Indigenous education

The author suggests that educators’ responses to the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission of Canada cannot be reduced or reducible
to practice without also considering the theories that are
enfolded into reconciliatory initiatives and actions. She is guided
by the central questions: How do I understand prevailing constructions
of reconciliation in circulation? and How might I theorize a
philosophy of truth and reconciliation education that responds to
and upholds my de/colonizing commitments? The author develops
a de/colonizing theory that includes four interrelated components.
They include: (a) the Truth and Reconciliation Commission
of Canada’s notion of reconciliation and education for reconciliation,
(b) Indigenous land-based traditions for establishing and
maintaining respectful relationships, (c) the central role of
Indigenous counter-stories in truth and reconciliation education,
and (d) critiques of the construction and enactment of reconciliation.
Together, these components provide orientations, challenges,
and possibilities for consideration when engaging theory
building, community involvement, research design, policy development,
and practice for truth and reconciliation education.

In this paper, we engaged in dialogue with a Gnöbe community leader, who was also a teacher of English, so to analyze how the Quinquennial Plan for Indigenous Peoples in Costa Rica (QPIP) caters to the needs and goals of the indigenous students enrolled in the Bachelor's in English Teaching at Universidad Nacional, Coto Campus. The efforts made by the university authorities and the associate faculty during the implementation of the QPIP had previously been scrutinized-unraveling that the objectives of the plan have partially been met and that more courses of action are required to ensure successful outcomes (Fallas & Brand, forthcoming). By examining the interview conducted with the participant of the study, based on tenets of the Narrative Approach, we shed light on the hardships faced by Gnöbe students in the education system, the circulating discourses held by First Nation Communities regarding education and bilingualism, and the solutions proposed by the community stakeholder to alleviate the problems encountered by QPIP students in their college life. We finish this paper by translating the leader's voice into applicable suggestions that may help professors of the English Department and the administration of the university retain indigenous students by promoting more culturally relevant pedagogies geared to their academic success and development of their cultural identity and affiliation.

This chapter explores the history and the present situation of educational policies in Japan, focusing on the case of schooling in the Ryūkyūs . I investigate the situation of indigenous education in the Ryūkyūs, comparing it with the case of the Ainu, the only nationally recognised indigenous group of Japan. I investigate (1) how the educational policies of Japan have dealt with education for its indigenous population historically and today, and (2) how indigenous groups pursue their indigenous identities in the current Japanese educational system? First, I discuss the lack of foundation for a multilingual and multicultural education system that would recognise the rights of indigenous peoples in Japan. Secondly, I demonstrate the reality of Japan as a multicultural, multilingual, and multi-ethnic society. Japan is often considered a culturally, linguistically, and ethnically homogeneous nation, partly because policy has rarely acknowledged the presence of indigenous peoples within the Japanese state. Educational policies reproducing the dominant ideology of a monolingual, monocultural, and monoethnic nation have played an important role in shaping the discourse of the largely invisible indigenous peoples in Japan. I conclude that educational policies in Japan need to provide choices and tolerance for indigenous peoples, for the sake of the indigenous peoples to have a real choice to be indigenous in Japan.

This article examines the role of Indigenous knowledges in higher education through an exploration of internationalization at U.S. Tribal Colleges and Universities (TCUs). We affirm that examining internationalization efforts with historically marginalized and underserved populations provides an opportunity for interrogating inequitable power dynamics in knowledge construction, production, and transference vis-à-vis education and within a Western hegemonic model of modernity. Our discussion is anchored in decoloniality and Indigenous sustainable self-determination, which highlight educational initiatives that bolster Indigenous identities while addressing social, political, and environmental complications created by coloniality. Drawing from a five-year mixed-methods case study with TCUs, we offer Indigenous perspectives on place-based higher educational initiatives in relation to local and global concerns, specifically human and ecological sustainability. We propose a critical lens in Indigenous internationalization wherein Indigenous worldviews are vital responses to dominant notions of internationalization and historical limitations of education for Indigenous peoples.

In the 1930s, the Bolivian elites promoted an education policy inspired by indigenist thought which sought to solve the problems faced by indigenous people – concerning welfare, hygiene, agricultural techniques, land issues – and to value to some extent their own culture. The ideal pursued was to shape a truly conviviality of Bolivian society with its otherness, giving rise to a new type of ‘Indian’ who would contribute actively and voluntarily to the progress of the nation. This educational project also addressed the Amazonian societies through the so-called school centres for “savages”. The ‘wild nature’ and ‘primitive state’ of the ethnic groups with which these schools operated – specifically the Siriono and the Moré – however, meant that the educational actions undertaken under indigenist ideals were also impregnated with civilizing principles.

As a K'awaika (Laguna Pueblo) and Diné (Navajo) female, I use the method of storytelling to articulate and analyze three experiences that dissect the doctoral process. The doctoral process is a colonial project that forces research norms that are often antithetical to Indigenous ways of knowing (Smith, 2013). Throughout the colonial doctoral process, I unknowingly conformed to the norms of research to complete the Ph.D. degree and I found myself reifying the constructs when reflecting upon my doctoral process. Four years later, I employ concepts of Indigenous resilience, reciprocity, and relationships to develop my interpretation of what it means to unapologetically Indigenous in the academy. By using self-reflexivity, I make meaning of key doctoral moments to present the cyclical and interconnected nature of the doctoral process. The implications of this chapter point to the importance of “Indigenous” self-reflexivity to develop an unapologetically Indigenous scholar way.

Monastic life has had great religious, socioeconomic and cultural importance since its inception as religious order in Egypt during the 3rd C. Even if it is viewed in the broad spectrum of social, cultural and economic arena, most of the studies on monastic life utterly focus on the spiritual, historical and theological point of views. As a result, the socioeconomic life of monks has not been adequately explored despite its academic significance. The main aim of this study is, thus, to explore the socioeconomic life of monks living in Mändaba Mädhanëāläm Monastery. To realize this objective, based on constructivism philosophical stance, a qualitative research approach has been used within which an ethnographic research design has been adopted. The participants of the study were selected using purposive sampling method, which enables to choose the informants according to the purpose. Informal conversations, key interviews, focused group discussions and systematic observation were used to collect primary data, while the secondary data were obtained through critical review of relevant documents. Thirty-three informants have been recruited and participated in the interviews and group discussions. The collected data were thematically analyzed and interpreted as per the aims of the study. The study found that monastic calling is the outcome of interrelated factors, which emanate from religious, personal, social and economic reasons of an individual. However, the family's approval and refusal of monastic calling is determined by the family's point of reasons and benefits. With the aim of attaining concentrated life, one critically selects a monastery with the divine, religious, personal and social consideration. Although anyone can apply for monastic life, not all applicants are qualified as it is selective of persons and the admission criteria may not function to all claimants. As the foundation stone of monastic order is laid down upon applicant recruitment and selection, critical decision is made by the monastic community to gain prospective applicant. Admission criteria of monastic life are not only placed to enhance the spiritual path, but people whose wellbeing depend on the applicant also equally considered. Realizing the aim of monastic life, preparing oneself for lifelong dares, religious adherence and knowledge, maturity of the applicant and assuring the welfare of family and relatives of applicant used as an inclusion criterion. Inclusion criteria is not adequate to discern eligibility unless the applicants passed careful socialization.

This paper grapples with some of the key questions facing those who wish to ensure that Canadian students have access to the kind of STEM learning they will need to succeed in the economies and societies of the 21st century – whether it be as innovators working on the cutting edge of technological advancement or as citizens participating fully in the life of their communities. This paper is also a part of the larger Canada 2067 project. Initiated by Let’s Talk Science, Canada 2067 is a unique national initiative designed to shape the future of Canadian STEM learning, with a focus on Kindergarten to Grade 12. Using the perspectives and opinions of Canadians, Canada 2067 will develop an action plan and a national vision for STEM learning aimed at ensuring young Canadians are prepared to compete, thrive and contribute in the rapidly changing world of tomorrow.

The dilemma facing Indigenous1 communities intent on preserving the teachings of their own communities is that their employment opportunities and their efforts at self-determination depend on their being able to function in the Western culture, which ...

This paper examined two knowledge systems found in Sitio Lamut of La Trinidad, Benguet. One is the knowledge system held by the Kankana-ey mambunong (village priest-elders) and the other is the formal schooling. In “Anthropology of Knowledge,” Barth (2002) critiqued the academic prototype of “knowledge” that is detached from its context, history, and knowers. He wrote that the task is to examine how knowledge is configured, variously reproduced and changed. This study responded to that challenge by examining the nature and context of changes in the two knowledge systems in terms of the dimensions proposed by Barth – content, mediation and social relations. The data were generated by observation, interviews and participation in a ritual feast.  The study traced the birthing of the local public school which was facilitated by the elders and the first professional teacher, Mrs. Beatriz Baguio. It also had a glimpse of the changes in the public school brought by the K-12 Curriculum. The study found that the mambunong knowledge transmission is mediated by apprenticeship between the senior mambunong (led by Mr. Tolentino Wacnisen and later by Mr. Lucio Apolonio) and a group of novices (sumarsaruno). Storage and retrieval of knowledge has been facilitated by the introduction of literacy and recently, the cellphone. Socio-economic factors like the shift from vegetable to flower farming brought modifications to the system.  I found that though the schooling and the mambunong system diverged in many ways, they were parallel and complementary in how they provide meaning, health and wellness, and prestige to their knowers. Both systems were strongly mediated by unseen powers and teachers who were most knowledgeable.  And the knowers of Lamut did not strictly adhere to a single knowledge system but would freely “change lanes,” depending on perceived cost and benefits and possible compromises afforded by a given system. 

To cite: Arzadon, M. (2016). The Mambunong and the School Knowledge Systems: Parallel and Interconnected. The Cordillera Review. University of the Philippines – Baguio. Vol 6. Issue 2. July, 2016 pages 67-95.

This paper outlines how an Aboriginal researcher approached international indigenous research based on indigenous research practices and principles, indigenous worldview and Country-based ontologies. It follows on from part one (Rogers 2018), published in the previous issue of this journal, which discusses how relatedness functions as a methodology in collaborative indigenous work and how photostory, a modified version of the method termed ‘photoyarn’, was developed specifically for Kanaka Maoli young people attending boarding school with noho. This paper is written to AIATSIS style guidelines and, as such, capitalises Indigenous for the Australian context only

This chapter draws from a long-term school ethnography conducted in a community of Indigenous Ryukyuan languages: Yaeyaman. Along with other Ryukyuan languages, Yaeyaman has been endangered and minoritized due to the suppression/assimilation policies following the dominant monolingual ideology in Japan. The aim of this research is to investigate existing theories of translanguage in sociolinguistic situation in Miyara village on Ishigaki Island and to attempt to examine prevailing ideologies in school.
I employ school methodology as a main research methodology and highlight the practices of teachers and new speakers of the Yaeyaman language. Following García & Wei (2014), I examine Yaeyaman language teachers` translanguaging pedagogy and translanguaging practices of new speakers of the Yaeyaman language. By using ethnographic data of Yaeyaman knowledge holders, I show that school based on dominant monolingual values sits uncomfortably on the island where teachers experience multilingual reality of the Ryukyus. Through educational policy completely based on dominant values, community members and school teachers are made to believe that our language is not sophisticated. Hence, we are “educated” not to speak our own language.
Although new speakers and teachers of the Yaeyaman language experience translanguaging in multilingual Ryukyus, due to the lack of educational policies based on multilingual, multicultural values, they have difficulties in expressing their indigenous identities comfortably. Following the previous research, I argue that by accepting translanguaging repertories in school and in a community with an endangered language, the incompatibility in language attitudes and beliefs between traditional speakers and new speakers of an endangered language can be overcome. I further argue that by accepting translanguaging in the community, the teachers of the Yaeyaman language could overcome their lack of confidence as Indigenous language teachers, resulting from valuing dominant structures of knowledge and power overtime. As a conclusion, I present how monolingual and monocultural education policy in Japan, so far, is a major cause of the problem of language endangerment. By comparing the policies for Indigenous languages in Nordic countries with those of Japan, I argue that policies based on multilingual reality of the island can become part of a possible solution to language endangerment in the Ryukyus.

The dominance of the Western thoughts and cultures in our socioscapes can be seen in the historical accounts of the country. Western influences have created philosophical packages as if balikbayan boxes, luring the Filipino people to indulge and yield in the colonial dictates. This presents a valid point to consider the process of philosophical invasion that has relegated, if not enslaved, our indigenous knowledge, giving birth to the dominance of foreign ideologies. Consequently, we can hardly extricate our cultural identity from the Western image as it has been clothed with ideological mask that has been consciously and unconsciously worn since the inception of colonial rule in the country. Even Filipino thinkers fall under the spell of Western philosophies as they can hardly drift away from this captive consciousness, as Renato Constantino described it, if not to instrumentalize themselves to facilitate the reproduction of these philosophical thoughts.