European Union, European Foreign Policy, European Neighbourhood Policy, Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, Union for the Mediterranean, Eastern Partnership, Foreign Policy Analysis, Principal-Agent

The implementation of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement became one of the biggest challenges for the current Ukrainian government. The lack of an accession perspective reduces attractiveness for the fast provide of the required reforms and as a result, in 2017 Ukraine achieved only 41% of the implementation plan. Looking for the new tools to attract the AA fulfillment, President of Ukraine proposed the model of so-called "sectoral" integration. The article examines Ukraine's ability to achieve each goal of the President's proposal. It argues with the correct choice of the "sectors" for the further integration but the given goals seem unlikely to achieve even in the long-term perspective. That is why the article proposes some mid-term goals that are using the framework of the AA and gives specific recommendations for their achievement. Their main element should be the bilateral obligations based on the 'more for more' principle that can provide tangible results for Ukrainian society and become attractive to the policymakers.

The International Relations’ Animals are metaphors that allow ourselves a better understanding of today world and even these animals can help us to avoid catastrophic events or crisis difficult to be foreseen or predicted. This paper shows us some animals that we introduced before in Comillas Journal of International Relations (12). Now we discuss, helping with our animals, about European Union and International balance of power. Hence International Relations’ Animals are assessment tools for protect us from New Global Order power some strategies for the next years

European Union attracts people from all over the world. For this reason, the EU has applied an Integral Approach to respond to migrations. This Integral approach seeks to strengthen societies in the countries of
origin and transit of migrants.  Read more at: https://goo.gl/e2941N

In the last decade, the common foreign and security policy of the European Union (EU) has balanced between consolidation and regionalization and has been based on an idealistic rather than realistic approach. Its main tool implemented towards countries of the Eastern Europe, Northern Africa and the Middle East is the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Launched in 2004, in peculiar circumstances, shortly after the biggest enlargement of the EU, the ENP ought to constitute a new formula of bilateral relations with its new neighbours. The key task of the ENP is to stabilize relations with the EU's neighbours, to develop political, economic and social cooperation, to ensure EU stability and predictability beyond its borders. The EU enticed partner countries with the perspective of future membership of the EU or advanced forms of association. In fact, the ENP can be seen as a substitute for the Union's enlargement that has previously been the main vehicle for the Union's normative power in Europe. Until now no partner country has been granted the realistic perspective of full membership. Generally, the ENP is criticized for inappropriate goals and inflexible implementation. The main aim of this paper is to briefly refer to:-the goals of the ENP when it was launched;-the process of implementation of the ENP and its results;-reasons for its ineffectiveness in the current formula;-possible changes in the ENP after adoption of the EU's Global Strategy.

The present paper analyses achievements and challenges of the EaP in the prism of EU-Russia asymmetric energy interdependence, as the major factor affecting the successful implementation of the Eastern partnership. To identify whether energy interdependence is the main sphere of interest in the EaP neighbourhood, where EU-Russia common interests intersect in one point or is it a sharing a power balance in "common neighbourhood"?. The research paper reviews major policy documents of the ENP/EaP, in order to analyze to what extent is policy coherent/incoherent towards partner countries. Moreover, the paper evaluates the European neighbourhood external policy instruments (the ENP/EaP) from the perspective of three prioritised countries of the Eastern partnership: Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine, including the analysis of the effectiveness of proposed incentives under the ENP/EaP, as sufficient instruments for successful implementation of the Eastern partnership, in the presence of unpredictable external veto player.

Genişleme ve Avrupa Birliğinin (AB) Komşuluk politikası birliğin dış eylemlerinin iki ana boyutudur. AB Komşuluk Politikasını daha önceler de çevresindeki ülkelere uygulamıştır. Ama çeşitli nedenlerle ilgili politikaları başarılı olamamıştır. Ama genişleme süreci boyunca uyguladığı politikalar başarılı olmuş ve en büyük genişleme sonrası AB’de yeni bir komşuluk politikasına ihtiyacın doğduğu ve bu politikanın da başarılı olacağı umutları doğmuştur. Komşuluk Politikası genişleme sürecinden esinlendiğini söylenebilir ama genişleme sürecinin bir kopyası ve ya devamı niteliğini taşımamaktadır. Genişleme sürecinde bir üyelik söz konusu idiyse de Komşuluk Politikası böyle bir vaat de bulunmamaktadır. Burada AB'nin temel maksadı komşu olarak değerlendirdiği ülkelerde bir istikrarın oluşması ve kendi üyelerine benzer ülke profilleri oluşturarak demokrasinin, hukukun üstünlüğünün ve insan hakları gibi AB ortak değerlerini bu ülkelere benimsetmektir. AB bunun karşılığında üyelik perspektifi tanımasa bile, ilgili ülkelere kendi reformlarını yaptırmak için çeşitli teşvikler, yardımlar ve işbirliği alanları sunmaktadır. Komşuluk Politikası kapsamında değerlendirilen ülkelerin siyasi ve ekonomik açıdan bir korunma ihtiyacı duyması AB için avantaj sağlasa da, bu ülkelerden olası gelebilecek düzensiz göç, savaş ve hatta terör gibi tehditlerin gelebileceğini göz önüne alarak her ülkeyle farklılaştırılmış, ülkelere özgü bir politika izlemektedir. Ama AB gibi tüketici topluma ve ekonomisi ithalata dayanan bir yapıya sahip olan bir birliğin, özellikle enerji bakımından zengin hesap edilen ülkelerle politikasını güçlendirmek için farklı projeler, işbirlikleri olarak Doğu Ortaklığı, Karadeniz Sinerjisi gibi Komşuluk Politikasının tamamlayıcıları olarak nitelendirilen projeler ortaya koymaktadır. AB tarafından uygulanan politikaların zaman zaman ilgili ülkeler üzerinde olumlu sonuçları olsa bile, AB dışında bölgedeki güçlerin politikaları ve uluslararası konjonktürden doğan olaylar sonucu bölgelerde gelişen değişimler AB'nin bu politikasının başarısızlığa uğramasına neden olmuştur. Buna rağmen AB Komşuluk Politikasını bölgelerde yaşanan değişimlere göre birkaç defa revize etmiş ve ortak sahiplenme, karşılıklı hesap verilebilirlik ilkeleriyle birlikte bu politikaları ilgili çerçevedeki ülkelere benimsetmeyi amaçlamıştır. Ben bu yazıda temel olarak Komşuluk Politikasının tarihini, araçlarını, amaçlarını, ilkelerini, tamamlayıcılarını, ülkelerini ve bölgelerde yaşanan değişimleri ele alacağım.

The political shape of the Alborán region is characterized by a clear division between the north and south coasts, and national interests predominate both north and south in terms of the maritime map, with a resulting mosaic of jurisdictions that facilitates neither bilateral nor multilateral agreements. The delimitation between different jurisdictions in the Alborán Sea rises to what could be termed a "jurisdictional asymmetry", a consequence of the heterogeneous nature of the legal systems of adjacent jurisdictions. The north-south asymmetry can also be seen in the existence of two distinct and greatly differing socioeconomic and cultural models. The north has high or very high human development indicators, whereas south has average human development indicators. All these factors are a source of instability and have a significant impact on the way in which political relationships interact in the Alborán Sea. An integrated governance framework as set out in Ecologically or Biologically Significant Marine Areas (EBSAs) process may offer appropriate horizontal tools to help policy makers and economic and environmental actors to join up their policies, interlink their activities and optimize the use of marine and coastal space in an environmentally sustainable manner. Résumé : Eléments pour une future mise en place d'EBSA (aire marine d'intérêt biologique ou écologique) en Mer d'Alboran et ses zones adjacentes. Une étude de cas pour une coopération nord-sud. La structure politique de la région d'Alboran est caractérisée par une séparation nette entre les côtes nord et sud et les intérêts nationaux dominent le nord et le sud en termes de géographie maritime, avec pour conséquence une mosaïque de juridictions qui ne facilitent les accords ni bilatéraux ni multilatéraux. La délimitation des différentes juridictions en Mer d'Alboran y est asymétrique, une conséquence de la nature hétérogène des lois des juridictions adjacentes. Cette asymétrie nord-sud peut également être perçue à travers les fortes différences des deux modèles culturels et économiques. Le nord est caractérisé par des indicateurs de développement humain forts à très forts alors que le sud l'est par des indicateurs moyens. Tous ces facteurs représentent une source d'instabilité et ont un impact significatif sur la façon dont les relations politiques interagissent en Mer d'Alboran. Une gouvernance intégrée d'EBSA pourrait offrir des outils adaptés pour aider les décideurs et les acteurs économiques et de l'environnement à go-gérer leurs politiques, lier leurs activités et optimiser l'utilisation de l'espace marin et côtier par une approche durable pour l'environnement.

“ნაცრისფერ ზონას” ზოგჯერ უწოდებენ რეგიონის იმ ქვეყნებს, რომლებიც არცერთი მსხვილი თავდაცვის ორგანიზაციის წევრები არ არიან. სპეციალისტები სხვადასხვა ფორმატში მსჯელობენ, რამ “გაანაცრისფრა” საქართველო, აზერბაიჯანი, უკრაინა და მოლდოვა; რამ შეუწყო ხელი მათი მათი ევროპულ და ევროატლანტიკურ სტრუქტურებში ინტეგრაციის გაჭიანურებას და რა შეცდომები დაუშვა დასავლეთმა საბჭოთა კავშირის დაშლის შემდეგ, რამაც ზონის ქვეყნები ერთი მხრივ, რუსული აგრესიული პოლიტიკის, მეორე მხრივ კი მჭიდრო მოკავშირეების გარეშე დატოვა. აღნიშნულ საკითხზე “ჰაინრიხ ბიოლის ფონდში” გერმანელმა პოლიტოლოგმა, ანდრეას უმლანდმა ისაუბრა, საჯარო ლექციის შემდეგ კი “ნეტგაზეთის” რამდენიმე კითხვასაც უპასუხა.

The dynamics of politics in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA)
have attracted much attention from scholars, practitioners, the media and
policy leaders since 2000, in particular since the events of the Arab Spring
in 2011. The Arab Spring was a series of anti-government protests, uprisings
and upheavals that shook the entire Arab region, creating fertile
ground for democratic change and promising finally to topple the longestablished
authoritarian regimes. Although the outcomes have varied
across different states in the MENA region, what has become apparent is
that the Arab world has been experiencing profound turbulence. Seven
years after the first protest in Tunisia, international society saw little
remaining hope and the spring had turned into a very heavy winter of
economic stagnation and political violence. Such developments in MENA
have dragged Syria, Libya and Yemen into ongoing civil wars while causing
unrest in Egypt, Iraq and Bahrain, and destabilizing Arab governments
from Morocco to Saudi Arabia.

The dynamics of politics in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA)
have attracted much attention from scholars, practitioners, the media and
policy leaders since 2000, in particular since the events of the Arab Spring
in 2011. The Arab Spring was a series of anti-government protests, uprisings
and upheavals that shook the entire Arab region, creating fertile
ground for democratic change and promising finally to topple the longestablished
authoritarian regimes. Although the outcomes have varied
across different states in the MENA region, what has become apparent is
that the Arab world has been experiencing profound turbulence. Seven
years after the first protest in Tunisia, international society saw little
remaining hope and the spring had turned into a very heavy winter of
economic stagnation and political violence. Such developments in MENA
have dragged Syria, Libya and Yemen into ongoing civil wars while causing
unrest in Egypt, Iraq and Bahrain, and destabilizing Arab governments
from Morocco to Saudi Arabia.

Russia’s annexation of Crimea and intervention in Eastern Ukraine in 2014 alarmed not only Western-leaning states in Central Europe and the Baltic but also Moscow’s traditional allies. These events signalled that Moscow is now willing and capable of using direct military force against perceived strategic threats in its self-proclaimed region of vested interests. With the exception of Ukraine and the Baltic States, this Letort Paper examines how Russia’s front-line states have adjusted their foreign policy posture since 2014. Belarus, Moldova, the states of Central Asia and the South Caucasus calculate the benefits and risks in their relationship with Moscow and either make concessions or strengthen their defenses accordingly to avoid triggering a Russian reaction. This Letort Paper provides a range of policy recommendations intended to maximize the opportunities of a new alignment with the West for these states while minimizing the risk of Russia, using again, those capabilities it has demonstrated in Ukraine and Syria.