Freedom

This paper argues that Nietzsche combines naturalistic motives with a practice of inner-worldly transcendence in his of the human. His procedures of naturalization, however, are so specifically Nietzschean, that the label 'naturalism' tends to cause more confusion as it helps to clarify. Moreover, Nietzsche’s anthropology is not just aimed at isolated existences, but takes into account the fundamentally social nature of the human. The social human nature reveals itself not only in higher cultural institutions, such as language, but already in bodily existence as a living and hierarchical organization. Individuation is the product of social organization, due to which the subject has the ability to self-design and self-determination in the first place. Nietzsche is a proponent of a political anthropology of freedom.

La vita appartiene a Dio sembra un esproprio. In realtà è un dono. La libertà è schiavitù. Essere liberi non è scegliere a proprio talento, è seguire la propria necessità interiore. Perché quello sei tu. E seguire la necessità se è la tua necessità significa essere liberi. La libertà come scelta invece è una illusione che si traduce nel suo contrario. Dunque necessità è libertà e libertà è schiavitù. Stranamente.

Although the idea of freedom has been well studied as an ideal in political philosophy, relatively little scholarship has focused on the human experience of freedom. Drawing on ethnographic research between 2012 and 2013, I examine how freedom was achieved by people who practice freeganism and freecycling in Hong Kong. I show that the freedom that these people pursue, either individually or collectively, is not a freedom without constraints but a freedom that must be attained through the exercise of deliberation, restraint, and self-discipline. While freegans seek liberation by withdrawing from the world and practicing self-cultivation (chushi asceticism), freecyclers do so by engaging with worldly affairs in order to create social changes (rushi asceticism). In both cases, by reimagining freedom as ethical practices rather than a right that comes naturally with birth, freegans and freecyclers in Hong Kong are able to experience moments of freedom despite inevitable structural constraints.

Let us talk about Occitania, a very important place for all those who praise freedom of speech and all other values that served as basis for the emergence of what we call nowadays “Western Culture”. Especial emphasis is given to the fact that Occitania contributed in a fundamental way to the very survival of West Europe as a cultural entity.

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Issue #11 of The Beacon Spotlight summarizes the premise of Matt Erickson's public domain book, Understanding Federal Tyranny.
Patriots ignore the highly unusual exception (Article I, Section 8, Clause 17 [for the District Seat]) to all the normal rules (the U.S. Constitution) at their peril, for it outlines a source of essentially unlimited powers (save only to avoid the few express prohibitions on federal powers [such as found in the Bill of Rights]).
The District of Columbia is a special place, where government power is NOT divided into State and federal authority.  All legislative powers are vested "exclusively" in Congress "in all Cases whatsoever."
This means that normal constitutional restrictions do not operate.  Members of Congress may exercise local, State-like powers, which were transferred to Congress in 1791 when Maryland ceded not only the land for D.C., but also all remaining governing authority for it.
The U.S. Constitution (Article I, Section 8, Clause 17) outlines the specific ability for a "particular" State to cede land and governing power and once Congress merely accepts the land, thereafter members may exercise all governing powers therein.
Since no State or State-like Constitution (or District Constitution) remains therein, members of Congress and federal officials must make up their own rules as they go along.
The source of inherent discretion for all governing action by the federal government today stems from this power, expanded beyond its rightful confines.

This paper provides an analysis of the gradual degeneration of philosophical-libertarian Taoism (the Lao-Zhuang tradition, including Neo-Taoism) into religious-authoritarian Taoism (the Huang-Lao tradition, including Taoist religion). It emphasizes not only the influence of Yang Zhu and Hui Shi on early Taoist philosophy but also the influence of Legalism (and Indian Buddhism) on later religious-authoritarian Taoism. The main thesis of the paper is that the transformation of Taoist political thought was caused primarily by the rulers' policy.

มโนทัศน์สองแบบของเสรีภาพ เป็นความเรียงโด่งดังที่สุดของไอเซยา เบอร์ลิน ซึ่งแสดงให้เห็นถึงเสรีภาพสองแบบที่แตกต่าง และมีผลที่เปลียนแปลงโลกไปเลยทีเดียว ความเรียงนี้เคยมีการแปลเป็นไทยโดยย่อเมื่อเกือบ 60 ปีที่แล้ว โดย ส.ศิวรักษ์ แนะนำให้ผู้อ่านชาวไทย นี่เป็นความเรียงเต็มครั้งแรกที่ถ่ายทอดออกมาเป็นภาษาไทย ฉบับนี้ยังไม่สมบูรณ์นักเพราะยังไม่บรรณาธิการ แต่คิดว่าคงเปล่าประโยชน์ถ้าปล่อยอยู่บนโต๊ะเฉยๆเลยส่งมาลงที่นี่ให้อ่านเล่นกันก่อน เผื่อเป็นประโยชน์สำหรับผู้สนใจ รอฉบับสมบูรณ์ในสรรนิพนธ์เบอร์ลินในอนาคตอันใกล้

In this article, I investigate the relationship between freedom and terrorism in Camus by answering such questions as: is terrorism a form of rebellion? What is the criterion used to discern an act of rebellion from a terroristic act? I will answer these questions by investigating the connections amongst homicide, freedom, suicide, values, and beliefs in Camus’ moral philosophy and by referring to Dostoevsky’s thought. I will investigate Camus’ thought by borrowing the philosophical theory of positive and negative freedom by Isaiah Berlin to explain to what kind of notion of freedom terrorism refers to and to what political and philosophical consequences it leads. I will therefore show that terrorism is based on: 1. obedience to abstract ideas; 2. acceptation of negative freedom, which implies the absence of moral restraint; and 3. rejection of positive freedom, based on self-knowledge and self-control. Camus condemns terrorism by stating that it leads to dictatorship and founds his idea of good society on the enhancement of critical thinking as well as on the complementation of the positive and negative freedom that, in order to found a just and democratic society, must exist within the limit represented by human dignity.

Il contesto del Giubileo della misericordia offre l’occasione per una riflessione su questa tematica così centrale nell'attuale pontificato. Come scrive papa Francesco nella bolla di indizione, essa «è la parola che rivela il mistero della santissima Trinità», «l’atto ultimo e supremo con il quale Dio ci viene incontro», «la legge fondamentale che abita nel cuore di ogni persona quando guarda con occhi sinceri il fratello che incontra nel cammino della vita», «la via che unisce Dio e l’uomo, perché apre il cuore alla speranza di essere amati per sempre nonostante il limite del nostro peccato» (Misericordiae Vultus, 2). I due passi principali del
vangelo su tale argomento sono, come il santo padre ricorda, la parabola del figliol prodigo (Lc 15,11-32) e la quinta beatitudine (Mt 5,7): nel primo si rivela l’azione di Dio nei confronti dell’uomo, mentre nel secondo la misericordia è designata quale via di salvezza per l’anima. Alle origini della cristianità, il primo autore
che abbia commentato con più ampiezza la parabola di Lc 15,11-32 è stato Origene; invece, la quinta delle Omelie sulle beatitudini di Gregorio di Nissa costituisce la prima esegesi estesa e completa di Mt 5,7. Questo contributo intende operare un confronto tra le
letture dei due Padri e i concetti da esse implicati, in particolare la preesistenza dell’anima nel primo e la libertà della persona nel secondo.