Government

The article is devoted to theoretical and methodological categorization and systematization of institutionally-procedural and politically-behavioral attributes and features of semi-presidentialism. The author identified at least two groups of causes and factors, i.e. exogenous and endogenous, that define and categorize semi-presidentialism: the actual content of a constitution, the combination of traditions and circumstances (exogenous causes and factors), the composition of parliamentary majority and the position of a president in relation to parliamentary majority (endogenous causes and factors). It was motivated that, within the same constitutional delineation, a specific semi-presidential country can be classified in practice, first of all in the cut of varying institutional rules and formal/actual powers of presidents, governmental cabinets/prime ministers and parliaments. The researcher found out that taking into account the place and role of political institutions in inter-party competition and party hierarchy has a significant influence on this process. That is why semi-presidentialism was generalized as a system of government, which is comprehensively updated and taxonomied formally and actually. At the same time, it was recorded that semi-presidentialism uses specific hierarchical and transactional relations in the triangle “the head of state–governmental cabinet–parliament”. Their combination affects the formal and actual positioning and taxonomy of different types of heterogeneous semi-presidentialism. It was generalized that semi-presidentialism is definitively and permanently characterized with: a restrained and moderate model of separation of powers and appropriate system of checks and balances; popular election of a president for a fixed term; the collective responsibility of a prime minister and a cabinet to a legislature; the actual “securitization” of a president from interference in his or her activities by other institutions and branches of state power; actual (or at least formal), but multi-step and different deconcentration or dualization of the executive between a president (the head of state) and a prime minister (the head of governmental cabinet); double or dual nature of the origin and implementation of the executive, but not a double or dual nature of the responsibility of the executive.
Keywords: semi-presidentialism, president, prime minister, governmental cabinet, legislature, interinstitutional relations.

Il concetto di sovranità ricorre costantemente e in maniera quasi ossessiva nel dibattito politico occidentale fin dall'età moderna. Esso dimostra di sapersi adattare alle diverse epoche storiche, riducendo le relazioni di potere a una concezione unificante e pacificante. Ancora oggi, in un'epoca segnata da una globalizzazione che minaccia l'autonomia delle istituzioni statuali, la sovranità rimane al centro del dibattito pubblico, come fulcro su cui far ruotare la pretesa del corpo politico di decidere delle proprie sorti, o come posta in gioco di una paradossale reazione di matrice nazionalistica. Non sono tuttavia mancate, negli ultimi decenni, voci critiche in merito alle proprietà analitiche della teoria della sovranità. Essa farebbe parte della strategia mediante cui il potere si assicura una presa costante sulla vita, impedirebbe la penetrazione fra le relazioni che striano lo spazio aperto tra il potere costituente e il potere costituito, e non sarebbe in grado di illuminare le razionalità che circolano fra governanti e governati. Questo libro interroga due di queste voci, quella di Michel Foucault e quella di Giorgio Agamben, per offrire un quadro completo e ragionato non solo del loro pensiero politico, ma anche dei moventi epistemologici e ontologici che promuovono le loro imprese filosofiche

The practice of itinerant kingship in early Islam has not attracted much scholarly attention to date. This paper aims to investigate the main evidence bearing testimony to such a practice, in order to draw a preliminary typology. Caliphal mobility (or of government officials) is primarily documented in the context of military campaigns or connected to the pilgrimage to Mecca. A unique example also allows us to highlight a systematic model of itinerant kingship in Umayyad times, coupled with a patrimonial conception of power. These various elements shed a new light on the construction of space in the first Islamic empire.

Résumé: La pratique d’un pouvoir mobile dans les débuts de l’islam n’a guère retenu l’attention des chercheurs. Le présent article se propose d’en recenser les principaux témoignages et d’en esquisser une première typologie. La mobilité califale (ou des agents du gouvernement) est principalement documentée dans le contexte des campagnes militaires ou du pèlerinage à La Mecque. Un exemple exceptionnel permet également de mettre en lumière une pratique de l’itinérance plus systématique à la période omeyyade, articulée autour d’une conception patrimoniale du pouvoir. Ces éléments éclairent d’un jour nouveau la construction de l’espace dans le premier empire islamique.

Historically, the term National Defence was directly associated with the Armed Forces. It was their responsibility to defend the integrity of the Nation. As the security of the Nation was perceived essentially in military terms, by logical derivation it was considered that preserving National Security was the duty of military institutions. The contribution of the other members of society was limited to providing their soldiers with the means necessary to carry out their mission, including by giving them their own legal status.
This issue has three fundamental requirements:
(a) To uphold the principle of shared responsibility of the whole Society for national security and development;
(b) To restore the principle of the integral preservation of Sovereignty, and
(c) To enable the Nation to adopt, with the appropriate adaptations, the reforming criteria characteristic of Military Postmodernism.
Based on the foregoing, I come to the definition that national defence is the set of policies and strategies, based primarily on the Military and Diplomatic Expressions of National Power, aimed at neutralizing any internal or external threats or attacks on National Security as well contribute to National Development.

ABSTRACT Governmental budget systems do not only allocate public resources, they also influence the way in which people interact with their government and conceive of their role as citizens. The contemporary politics of budget making tends to mask this influence. As originally conceived, however, public budgets in America were meant to serve as a tool to reshape democratic citizenship. This article explores the history of governmental budget reform and the impounding effect on citizens from before the twentieth century. The author highlights publicity and political discourse surrounding the topic as well as governmental advertisements.

In this essay, two concepts of political philosophy will be addressed, the first used by Aristotle in Politics, commonly known as demagogy, which according to some translations of this text, is considered as a degeneration or impure form of government of democracy (issue that will also be addressed at the time, when talking about politeia in its conception of the Republic and its degeneration in democracy instead of demagogy). Similarly, we will address as a second concept, the one contributed by Polibio in Histories, known as oclocracy, in substitution by the Aristotelian term of demagogy, which upon which, this philosopher of Roman history, uses when he takes up the conceptions of pure and impure forms of government of Aristotle to explain the content of the Roman Constitution and its various regimes.

Subsequently, once we have these concepts clear, I will allow myself to use two methodological artifices, the first used by Martha Nussbaum as damage of status and retributive justice, as well as the perception of the denigration of the masses, used by Ernesto Laclau; both, with the purpose of being clear whether demagogy as "people's manipulation" or the oclocracy as "the power of masses government" come as a result of anger or resentment produced by the lack of social recognition that state institutions do not can provide or guarantee.

The challenges of disaster management for both natural and man-made events are increasing due to many factors. This includes increased frequency and intensity of events due to climate change interlinked with demographic influences such as historical development in coastal areas or flood zones. As a result, more people are being impacted and there are increased expectations of the government. If these trends continue, the demands on services will exceed the capacity of government to respond, requiring everyone to contribute. Currently 96% of funding for disasters nationally is invested in response and recovery from events (Australian Government, Productivity Commission, 2015). In 2011, the importance of building the nation’s resilience to disasters was recognised by the Council of Australian Governments, with the release of the National Strategy for Disaster Resilience (NSDR) (COAG, 2011). The Strategy acknowledges that in order to effectively manage an event (either natural or manmade), it is necessary that the government, non-government, business and community work together. This ethos of shared responsibility underpins the new approach to building disaster-resilient communities. The South Australian Government does not have a defined strategy to build the disaster resilience of its population.

A Disaster Resilience Strategy for South Australia is the first step in the shift from traditional emergency management practice (focusing on response and recovery) to a resilience based approach. This document explores the underlying theories surrounding complexity and reviews the key contributors to complexity of disaster resilience. It uses this understanding to recommend policy options for establishing an effective disaster resilience strategy for South Australia.

Indonesia is facing a widening gap between the rich and the poor. The Gini ratio in 2018 stood at 0.39 and welfare improvements for the richest group have been far more effective than improvements for the poorest group.Rising inequality between regions will only make it more difficult for the government to eliminate poverty in all its forms.Of Indonesia’s 34 provinces, 14 experienced negative progress in reducing its standing in the poverty gap index ( P1 ) in rural areas in the period of March to September 2018. Meanwhile, only six provinces saw a P1 increase in urban areas in the same period, according to Statistics Indonesia (BPS).Both inequality and poverty are aggravated not only by the wealth gap between the rich and the poor, spending levels and other economic factors, but also geographical conditions. It is striking how much attention is given to reducing the poverty level and other socio-economic factors, but less is given to geography

Most youth are peaceful. Even if the field known as “countering violent extremism” (CVE) did not exist, most young people still would not join a violent extremist organization (VEO). At the same time, the overwhelming majority of people who become violent extremists are youth — most of whom are male. The challenge at the center of CVE is thus an unusual one: identifying the fraction of youth populations most
likely to enter a VEO and thwarting that option.
    This paper investigates that challenge, with analysis featuring interviews with 21 experts and over 400 publications on violent extremism, CVE, and youth. Two correlations inform this work: the direct relationship between nations with “youth bulge” populations and state repression, and the connection between state repression and increased violent extremism, with repressive states usually targeting male youth.