Feminism

Louisine Waldron Elder Havemeyer’s personal evolution from an elite, reserved, art-collecting wife of an American Gilded Age industrialist to an engaged, unapologetically outspoken activist on behalf of all women’s right to vote is emblematic of the myriad ways women moved out into the world from their domestic spheres in the early twentieth century, harnessing the increasing power of collective visual protest as a peaceful, non-violent tactic to demand justice and a voice.

Her 1915 suffrage exhibit held at the Knoedler Gallery in New York City may be a modest moment of microhistory in the larger context of the histories of both art collecting and the American women’s suffrage movement, but it is an illuminating look at the evolution of a single wife and mother’s belief in the transformative and performative power of artistic and political sisterhood.

Interviewer Janell Watson gives a brief account of my early intellectual interests, career as a teacher of literature, and work as an interdisciplinary scholar and theorist. The interview elicits my views on a range of topics relating to university life and contemporary intellectual developments, including my mid-1960s feminist activism, the increasing prominence of marketability as a concern of the academy, how I arrived at the ideas in *Contingencies of Value*, my  advocacy of an "ecological" or "dynamic" view of human cognition, and my efforts to challenge or complicate familiar but dubious conceptual dualisms, including oversimplified views of the relations between science and religion.

ABSTRACT
Mexican women in both the United States and Mexico face uneven landscapes of benefits and discourses as they negotiate family members’ health. Building on two decades of ethnographic research, I explore how Mexican mothers navigate social and medical services, food provision, food preparation and health, and describe some of the ways that governments in each country abdicate responsibility for shaping structural constraints on citizens’ health.
Transnational “mother blame” is a pattern that builds on tropes about the
simultaneous responsibility and incapacity of women to ensure their  family’s health, while offering new articulations of responsibility in neoliberal, globalized, transnational contexts in which flexible care arrangements are both necessary and denigrated.
SPANISH ABSTRACT
Lasmujeres mexicanas en México tanto como en los Estados Unidos enfrentan una compleja gama de riesgos, beneficios y discursos al navegar la salud de sus familias. En base de dos décadas de investigación etnográfica, exploro las maneras en que las madres mexicanas navegan servicios sociales y médicos, provisión y preparación de alimentos, y la salud, y las maneras en que los
estados de cada país niegan su responsabilidad al influir en los factores
estructurales que afectan la salud de sus ciudadanos. “La culpa de la madre” es un patrón transnacional que descansa en ideas antiguas sobre la simultánea responsabilidad e incapacidad de las mujeres por asegurar la salud de sus familias, mientras se articulan nuevas formas de responsabilizar y promover el auto-cuidado en contextos transnacionales, globalizados, en los cuales los arreglos flexibles para cuidar a los miembros de las familias se ven a la vez necesarios y denigrados.

Ciò che si vuole delineare è una  panoramica generale e orientativa circa gli elementi originari che, nell’età contemporanea, hanno caratterizzato la ridefinizione dei ruoli di genere attraverso l’esclusione di quello femminile dalla decisionalità politica così come dalla produzione industriale. Prendendo le mosse daquesto contesto, si è voluto indagare l’atteggiamento assunto dalle principali correnti del movimento operaio e socialista di fronte alla cosiddetta questione femminile. Ciò che ne è emerso è il delinearsidi un patto escludente tra il nascente modo di produzione capitalista, le strutture  patriarcali precedenti e l’affermazione dello Stato moderno, finalizzato al ridefinirsi in chiave conservativa delle gerarchie di genere e di cui il movimento socialista e sindacale ne fu in larga parte agente.

The article is intended as a broad contextualisation of the political concerns that underpin the special issue Anti-fascism/Art/Theory (Third Text 2019) as the second decade of the twenty-first century is drawing to a close. Over a decade after the global financial crisis, we find ourselves confronted with a complex, transnational ideological and material reality where identifiable traits of fascism command fringe and mainstream milieus and where anti-fascist militancy is raising our consciousness about strategies of resistance. Our main aim has been to highlight the need for critical research in the art field that aids, and indeed becomes part of, such resistance. In acknowledging the ongoing debates about how to name the conditions of urgency that necessitate anti-fascism as a material practice but also a way of thinking against a prefigurative counter-revolution and actual supremacy politics, the article opens with three narratives around fascism, prioritising the latter’s relation to capitalism. We then address totalitarianism, populism, and liberalism as terms often implicated in relevant discussions, while we also consider the (dis)continuities of fascism and anti-fascism across the twentieth and the twenty-first centuries, including reflections on postmodernism and the Cold War. We weave in the contributors’ analyses on technology, the art economy, colonial violence and fascist violence, the fraught question of heroism, concerns on how politics enter the art institution, the inconclusive if essential lessons of the avant-gardes, women’s art and anti-fascist consciousness. Finally, we consider anti-fascism in terms of a political education that can reveal the constituent parts of an enduring, systemic reality of oppression defining ‘business as usual’. Considering the dilemma of alliances that anti-fascism brings forth, and the possible concessions these require, the analysis concludes with a warning against seeing the contemporary move towards fascism as a mere historical accident.

In this essay, I focus on Black podcasts produced by African Americans. This new alternative forms of podcasting have been created against the whiteness modele in the mainstream American media, public radio and popular podcasts. Black podcasters believe that if there is a gap between the « white well educated man » listener and the others, it is mainly because the podcasters are, most of the time, white Americans. African Americans podcasters want to solve this problematic lack of representation.

The final chapter, ‘Resisting Intersectionality’, theorises recent political and academic resistances against intersectionality in Europe. In both cases, intersectionality is resisted against because it is transparently situated and refuses the normative politics of post-imaginaries. The chapter argues that intersectionality is considered dangerous because it is transformative for both political and epistemological endeavours.

Collaborative publication on nailwork, art and migration.
Contributors: Anisha Müller, Anna Ehrenstein, Ayşe Güleç, DAMN / Deutsche Asiat*innen Make Noise, Dovilè Aleksaitè, Ferdiansyah Thajib, Inia Steinbach, Jinran Ha, Johanna Michel, Katja Kobolt, Kim Bode, Liane Aviram, Mareike Bernien, Nguyen Phuong Linh, Suza Husse, Thao Ho, Yen Le, Vicky Truong
The magazine NAILS hacks*facts*fictions gathers different contributions that imagine the nail salon as a queer site of critical, trans-cultural practices and intersectional care politics.
Through the collected essays, interviews, collages and art works, nails are approached as a collective interface for getting in touch with the conditions liquefied in nail aesthetics and embodied in care work. An interface that is for hacking the ‘magic’ of commodity, for troubling biopolitics.
The collaborative publication combines reflections on the nail studio economy within migration histories in Germany and dialogues on nail design between artistic and survival strategies and diasporically situated knowledges. From mineral nail lacquer examinations to a perso*nail*ity test for finding one’s manicure persona and exercises in unlearning taste, from speculative architectural proposals for a nail workers congress to conflicts and responsibilities of art and knowledge making in relation to social and ecological vulnerabilities, from nail salon objects speaking their mind about racialized, gendered and classed circumstances they find themselves in to the histories of nail polish as industrial byproduct of car and film industries, from Cold War migration movements, aesthetics and economies to counter-sexual hand jobs – the diverse contributions move through hacks, facts and fictions, perspectives, embodiments and histories towards speculative imaginaries.
From within the conflicts and constraints of 2018/2019 daydreams and propositions open up to a future/present nail cosmology based on a fundamentally different metaphysics, in which hybrid hands crack open the outer shell of binary files, egos are abolished, conflicts are open ended, dance and hand movements interrupt colonial and patriarchal violence, care is an exchange at a molecular level between animate and inanimate bodies passing one another, stones can fly and the nail is a convivial organ.
As a space unfolding through and beyond its pages, N * A * I * L * S hacks*facts*fictions emerges from collaborative and open-ended artistic and activist research processes and conversational and manicuring transactions that began in spring 2018.*
NAILS hacks*facts*fictions currently are Anisha Müller, Anna Ehrenstein, Ayşe Güleç, DAMN / Deutsche Asiat*innen Make Noise, Dovilè Aleksaitè, Jinran Ha, Johanna Michel, Katja Kobolt, Kim Bode, Liane Aviram, Suza Husse, Thao Ho, Yen Le, Vicky Truong.
N*A*I*L*S*hacks*facts*fictions – collaborative publication on nailwork, art and migration is published by balkanet e.V. Munich, funded by Landeshauptstadt München Kulturreferat, mit freundlicher Unterstützung des Migrationsbeirats.
*NAILS hacks*facts*fictions was initiated in 2018 by Ayşe Güleç, Katja Kobolt and Suza Husse as a transdisciplinary research project between UdK Berlin (Klasse Monica Bonvicini), the exhibition project no stop non stop at Lothringer13 Munich and the intersectional education project Caring for Confict by District Berlin and Institute for Queer Theory, funded by Projektfonds Kulturelle Bildung. Past collaborators: Ekaterina Reinbold, Ferdiansyah Thajib, Inia Steinbach, Isabel Gatzke, Jana Koslovski, Mareike Bernien, Nanna Lüth, Nguyen Phuong Linh, Sugano Matsusaki.

Resumen
Con el siguiente estudio realizamos un análisis exhaustivo del efecto que produjo en la obra de la pintora Artemisia Gentileschi su violación por Agostino Tassi en 1611. Para tal propósito, nos hemos provisto de la historiografía existente sobre la artista romana, así como de aquellas fuentes literarias que narraron los trágicos e irascibles sucesos acaecidos a las mujeres protagonistas de los lienzos de Artemisia: Plutarco o Tito Livio para los casos de Cleopatra y Lucrecia respectivamente, hasta los libros que componen el Antiguo Testamento para un conocimiento más intrínseco de figuras femeninas como Susana, Judith, Yael o Ester, cuya figuración en la obra de la hija de Orazio Gentileschi coadyuvaron en el encumbramiento de Artemisia como la primera pintora feminista de la Historia.
Abstract
With the following study we carried out an exhaustive analysis of the effect produced by the painter Artemisia Gentileschi on her rape by Agostino Tassi in 1611. For this purpose, we have provided the existing historiography on the Roman artist, as well as those literary
sources that narrated the tragic and irascible events that occurred to the women protagonists of the Artemisia canvases: Plutarch or Livy Tito for the cases of Cleopatra and Lucrecia respectively, even the books that make up the Old Testament for a more intrinsic knowledge
of female figures such as Susana, Judith, Yael or Esther, whose figuration in the work of the daughter of Orazio Gentileschi contributed to the elevation of Artemisia as the first feminist painter of History.

Resumen
El presente artículo analiza el discurso sobre parto de cuatro autoras feministas representativas del feminismo de la segunda ola (Simone de Beauvoir, Shulamith Firestone, Adrienne Rich y Lidia Falcón) para comprender las condiciones históricas que permitirán la aparición de un nuevo modelo de asistencia al parto impulsado por un movimiento de mujeres y profesionales desde los años 1970 conocido como Movimiento por la Humanización del Parto. El contexto que permitió la aparición de prácticas discursivas que reivindican para sí el feminismo en estos grupos, nos invitan a un análisis criterioso considerando las lecciones históricas de la producción de un discurso biomédico sobre la sexualidad y el cuerpo de las mujeres. ¿Qué pensaban estas feministas sobre el parto natural en la emergencia del movimiento por el parto humanizado? Es lo que tratamos de analizar.
Abstract.
This article analyzes the birth discourse of four feminist authors representative of second wave feminism (Simone de Beauvoir, Shulamith Firestone, Adrienne Rich and Lidia Falcon) to understand the historical conditions that will allow the emergence of a new model of assistance in childbirth driven by a movement of women and professionals since the 1970s known as Movement for the Humanization of Childbirth. The context that allowed the emergence of discursive practices that claim for themselves feminism in these groups, invite us to a judicious analysis considering the historical lessons of the production of a biomedical discourse on sexuality and the body of women. What did these feminists think about natural childbirth in the emergence of the movement for humanized childbirth? This is what we will analyze.

A pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a jurisdição constitucional dos países da América
Latina que já se pronunciaram sobre a legalização e/ou descriminalização do aborto. O objetivo do
trabalho é realizar um estudo comparado entre a ratio decidendi das decisões das Cortes
Constitucionais do México, Colômbia, Bolívia e Brasil, com a finalidade de verificar quais direitos
fundamentais das mulheres foram protegidos pelas Cortes e de que maneira, bem como verificar qual
é a aproximação dos precedentes estrangeiros analisados com os precedentes do Supremo Tribunal
Federal nos casos de aborto. A pesquisa buscou desvelar quais direitos fundamentais foram usados
como fundamento nas decisões das Cortes Constitucionais do México, Colômbia, Bolívia e Brasil
sobre o direito ao aborto. A hipótese inicial da pesquisa consistia na defesa de que para os casos
envolvendo direitos sexuais e reprodutivos, especialmente o direito ao aborto, quando da utilização
do direito comparado, o Brasil deveria, preferencialmente, escolher os precedentes da América
Latina, diante das similitudes culturais, sociais, econômicas e históricas entre o Brasil e os demais
países do continente, deixando em segundo plano os precedentes da Europa e da América do Norte.
Entretanto, como em todas as decisões analisadas das Cortes latino-americanas prevaleceram duas
razões de decidir: o direito à vida e a limitação ao poder de punir do Estado e não o direito à
autonomia e liberdade das mulheres, percebeu-se que a jurisprudência brasileira seria mais protetiva
aos direitos das mulheres, o que não justificaria, portanto, a migração de ideias constitucionais com
as Cortes da Bolívia, Colômbia e México. Como a hipótese geral da pesquisa não se confirmou, a
dissertação propôs que o Supremo Tribunal Federal deve dar preferência a seus próprios
precedentes, nos termos do “romance em cadeia” proposto por Ronald Dworkin, ao invés da
utilização do Direito Comparado.
Palavras-chave: Jurisdição Constitucional, Aborto, Direito Comparado, América Latina.

Resumen Este artículo pretende ser una aproximación inicial a lo que representaría un feminismo del Antropoceno, concebido como el proyecto de ofrecer respuesta a dos interrogantes: ¿qué es lo que el conjunto de movimientos y reflexiones que se agrupan bajo el rótulo «feminismo» tiene que decir sobre el Antropoceno? y ¿cómo repercutiría el concepto de Antropoceno en las nuevas formulaciones del feminismo? Las posibles respuestas a estas cuestiones están comenzando a ser exploradas en toda su complejidad. Abstract This paper intends to be an initial approach to what an Anthropocene feminism would represent, conceived as the project to offer an answer to two questions: What does the set of movements and reflections grouped under the heading "feminism" has to say about the Anthropocene? and how would the concept of Anthropocene affect the new formulations of feminism? The possible answers to these questions are beginning to be explored in all their complexity.

La estrecha relación que cine y política mantienen desde la aparición del séptimo arte ha dado lugar a la producción de numerosas biografías fílmicas centradas en personas que ocuparon puestos de máxima responsabilidad política, en su mayoría varones. ¿Acaso ninguna mujer ha sido elegida nunca como jefa de Estado? Y si no es así, ¿por qué el cine se empeña en invisibilizarlas?