Administration (Archaeology)

A Classification Proposal of Linear A Tablets from Haghia Triada in Classes and Series

by Barbara Montecchi

published in Kadmos 49, 2010, pp. 11-38

The aim of this paper is to propose an easy and, I hope, useful classification of the Linear A tablets, starting with... more The aim of this paper is to propose an easy and, I hope, useful classification of the Linear A tablets, starting with those from Haghia Triada because they represent the bulk of the Linear A tablets that we have (147 tablets or fragments). This is an attempt to establish classes of tablets comparable to those of the Linear B and, at the same time, suitable for the peculiarities of the Linear A tablets, leaving open the possibility of expanding and adding new classes according to the characteristics of other Linear A tablets. Furthermore, it is checked the possibility of recognizing homogeneous sets on the basis of subject matter, text arrangement, find spot and scribe, in a specific geographic and chronological context, that of Haghia Triada in the LM IB period.

Le frazioni, gli errori di calcolo e le unità di misura nella documentazione in lineare A

by Barbara Montecchi

published in Annali dell'Istituto Italiano di Numismatica 55, 2009, pp. 29-52, tav. I, English abstract p. 317

Fractions, miscalculations, and units of measurements in Linear A documents

1) A complete and updated... more Fractions, miscalculations, and units of measurements in Linear A documents

1) A complete and updated analysis of the epigraphic evidence confirms the following relative values for the most frequently attested fraction signs: J = ½, D = 1/3, E = ¼, B = 1/5, F = 1/8. The formal resemblance between three Linear B measuring signs and three Linear A fraction signs could suggest K = 1/10, DD = 1/30, X = 1/120, but the possible geometric progression on HT Zd 156 would suggest that K = 1/16.

2) Nine tablets from Aya Triada show miscalculations (HT 9a, 123a.b, 94a, 118) or other problems in calculations (HT 13, 102, 116, 119, 127). Two tablets seem to contain partial sums (HT 110a e 11a) and, like HT 10, they could be part of missing sets of tablets.

3) The highest units of measurements are implicit in the commodities’ ideograms and smaller quantities are pointed out by fraction signs. Only the unit for weight has a distinguishing symbol, the ideogram AB 118, and it probably has the same value in Linear A and in Linear B (31,200 gr). Because the inscription incised on the pithos ZA Zb 3 mentions 32 units of wine and the volume of the pithos is about 556 l, the absolute value of the minoan unit for liquids could be about 17,4 l, but the analysis of the other two inscribed pithoi with ideograms and numerals (KN Zb <27> and KN Zb 35) shows that the inscriptions on pithoi had administrative purposes and dealt with certain products not exclusively contained in the pithos bearing the inscirption. The pithoi were used for long periods, on the contrary the function of the inscriptions was limited to the first stuffing of the vase and this fact explains why the inscriptions on pithoi are occasional and have a low degree of visibility.

Note d'analisi testuale delle tavolette in lineare A di Haghia Triada

by Barbara Montecchi

published in Annuario della Scuola Archeologica italiana di Atene 86, 2008, pp. 313-326

SOME COMMENTS ON TEXTUAL ANALYSIS OF LINEAR A TABLETS FROM AYIA TRIADA

The textual analysis of Linear A... more SOME COMMENTS ON TEXTUAL ANALYSIS OF LINEAR A TABLETS FROM AYIA TRIADA

The textual analysis of Linear A tablets presented in this paper is the result of preliminary philological research done in the unpublished dissertation “Administration and accounting systems at Ayia Triada in LM IB” (in Italian). This paper is an examination of syllabic groups and isolated signs which appear most frequently in Linear A tablets from Ayia Triada. It seems wise to not rely on the many suggested decipherments and linguistic interpretations which attribute meanings on the basis of assonance or on unfounded etymology. Rather the interpretation of the written records should be based on the analysis of textual organisation and on reciprocal relationships among signs. Analysis done so far reveals, for example, that the lists of words which are followed by numbers 1, summed up at the end of the list, are not necessarily made up of personal names (see the case of AB 81-56-55/KU-*56-NU). It also states that the only characteristic that distinguishes the syllabic group AB 31-76/SA-RA2 from many other phonetic groups, which are probably senders or recipients (personal and local names), is the high frequency (the word is attested in 18 tablets) and thus we exclude the hypothesis that this could be a “transactional term”. Given the available traces, we propose to integrate six units at the beginning of HT 100.2, so the sum of the numbers from lines 1-3 should be 99, while the total indicated at line 3 is 97, which can be explained if the 2 associated units, on line 2, at AB 67/KI were a deficit, since the sign would be abbreviation of AB 67-02/KI-RO, and for this reason would not be included in the sum. We propose also a revision of the inscription KE Zb 3, "*67/KI". The layout is accurate and the sign is traced in a much more naturalistic way than the syllabic sign AB 67. Its shape is rather so similar to the cup, on which it is engraved, to suggest that it indicates the cup, but since an ideographic use of AB 67 would not be otherwise attested, I suggest that, in this particular case, the sign has a purely decorative function. If so it would be not a real inscription.

Babylonian Quest for Lapis Lazuli and Dilmun during the City III period

by Eric Olijdam

Pages 119-126 in F.R. Allchin & B. Allchin (eds), 1997, South Asian Archaeology 1995. New Delhi.

The second half of the second millennium BC is a poorly understood period in the history of Mesopotamia, the... more The second half of the second millennium BC is a poorly understood period in the history of Mesopotamia, the Persian/Arabian Gulf and adjacent areas. Soon after unifying southern Mesopotamia, by conquering the Sealand, the Kassite rulers of Babylonia became involved in the diplomatic relations between the major courts in the Near East, including Egypt. The correspondence between the 'great kings', part of which was found at Amarna in Egypt, was primarily concerned with arranging political marriages and exchanging valuable gifts. Babylonia sent lapis lazuli, horses and chariots to Egypt in exchange for large amounts of raw gold. This gold was used by the Kassite kings to finance large-scale building programmes and revitalise the Babylonian economy. Acquisition of Egyptian gold was essential for establishing important Babylonian political goals: the close incorporation of the former Sealand and the legitimization and consolidation of Kassite rule, which was based on divine legitimation supported by a sound economic policy.

In contemporary sources, Babylonia is identified as the centre of the lapis trade. Being one of the few Babylonian exchange items it is quite likely that a steady supply of this semi-precious stone was one of the most important topics on the political agenda. The small amount of lapis items from Mitanni and Assyria mentioned in the Amarna texts implies that it is unlikely that lapis entered Babylonia via a northern land route. A southern land route, controlled by Elam, is possible but was wrought with problems for most of this period. Given its extreme importance it does not seem plausible that the Kassite kings depended on lapis lazuli brought to Babylonia via land routes, especially since they were all too well aware of the danger of long-distance overland routes, even in a favourable political situation. A sea route seems more plausible and preferable.

It is generally accepted that during the late third and early second millennium most of the lapis lazuli made its way to Mesopotamia through the Gulf, but that this trade network — dominated by Dilmun — collapsed during the Old Babylonian period. The second half of the second millennium is represented in Dilmun (Bahrain, the adjacent Saudi Arabian coast and the island of Failaka) by the City III period, during which it was governed by a high Babylonian official. Items from this period made of materials alien to Dilmun (copper, gold, alabaster, lapis lazuli, carnelian, agate, ivory, ochre) indicate that mercantile relations were still maintained with its former partners Magan (Oman Peninsula) and Meluhha (Indus Civilisation).

The fields of economy, politics and religion are intertwined in the ideological concepts involved in Babylonian kingship. Against the background of establishing interregional relationships and upholding internal Babylonian power relations, the incorporation of Dilmun may be seen as an attempt by the Kassite kings to secure the supply of lapis lazuli. A maritime route through the Gulf should be seen as a successful effort not to become dependent upon other (competing) powers for obtaining this precious stone, and also to circumvent any difficulties that might arise between Babylonia and the source area(s) east of the Zagros Mountains. The extreme importance of lapis lazuli for the Kassite kings might not only explain the incorporation of Dilmun in Kassite Babylonia but also justify the important position of Dilmun in its political constellation.

Nippur and Dilmun in the second half of the fourteenth century BC: a re-evaluation of the Ilī-ippašra letters

by Eric Olijdam

Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 27 (1997): 199-203.

Three cuneiform letters (BE XVII 88, Ni. 615 and Ni. 641) written by Ilī-ippašra, governor in Dilmun, and addressed to... more Three cuneiform letters (BE XVII 88, Ni. 615 and Ni. 641) written by Ilī-ippašra, governor in Dilmun, and addressed to his 'brother’ Enlil-kidinnī, governor of Nippur, have been found at Nippur (Iraq). They were part of a diplomatic correspondence archived at the regional palace in Nippur and deal with the political situation in Dilmun during the reign of king Burna-Buriaš II (1359-1333 BC).

A number of new readings and reconstructions based on Goetze's copy are proposed resulting in a fresh understanding of the content of these letters, which if anything make an even stronger case for Dilmun’s politico-administrative incorporation into Kassite Babylonia.

These letters present a lively and fascinating insight into the duties and responsibilities of a high Kassite official during an otherwise little-known yet extraordinary period in the history of this region. From the letters it is eminently clear that Dilmun was beset by internal problems caused by Aḫlamû. It is suggested that it was not a dispute with disgruntled (nomadic) agricultural laborers as has been maintained up till now, but a full-blown rebellion by mutinous soldiers/mercenaries, i.e. Ilī-ippašra's power-base.


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N.B.: Volume U/W of the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (page 45, uḫinnu 1c) offers the following improved reading for lines 20-22 in Ni. 641: bēlū uḫinne kî ērišušunūti ul iddinuni; when I asked the owners of the unripened dates (for some of their produce) they did not give me any.

Middle Dilmun Sealings from Qal’at al-Bahrain: An Alternative View on Kassite Dynamics in the Arabian Gulf

by Eric Olijdam

Paper presented at the Seminar for Arabian Studies 2003. [unpublished]

Recent excavations at Qal'at al-Bahrain by the French Archaeological Mission to Bahrain, directed by Pierre Lombard,... more Recent excavations at Qal'at al-Bahrain by the French Archaeological Mission to Bahrain, directed by Pierre Lombard, have revealed the battered remains of a palatial building complex dating to the mid-second millennium B.C. Characteristic locally produced 'caramel ware' was found in conjunction with (fragments of) clay tablets bearing cuneiform inscriptions, clay sealings as well as an assortment of miscellanea.

Nearly 100 unbaked clay sealings with one or more seal impressions have been recovered from a wide range of contexts. The still rather general chronological division of the Middle Dilmun sealing material already allows some interesting interpretations and conclusions which validate their presentation even though the study is still in its initial stage.

This paper will give a preliminary presentation of the material, the archaeological contexts as well as the nature and state of the sealing assemblage. It will also present a tentative interpretation of the findings so far in terms of styles present and the absence of others. The sealings from Qal'at al-Bahrain will be compared with 'contemporary' assemblages from Mesopotamia as well as from the rest of the Gulf (i.e. the settlement of Failaka and the burials on Bahrain). Finally, some of the implications of this corpus for understanding the development of mid-second millennium glyptics will be discussed as they are the earliest 'Kassite' materials in the Near East with a good archaeological provenance.

Review of O. Krzyszkowska, Aegean Seals: An Introduction

by judith weingarten

Hieroglyphic Seals & Sealings in LM I (or later) Context

by judith weingarten

Appendix D in A.-M. Jasink, Cretan Hieroglyphic Seals:  A New Classification of Symbols and Ornamental/Filling Motifs (2009) 209-217

Minoan Seals and Sealings, Ch. 24 OHBAA 2010

by judith weingarten

Proof copy (apologies for sticky notes but copyright does not allow us to publish final pdf)

Review of Alberti, Ascalone, Peyronel (eds.) Weights in Context: Bronze Age Weighing Systems of the Eastern Mediterranean

by judith weingarten

Un nuovo documento di compravendita neo-sumerico

by Lorenzo Verderame

in M. Liverani – M.G. Biga, ana turri gimilli. Studi dedicati al Padre Werner R. Mayer, S.J.(professore emerito di assiriologia presso il Pontificio Instituto Biblico) da amici e allievi, Vicino Oriente – Quaderno V, Roma, 2010, 397-416 tv. I-II

Edition and study of a Neo-Sumerian sale document (BM 108908), possibly from Nippur.
[Umma, neo-sumerian,... Edition and study of a Neo-Sumerian sale document (BM 108908), possibly from Nippur.
[Umma, neo-sumerian, epigraphy]

Oltre la tavoletta: documenti archivistici dall’amministrazione mesopotamica del III millennio

by Lorenzo Verderame

Co-authored with A. Mezzasalma and R. Laurito; published in C. Mora - P. Piacentini, L'ufficio e il documento. I luoghi, i modi, gli strumenti dell'amministrazione in Egitto e nel Vicino Oriente Antico, Quaderni di Acme 83, Milano, 2006, pp. 191-208

[Keywords: assyriology, Mesopotamia, cuneiform, neo-sumerian, Ur III, administrative texts, Umma, archaeology] [Keywords: assyriology, Mesopotamia, cuneiform, neo-sumerian, Ur III, administrative texts, Umma, archaeology]

Texts and Labels: A Case Study from Neo-Sumerian Umma

by Lorenzo Verderame

Co-authored with A. Mezzasalma and R. Laurito; published in R.D. Biggs et al., Proceedings of the 51st Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale Held at the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, July 18-22, 2005, SAOC 62, Chicago, 2008, pp. 99-110

The aim of this paper is to propose a new approach to Neo-Sumerian documents as archaeological artifacts. The... more The aim of this paper is to propose a new approach to Neo-Sumerian documents as archaeological artifacts. The archaeological and epigraphic analysis of a specific typology of texts, i.e. labels, has allowed to understand how a part of the central administration of the Umma province worked.

Il presente contributo è teso ad una più corretta valutazione dei testi neo-sumerici come documenti archeologici. L’analisi archeologica ed epigrafica di una specifica tipologia di testi, le etichette, ha permesso di evidenziare le relazioni con altri tipi di documenti e ricostruire il funzionamento di una parte dell’amministrazione centrale della provincia di Umma.

[Keywords: assyriology, Mesopotamia, cuneiform, neo-sumerian, administrative texts, Ur III, Umma, archaeology]