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Seen by:Om den goda bördens betydelse under stormaktstid och frihetstid [The importance of a good descent in Sweden during the 17th and 18th centuries]
Published in Svensk Genealogisk Tidskrift 2011:1 (Svenska Genealogiska Samfundet, Stockholm).
"Conflictos y lealtades en el reino de Galicia (1700-1714)", Rudesindus 7/2011, pp. 221-239.
Co-authored with Héctor Lago Almeida
31 views
Seen by:Il mito di Ercole fondatore nella tradizione erudita bresciana
in Ercole il fondatore. Dall'antichità al Rinascimento, catalogo della mostra (Brescia, S. Giulia Museo della città, febbraio-giugno 2011), a cura di M. Bona Castellotti e A. Giuliano, Milano, Electa, 2011, pp. 128-137
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Seen by:Imagined Universities: Public Insult and the Terrae Filius in Early Modern Oxford
History of Universities 16,2 (2000): 1-31
The 17th-century University of Oxford was plagued by an extremely insulting Latin commencement speaker known as the... more The 17th-century University of Oxford was plagued by an extremely insulting Latin commencement speaker known as the terrae filius, or "son of the earth." The speakers were routinely expelled from the university, while manuscript copies proliferated -- a few speeches were even owned by John Locke. How did such a custom arise, what were the social effects of the filius' speeches, and what forces surrounded the filius' eventual suppression? It's argued that in the heyday of the filius, his insults actually served a sort of rhetoric of the rotten apple: the observed transgressions of the few were held up against an imagined and far more virtuous, decorous, and pious Oxford. Meanwhile, the filius himself might be understood in terms of two long-established university social types -- the disputant and the tour guide.
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Seen by: and 2 moreLes plaisirs des Dames (1641) de François de Grenaille: du Cours à la promenade
Résumé
Le présent article a pour but de révéler comment la promenade a fait l’objet de discours normatifs... more
Résumé
Le présent article a pour but de révéler comment la promenade a fait l’objet de discours normatifs visant à codifier son usage. L’exemple de François de Grenaille, auteur de l’ouvrage Les plaisirs des Dames, publié en 1641, permet de comprendre comment se mettent en place les discours visant à régler les sociabilités parisiennes et comment la promenade est de plus en plus considérée comme une pratique qui doit se réaliser conformément à l’honnêteté. Grenaille cible deux types de pratiques, soit la promenade qui se réalise au Cours-la-Reine et celle qui doit se pratiquer dans la nature. Il oppose ainsi deux types de divertissements, celui qui est conforme à la nécessité de « voir et être vu » et l’autre à la simple recherche d’introspection et de réflexion. L’oeuvre de Grenaille pourrait ainsi constituer les prémisses de cette tendance qui va se renforcer dans la seconde moitié du xviie siècle.
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to explore how the promenade, or walk, served as a subject in normative discourse towards codifying its use. The example of François de Grenaille, author of the Les plaisirs des Dames published in 1641, shows how the discourse aligned with Parisian sociabilities and how the promenade became an increasingly genuine activity. Grenaille looks at two types of walk, the promenade at the Cours-la-Reine, and the nature walk. He contrasts the two types of leisurely practice, one involving the need to “see and be seen,” and the other as one that simply seeks introspection and reflection. Grenaille’s work may have set the stage for this trend that would become more definitive in the second half of the 17th century.
L’edizione veneta di Albertino Mussato (1636) e l’erudizione europea di primo Seicento, “Italia medioevale e umanistica”, 50 (2009), pp. 313-341
The Venetian edition of Albertino Mussato and the chroniclers of the March o Treviso (1636) invites investigation of... more The Venetian edition of Albertino Mussato and the chroniclers of the March o Treviso (1636) invites investigation of the approach to medieval a humanistic Latin texts adopted by two of the leading scholars of the early 17th century, Felice Osio and Lorenzo Pignoria, principal editors of the volume. Their work, which had historical and political implications, is seen as part of a wider tradition of studies of local Paduan antiquities and of an international scholarly network which created contacts between statesmen, historians and philologists in the Republic of Venice, Holland, France and Enlgand.
Ottavio Rossi appointed antiquary to the Commune of Brescia
Documents for a cultural biography of Ottavio Rossi (1578-1630) antiquary, I, Ottavio Rossi appointed antiquary to the Commune of Brescia, © 2012
The paper presents some documents that attest Rossi’s appointment to the Commune of Brescia as municipal antiquary... more The paper presents some documents that attest Rossi’s appointment to the Commune of Brescia as municipal antiquary (1610-1623).
Um rithendur Ásgeirs Jónssonar: Nokkrar skriftarfræðilegar athugasemdir
Published in "Gripla XXII" (2011)
Ásgeir Jónsson, scribe to Árni Magnússon and Þormóður Torfæus, was the mostproductive Icelandic scribe of the 17th... more
Ásgeir Jónsson, scribe to Árni Magnússon and Þormóður Torfæus, was the mostproductive Icelandic scribe of the 17th century. During his long career he employed different calligraphic styles, and the question arises as to the reason behind it. According to Agnete Loth, Ásgeir Jónsson employed a cursive hand in Torfæus’ letters and in a few saga manuscripts, a pseudo-fractura hand in most manuscripts
and a third hand, a more ‘parchment-like’ fractura, in 18 manuscripts.
New trends in palaeography call for more objectivity in the subdivision of Gothic script into different categories, and therefore a need emerges to redefineÁsgeir Jónsson’s scripts. According to Lieftinck’s system (with Derolez’s adjustment), Ásgeir wrote two scripts, a cursiva hand in the letters and a semi-hybrida in the manuscripts. The latter can be very different from manuscript to manuscript. We need to develop further Lieftinck’s system to accommodate the variety of hands in post-reformation Icelandic manuscripts. According to this furtherdevelopment, Ásgeir Jónsson’s calligraphy in the saga manuscripts can be divided into a chancery-script (kansellískrift) that he used in most manuscripts and a
chancery-fractura (kansellíbrotaskrift) in the aforementioned 18 manuscripts (anda few more).
Loth proposed that Ásgeir Jónsson used the chancery-fractura to transcribe parchment manuscripts, and the other chancery-script would therefore have beenused when transcribing from paper manuscripts. This seems to be incorrect, asSeelow proposed. However, Seelow and Loth assumed that the most formal scriptwas his original, while the less formal chancery-script was supposed to be a laterdevelopment. This also appears to be incorrect, as Stefán Karlsson demonstrated
that he used both scripts in his Copenhagen years between 1686 and 1688. It seemsrather that he used the chancery-fractura when transcribing for Árni Magnússon from manuscripts that the collector had little hope to own, otherwise Ásgeir would
use the quicker chancery-script. The question of accuracy with one script or the other has not been addressed here, but it seems likely that at least at the beginning of his career in Denmark the slower chancery-fractura could have given him more time to follow the orthography of the original in his copy; increasingly after 1689 he abandoned this script in favour of the quicker one.
Though one might assume that the letters written for Torfæus show his natural calligraphy, it should be noted that the script in the four letter-volumes is somewhat influenced by the manuscript hands, as the letters were written after 1688, when he was used to the more formal scripts. One manuscript datable to 1686–88 shows the passage from a cursive hand to Ásgeir’s less formal chancery-hand, and a very untrained one at that. Previously it has been proposed that the first hand was not Ásgeir’s, but it seems possible that the first pages were written in his natural handwriting, and that he was then requested to write in a clearer hand.
Weighing Experience: Experimental Histories and Francis Bacon’s Quantitative Program
in Early Science and Medicine, 16 (2011) 542-570
Weighing of experience was a central concern of what Bacon called the “literate” stage of experimentation. As early as... more Weighing of experience was a central concern of what Bacon called the “literate” stage of experimentation. As early as 1608, Bacon devised precise tenets for standard, quantitative reporting of experiments. These ideas were later integrated into his experimental histories proper. Bacon’s enquiry of dense and rare is the best example of experientia literata developed in a quantitative fashion. I suggest that Bacon’s ideas on this issue can be tied to experiments for the determination of specific gravities born in a monetary context: Bacon’s investigation was very likely a generalization of Jean Bodin’s experiments in Universae naturae theatrum (1596). Overall, Bacon’s program of quantification calls for a revision of established historiographical notions, especially Thomas Kuhn’s sharp dichotomy between a mathematical and a Baconian experimental tradition in seventeenth-century science.
Weighing Experience: Experimental Histories and Francis Bacon’s Quantitative Program
in Early Science and Medicine, 16 (2011) 542-570
Weighing of experience was a central concern of what Bacon called the “literate” stage of experimentation. As early as... more Weighing of experience was a central concern of what Bacon called the “literate” stage of experimentation. As early as 1608, Bacon devised precise tenets for standard, quantitative reporting of experiments. These ideas were later integrated into his experimental histories proper. Bacon’s enquiry of dense and rare is the best example of experientia literata developed in a quantitative fashion. I suggest that Bacon’s ideas on this issue can be tied to experiments for the determination of specific gravities born in a monetary context: Bacon’s investigation was very likely a generalization of Jean Bodin’s experiments in Universae naturae theatrum (1596). Overall, Bacon’s program of quantification calls for a revision of established historiographical notions, especially Thomas Kuhn’s sharp dichotomy between a mathematical and a Baconian experimental tradition in seventeenth-century science.
« Théologie morale et espace public dans la France du second XVIIe siècle. Réflexions sur la littérarisation d’une polémique »
in P. Nagy, P. Ragon, M.-Y. Perrin (eds.), Les controverses doctrinales. Entre débats savants et mobilisations populaires, Publications des Université de Rouen et Havre, Rouen, 2011, p. 132-142.
Nieuwe gegevens over de 17de eeuwse zuid- Nederlandse schilder Theodorus van Loon
New information on the 17th century painter from South of the Netherlands: Theodorus van Loon New information on the 17th century painter from South of the Netherlands: Theodorus van Loon
Hugvísindaþing 2011 - Meistara- og doktórsnemadagur - Að meta skrifarastarfið
Fyrirlesturinn fjallar um rannsóknir á skrifaravenjum Ásgeirs Jónssonar, skrifara Árna Magnússonar og Þormóðs... more Fyrirlesturinn fjallar um rannsóknir á skrifaravenjum Ásgeirs Jónssonar, skrifara Árna Magnússonar og Þormóðs Torfasonar. Ásgeir var afkastamesti skrifari 17. aldar og með hans hendi hafa varðveist mörg mikilvæg handrit þar sem forritið hefur glatast. Spurningar vakna því hvort skrifaraaðferðir hans hafi verið byggðar á nákvæmni eða ekki. Rannsóknirnar miða að því að athuga skrifaravenjur Ásgeirs Jónssonar og í fyrirlestrinum verður grein gerð fyrir aðferðafræði rannsóknanna, þ.e. hvernig unnt er að meta muninn á forritum og eftirritum og þar af leiðandi áreiðanleika Ásgeirs sem skrifara.
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Seen by:Book review - "A Spirited Exchange: The Wine and Brandy Trade between France and the Dutch Republic in its Atlantic Framework, 1600-1650"
review of Henriette de Bruyn Kops, A Spirited Exchange: The Wine and Brandy Trade between France and the Dutch Republic in its Atlantic Framework, 1600-1650 (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2007).
in European Review of History, Vol. 16, No. 4 (August 2009): 597-598.
35 views
Seen by:Wallachian Settlers in the Baltic Sea Region. A Humanist Tale of Migration and Colonization, and its Implications for the Mental Maps of Early Modern Europe
In: Revista Română de Studii Baltice şi Nordice 3 (2011)
Introduction to JBS 50.4 (October 2011)
by Brian Cowan
Co-authored with Elizabeth Elbourne
1. William Perkins, “Atheisme,” and the Crises of England’s Long Reformation (pp. 790-812)
1. William Perkins, “Atheisme,” and the Crises of England’s Long Reformation (pp. 790-812)
Leif Dixon
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/661199
2. Evil Counsel: The Propositions to Bridle the Impertinency of Parliament and the Critique of Caroline Government in the Late 1620s (pp. 813-839)
Noah Millstone
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/661000
3. The Citizens of Morley College (pp. 840-862)
Andrea Geddes Poole
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/661021
4. Remembering the 1605 Gunpowder Plot in Ireland, 1605–1920 (pp. 863-891)
James McConnel
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/661200
5. 1688 and 1888: Victorian Society and the Bicentenary of the Glorious Revolution (pp. 892-916)
Edmund Rogers
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/661209
6. Voices and Silences of Memory: Civilian Internees of the Japanese in British Asia during the Second World War (pp. 917-940)
Felicia Yap
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/661602
7. Narrative and the Start of the Northern Irish Troubles: Ireland’s Revolutionary Tradition in Comparative Perspective (pp. 941-964)
Simon Prince
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/661184
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