Medieval and Renaissance

[«Il latino e i volgari italiani negli scritti di architettura dal Medioevo al Rinascimento»]

In the Italian Renaissance there was a great variety of the architectural texts and besides the treatises of the architects (for exemple, Leon Battista Alberti e Francesco di Giorgio) there were the translations of latin treatises and “books on antiquities” full of information about Roman monuments either ancient or medieval. Moreover, thanks to the contracts made with artists, and the bills of payment prepared by the commissioners of works (from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance), specific details can be gleaned about arts and techniques, and about materials and tools used in building works — these papers present a wide use of a terminology, which charaterize the regional speakings, sign of the informal register of language the architectures and their handworkers used. All these texts are precious materials to carry out historical and linguistic research, which allow on the one hand to evaluate the architectural terminology formed during the course of the XVth and XVIth century, thanks to translations and examination of “De architectura” by Vitruvio and the “De re aedificatoria” by Leon Battista Alberti, on the other, to prepare a technique-scientific text amenable to popularisation. The article focuses on the analysis of the texts written or translated (“volgarizzati”) by italian artists and writers of XVth and XVIth century (Leon Battista Alberti, Sebastiano Serlio, Cesare Cesariano, Cosimo Bartoli, Daniele Barbaro, Giorgio Vasari, Bernardino Baldi) with the aim of describing the textual and lexical aspects of the papers in latin and vernacular, where both languages are in strong interaction.

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I «segreti» dell’«ars aedificatoria», come tutti i modi di operare dei rappresentanti di varie arti, costituivano un patrimonio gelosamente custodito dalle corporazioni e dalle botteghe artigiane fin dall’epoca dei Comuni, e le istruzioni delle pratiche artistiche si tramandavano a voce fra gli addetti ai lavori, maestri e apprendisti. Per questo hanno un notevole interesse i contratti stipulati con gli artisti e le note di spesa redatte per conto dei committenti, dai quali si ricavano non soltanto le notizie su tecniche, materiali e strumenti impiegati nei lavori edilizi, ma anche una precisa terminologia settoriale. Nel saggio si presentano i risultati dell’indagine condotta sui testi sia latini sia volgari, redatti nei secoli XIV-XV in Toscana e nell’Italia settentrionale, ponendo in evidenza i linguaggi tecnici circoscritti agli usi locali di architetti e delle loro maestranze, come muratori, tagliapietre, carpentieri, scalpellini e altri. I documenti presi in esame, tratti dagli archivi e pubblicati negli ultimi due secoli, sono gli atti notarili, per lo più i capitolati di lavori, e i registri delle «fabriche» pubbliche e private corredati da resoconti finanziari ("Annali della fabbrica del Duomo di Milano", i documenti dell’Opera del Duomo di Firenze, le testimonianze archivistiche sugli artisti a Ferrara), che illustrano dettagliatamente i progetti di opere edilizie, dalle costruzioni di chiese, ospedali, palazzi alle ristrutturazioni di case e alle rifiniture scultoree, testimoniando una significativa varietà geolinguistica del lessico architettonico. La nomenclatura tecnica delle scritture approntate nei singoli volgari si mantiene ben salda e nelle loro redazioni latine e nei documenti latini differenti, ricchi di termini settoriali che, non di rado, costituiscono le prime testimonianze d’uso dei vocaboli, le cui attestazioni note in volgare sono posteriori. Questa polisemia del vocabolario degli architetti provenienti da varie regioni si riflette nella letteratura artistica rinascimentale, che, dopo il "De re aedificatoria", composto da Leon Battista Alberti nel latino umanistico intessuto di neologismi tecnici trasposti in latino, non di rado, dai volgari settentrionali, esplode nella prima metà del secolo XVI sia con le edizioni e i volgarizzamenti commentati del "De architectura" di Vitruvio sia con i primi trattati (a partire dalle "Regole generali di architettura" di Sebastiano Serlio del 1537) e con i libri delle antichità. La loro veste linguistica documenta la tensione fra l’esigenza avvertita di una nuova terminologia tecnica comune e il sostrato della lingua d’uso degli scriventi. Per esempio, oltre al ricorso ai lombardismi o venetismi nei testi di Cesariano, Daniele Barbaro e altri, si rileva che, nelle parti sull’architettura aggiunte nella seconda edizione delle "Vite" (1568), l’aretino Vasari accoglie i tecnicismi attestati nei documenti medievali milanesi e ferraresi qui esaminati.

This paper will investigate a charter issued by Henry II in 1014 that may contain an example of establishing legitimacy through memory.
The use of ties to the past was an important aspect of kingship in early medieval Italy. The Carolingians supported their rule by presenting it as a continuation of Lombard and even Roman administration and legislation. Their successors continued this practice in various and changing ways throughout the course of the tenth century and beyond. While it is important to note that there were many means of claiming authority and that invoking memory was not always the most important of these means, it was used throughout the medieval period. By linking their actions to the behaviour (or the remembered behaviour) of previous kings, current monarchs or contenders to the throne signalled their claim to legitimate kingship. This can often be observed in the surviving diplomatic evidence. The use of language and structures similar to those of the documents of previous kings can not always be explained simply as the re-issuing of previous documents or the incorporation of existing formulas for convenience. In these cases, when the context is correct, it is possible to identify royal claimants attempting to use memory of the past to promote their aspirations.  By examining the language and structure used in the charter of 1014 and the context in which it was issued I will attempt to establish whether the document can be seen as an attempt to invoke the past to promote Henry’s kingship and the consequences this would have on our view of his reign.

Appeals to collective memory in order to legitimise a ruler’s authority were not uncommon throughout the medieval period. The use of the legal and rhetorical terminology of the Romans and other predecessors appears in the tiltes, rituals and formulas of charters as a means to claim traditional rights. Archaic identities were applied to groups and individuals by themselves and others to strengthen their political position even when these terms had little in common with the actual identities of the groups they were used to describe.
This paper examines the appearance of the terms arimanni and cives in several charters issued to the Mantuans in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. It argues that these terms were selected by the authors of the earliest of these charters in order to emphasise imperial authority within and around Mantua. The paper then addresses the changing use of these terms throughout this period looking at their adoption by local magnates (Matilda of Canossa and her husband Welf) and ultimately by the monastery of San Benedetto Polirone and possibly the arimanni or cives themselves.

In 1114 the palace of Matilda of Canossa at Rivalta was destroyed by the Mantuans. This incident is normally portrayed as the result of an incorrect rumor of Matilda's death reaching the population of Mantua. Emboldened by this development, the Mantuans are displayed as illegally destroying the palace.

This paper will argue that this depiction is incorrect. Instead, I will argue that the destruction of Rivalta in 1114 was an action designed to uphold rights granted to the citizens in 1090 and 1091. Moreover, I will argue that subsequent legislation was issued in 1116 upholding the destruction of the palace at Rivalta. Fundamentally, I will suggest that this violent incident was intrinsically linked to several items of legislation.

The bishops of Parma were key political figures within northern Italy throughout the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries before they were replaced by the proto-commune as the dominant power within the diocese and county of Parma. Much of this power was built through interaction with key individuals and institutions in and around Parma. These bishops frequently held ties with the kings and emperors: a large number served as chancellors and Cadalus, bishop of Parma, was imperial antipope from 1061 to 1072. They were frequently involved with the leading families of the region and with bishops across northern Italy. Within Parma, the bishops issued charters to the cathedral chapter, churches, monasteries and the laity cementing their central role in the governing of their city. The bishops of Parma were important nodes in a complex web of relationships.
This paper will address the changing nature of the relationship networks of the various bishops of Parma over the course of the eleventh century. Through the use of relationship mapping software, the bishop’s interactions with the members of his diocese and with other key figures in Italy will be portrayed in a new depth. This will be used to argue that the political role of the bishops of Parma changed significantly during this period and that this change was a major cause of the loss of their secular role in the city in the twelfth century.

Between 1050 and 1130 the bishops of Parma were frequently absent from the city. The bishops Cadalus (1045-1072), Eberard (1072-1085) and Vido (1085-1104) all appeared in imperial armies for extended periods. Bishop Bernard (1104-1133) was expelled by groups within the city for several years. This paper will investigate the relationship between these absences and changes in the structures of power and authority within the city and county of Parma.
The bishops of Parma were some of the most powerful ecclesiastical figures in Italy under the Ottonian and early Salian emperors. They enjoyed a large territory and a series of rights and exemptions allowing them to act decisively within the region; a key example of this was the prolonged attempt by Cadalus, bishop of Parma, to claim the papal seat as Honorious II in 1061-1072. However, towards the end of the eleventh century the bishops of Parma featured less prominently in the ongoing papal-imperial conflict. By the middle of the twelfth century they had been largely replaced by the commune of Parma as the dominant force in the city. Authors such as Schumann, Fasoli and Santifaller have seen this change in the political structure of Parma as the result of the imposition of Gregorian and Paterene ideals on the bishopric which called for the reduction or elimination of the secular roles of the bishop. However, the extended absences of the bishops from the city have not been considered in this context in any real depth. By considering the political, judicial and economic infrastructures employed during these absences I will attempt to establish whether a causal or consequential link can be made to the bishops’ diminishing secular role.

Between 1050 and 1130 the bishops of Parma were frequently absent from the city. The bishops Cadalus (1045-1072), Eberard (1072-1085) and Vido (1085-1104) all appeared in imperial armies for extended periods. Bishop Bernard (1104-1133) was expelled by groups within the city for several years. This paper will investigate the relationship between these absences and changes in the structures of power and authority within the city and county of Parma.
The bishops of Parma were some of the most powerful ecclesiastical figures in Italy under the Ottonian and early Salian emperors. They enjoyed a large territory and a series of rights and exemptions allowing them to act decisively within the region. However, towards the end of the eleventh century the bishops of Parma featured less prominently in the ongoing papal-imperial conflict. By the middle of the twelfth century they had been largely replaced by the commune of Parma as the dominant force in the city. However, the extended absences of the bishops from the city have not been considered in this context in any real depth. By considering the political, judicial and economic infrastructures employed during these absences I will attempt to establish whether a causal or consequential link can be made with the bishop’s diminishing secular role.

A scholarly, interdisciplinary book on the Cathedral of Braga (northern Portugal) between c. 1100 and the 18th-century, including novel contributions from Archaeology, History, Art History, Liturgy and Musicology. It was originally planned and edited by Manuel Pedro Ferreira and Ana Maria S. A. Rodrigues as part of a series of monographs on European cathedrals to be published with support from the Council of Europe through Fondation Royaumont.

"UPDATE: Two panels resulting from this CFP will be held at RSA 2014: "Mystical Bodies in Reformation England" (Thurs. March 27, 8:30-10:00 a.m.) AND "Crossing Confessions in Reformation England" (Thurs. March 27 10:15-11:45 am). Both panels at Warwick Hotel New York, 2nd Floor, Warwick. See attached abstracts for more details.

"This panel invites papers that explore the idea of the mystical body during the English Reformation. We are particularly interested in papers that relate the mystical body and sacramental theology to larger cultural energies or social relations. Topics may include but are not limited to:

• the mystical body in political discourse
• the mystical body and economy
• the mystical body in early modern English drama or poetry
• rhetorics and poetics of the mystical body
• the mystical body and the body natural (early modern scientific discourses)
• gender and the mystical body
• ideas of the mystical body that span religious confessions or Medieval and Early Modern periodic divides
• the mystical body and ideas of community (sacramental, ecclesiological, political, domestic)

For consideration, please submit a brief abstract of your paper (150 words maximum) and a one-page cv to Jennifer Rust (jrust2@slu.edu) and Jay Zysk  (Jay.Zysk@unh.edu) by Monday, June 3, 2013. This panel is sponsored by the Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies at Saint Louis University."

Although the manuscript lat. 7330 (Bibliothéque Nationale de France, lat. 7330, ca. 1220–1240), an extract of a translation of Abū Ma'šar's <Introductorium maius in astronomiam> by Gregorius Zothorus Zaparus Fendulus, does not contain the earliest iconographic source for the harp, the label that accompanies its picture in the second decan of Aries certainly makes this source a very important one. If Gregorius mistook the word <harpe> in the context of Perseus for the musical instrument, it suggests that the term was, in his environment, more commonly used to denote the musical instrument than the scimitar. That is a rare proof that the word <harp> was, by the first third of the 13th century, accepted in the Latin language of southern Italy to denote the same instrument that we understand today to be the harp.