin leyenda y a su lado, en las columnas IV y V, una descripción geográfica de Iberia. El mapa no puede representar Iberia a causa de su escala regional o local. Se analiza la descripción de Iberia desde el punto de vista de la percepción territorial de los espacios occidentales y de su plasmación cartográfica. Este documento arroja luz sobre una etapa mal conocida de la evolución de la geografía tardo-helenística, revelando facetas nuevas de un autor que fue sin duda el primero en ofrecer una visión integrada y coherente de Iberia/Hispania. El esquema de Artemidoro refleja la estructuración territorial de los espacios conquistados por Roma, dando cuenta de una coronimia simplificada en el marco de las provincias y del papel desempeñado por los grandes ejes viarios. Su dependencia de fuentes romanas se revela en su sistema de medidas que convierte en estadios distancias medidas en millas procedentes de itinerarios terrestres.

L’isola improbabile. L’ “insularità” nella concezione arcaica a classica della Sicilia,

by Flavia Frisone

in C. Ampolo (a cura di), Immagine e immagini della Sicilia e delle altre isole del Mediterraneo antico, Workshop G. Nenci – Atti Seste Giornate Internazionali di Studi sull'Area Elima e la Sicilia occidentale nel contesto mediterraneo, Erice 12-16 ottobre 2006, Pisa (Scuola Normale Superiore) 2009, pp. 149-156. 

Parerga to the Stadiasmus Patarensis (8): On the named places in the journeys of sacrifice recorded in the Vita of Saint Nicholas of Holy Sion

by Mehmet ALKAN

Gephyra 8, 2011, 99-124

This paper aims to determine the route taken by Nicholas of Holy Sion in his journeys of sacrifice which are recorded... more This paper aims to determine the route taken by Nicholas of Holy Sion in his journeys of sacrifice which are recorded in his Vita and in so doing, presents some suggestions as to the locations of Tragalassos and its territory and of the ten places with churches that were visited by him on the second long journey which lasted 25 days. The settlement of Arapyurdu is suggested as the location of Tragalassos. The hamlet of Pharroa, belonging to Tragalassos, is identified with a new settlement located 1 km to the northeast of Alacahisar church. The following are the places recorded in the course of this 25-day journey: Karkabo, Kausai, Nea Kome, Partaessos, Symbolon, Nautes, Serine, Trebendai, Kastellon and Hemalissoi. This journey began from the monastery of Holy Sion (probably to be identified as the Alacahisar church) and the first visit was to the shrine of Gabriel at Karkabo which is identified with the basilica at Alakilise through an inscription found in the Alakilise valley 7 km to the northeast of Myra (an identification already proposed by C. Foss). After Karkabo/Alakilise, Nicholas would have taken a route in a southerly direction to visit the extant sanctuaries around the Alakilise valley. The second destination, Kausai, might be Dikmen Tepesi, the closest settlement having an early Byzantine church 1 km south of the basilica at Alakilise. The next place Nea Kome can be localized at Karacaören–Günağı (the newly discovered settlement and an early Byzantine church are introduced in this paper) lying ca. 2 km southeast of Alakilise. The fourth station Partaessos was probably at Yılanbaşı ca. 3 km southeast of Alakilise and ca. 1 km southeast of the Günağı church. Nicholas went down from Partaessos to the fifth stop Symbolon, probably being the ancient name of the “Dalyan” lagoon, lying 4 km east of Myra. The next place visited, Nautes meaning “sailor”, must be near to the lagoon (Symbolon). After Symbolon and Nautes, Nicholas continued his route in a northerly direction to visit the remaining four places and to return to his monastery. Serine can be localized as Turant Asarı located 5 km to the northeast of Myra and 2 km east of Muskar/Belören. The next place Trebendai, which was an independent city during the Hellenistic period, should be localized as Muskar due to a previously unpublished inscription, published here, the contents of which have been employed in order to identify Trebendai as Muskar. The ninth stop, Kastellon, should be located between the monastery of H. Sion and Myra according to the Vita, and the last station Hemalissoi should be between Kastellon and the monastery of Sion. If the distribution of the churches in the area and Nicholas’s route are taken into consideration, Kastellon should be located in or around Devekuyusu, and Hemalissoi can be identified with the village of Karabel.

A New Inscription from Pisidia

by Mehmet ALKAN

published in "Gephyra 7, 2010, 41-45"

In this contribution, an inscribed stone from Beydili, a village on the borders of Pisidia, is introduced. This... more In this contribution, an inscribed stone from Beydili, a village on the borders of Pisidia, is introduced. This inscription was placed in the wall of a modern fountain constructed from ancient material. The inscription was brought from an ancient settlement called Asarbaşı,
an area located ca. 1 km northwest of Beydili and which has not yet been investigated. The stone bearing a relief of a sword-shield belonged to an exedrion built by a certain Maisolos, a priest, for himself and for his family members. This inscription records an indigenous personal name, Bliddis, previously unattested. Furthermore, there is a new word, ξιμει (dat. of ξιμις?), the meaning and the position of which should be clarified. This word probably indicates the name of an ancient settlement near Beydili or is perhaps a divine name.

¿Dónde estaban los Turdetani? Recovecos y metamorfosis de un nombre, de Catón a Estrabón

by Pierre Moret

In M. Álvarez Martí-Aguilar (ed.), Fenicios en Tartesos: nuevas perspectivas, Oxford, Archaeopress, BAR S2245, 2011, p. 235-248

A new scrutiny of Livy’s account for the year 195 and of Cato’s fragments leads us to assume that the people called... more A new scrutiny of Livy’s account for the year 195 and of Cato’s fragments leads us to assume that the people called Turdetani by the Romans at the beginning of the conquest of Spain was situated in Southeast Meseta, presumably in the surroundings of the saltus Castulonensis. A completely different location, in the lower Guadalquivir valley, is given by Strabo to Turdetania in the third book of his Geography. Nevertheless, Strabo’s conception appears to be quite isolated when compared with other sources. Significant authors (mainly Roman ones) do not designate as Turdetani the inhabitants of the Baetis valley and do not use Turdetania as a loose synonym of Baetica. Moreover, epigraphic sources show that Turdetanus was not used among Hispani for self-designation. It can be therefore argued that the current use of Turdetania among archaeologists as the name of a cultural complex of the lower Andalusia is a questionable artefact of modern historiography.

Cartographic Information, Design Symbolism and Networks of Communication in Late Antiquity: Tabula Peutingeriana and Itineraria Picta

by Dimitris P. Drakoulis

Published in: D. Rossikopoulos, P. Savvaidis (eds.), The development of instruments, methods and systems of scientific measurement in Greece, Thessaloniki 2005, pages 81-105 ISBN: 978-960-89704-0-3 (in Greek)

The historical-geographical background of Paul’s apostolic journeys

by Dimitris P. Drakoulis

Published in: Mapping the footsteps of the Apostle Paul,
edited by P. Savvaides, 2009: pages 141-180; National Centre for Maps and Cartographic Heritage – National Map Library, Thessaloniki.
ISBN: 978-960-7999-24-5

La figure de l'Ibérie d'après le papyrus d'Artémidore

by Pierre Moret

In press, C. Gallazzi, B. Kramer & S. Settis (dir.), "Geografia e cartografia nel Papiro di Artemidoro", Roma, Società Geografica Italiana (2009).

The Artemidorus papyrus contains an unfinished map and beside it a geographical description of Iberia. Firstly I try... more The Artemidorus papyrus contains an unfinished map and beside it a geographical description of Iberia. Firstly I try to demonstrate that the map can not be a representation of Iberia, for the sake of its regional or even microregional scale. There is a strong probability that it represents a part of the Nile's delta. Secondly, the description of columns IV-V is discussed from the point of view of the mental representation and the cartographic vision it involves. This documents sheds light on the history of late Hellenistic cartography, insofar as it helps to understand the evolution of spatial perception from Eratosthenes to Agrippa. Artemidorus' figure of Iberia is based on a geometrical construction that partly derives from Polybius and the Hellenistic tradition, but it also includes original features that reveal the Roman environment of his inquiry, in several fields such as choronymy, provincial organization and limits, road network, measures based on Roman miles... Finally, Artemidorus' influence appears to be deeper on Varro and Agrippa than on Posidonius and Strabo.

La Lusitanie d'Artémidore

by Pierre Moret

Published in Palaeohispanica. Revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania Antigua 10 (2010) p. 113-131

Un examen détaillé de la mention de la Lusitanie dans le papyrus d'Artémidore, et des différences entre cette mention... more Un examen détaillé de la mention de la Lusitanie dans le papyrus d'Artémidore, et des différences entre cette mention et celle du fr. 21 Stiehle, montre qu'elle est stylistiquement apparentée à des tournures fréquentes chez Polybe, qu'elle a logiquement sa place dans la description de l'Ibérie révélée par le nouveau fragment, et qu'elle est historiquement compatible avec le concept romain de prouincia. Elle ne peut donc pas être utilisée comme preuve à charge dans le débat sur l'authenticité du papyrus.

Mangiatori di pesce, balene e tartarughe: società statali e senza stato sui litorali dell’Arabia meridionale (Fish-, Turtle- and Whale-eaters: state and non-state societies on the seaboard of Southern Arabia)

by Oscar Nalesini

forthcoming in: 'La regina di Saba (The Queen of Sheba)', Roma, Museo Nazionale d'Arte Orientale, 2012

Ipses, uma ceca hispano-romana do Sudoeste

by António Marques de Faria

Published in 'Acta Numismatica', 17-18, 1987-1988.

Artemidoro entre os Salakeinoi?

by António Marques de Faria

published in 'Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia', 12:1, 2009 [2010]

Des Hyperboréens aux Celtes. L'extrême Nord occidental des Grecs à l'épreuve des contacts avec les cultures de l'Europe tempérée

by Stéphane Verger

dans D. Vitali (éd.), Celtes et Gaulois, l'archéologie face à l'histoire, 2. La préhistoire des Celtes, Glux-en-Glenne 2006, p. 45-61.

Die Welt in antiken Karten und Globen (Klaus Geus)

by Klaus Geus

Geus, Klaus: Die Welt in antiken Karten und Globen. In: Die Alten Sprachen im Unterricht. 46. Jg. (1999), H. 4. S. 7–18. 23–8.

Archéologie du couchant d'été

by Stéphane Verger

dans J.-P. Le Bihan et J.-P. Guillaumet (éd.), Routes du monde et passages obligés de la Protohistoire au Moyen Âge, Rennes 2010, p. 293-337.

Il papiro di Artemidoro tra Eratostene e Strabone

by Francesca Mattaliano

Recensione da: Gerión
2009, 27, núm. 2, 125-261

Francesca Mattaliano, por su parte, aborda en el... more Recensione da: Gerión
2009, 27, núm. 2, 125-261

Francesca Mattaliano, por su parte, aborda en el capítulo décimo (“Il papiro di Artemidoro tra Eratostene e Strabone”) la importancia del Papiro de Artemidoro en lo que respecta al análisis de la Península Ibérica y la influencia del mismo en la obra de Estrabón y, por ende, en la concepción que de Iberia se tiene en gran parte
de la Antigüedad y en nuestros días. La autora acompaña su texto con variadas ilustraciones tanto del propio papiro como de otros mapas antiguos (la Tabula Peutingeriana o el mapa de Soleto) que permiten contextualizar las concepciones geográficas de la época.