Celtic Mythology

More than two millennia after the Roman conquest that marked the beginning of the fading away of the Gaulish tongue and culture, traces of the world of the Gauls still pervade their land. The Gauls obstinately refused to put their worldview into writing, but they nonetheless left a foundation, buried into the soil in the form of artifacts or written in the manuscripts of their neighbors. The artworks of the Gauls, in particular, represent an invaluable source concerning the way the early Celts viewed the creation: more than mere folklore, it is also a philosophy that can be seen behind the images that they carved on rocks, stamped on coins, or cast in bronze. The world of the Gauls is gone, but its foundations remain, and they can become the basis for the edification of something new, a philosophy that will not be a reconstruction of the philosophy of the ancient Celts, but rather only one that shares roots with it. The present work examines these foundations and uses them as the starting point of a modern Celtic philosophy. The backbone of the old foundation is the tripartition of the creation into three realms: the first is the Dubnos, which is the Dark and the Deep, the earth, the waters, and the shadows of the night. The " middle realm " is Bitu, Life and Being, which is characterized by the color of blood: the one of the dawn and the dusk. Finally, the last one is the Albios, which is the Bright, the light of the skies that illuminates the day, and all that cannot be touched with the hands, that is, the metaphysical world. The three realms of nature, to which the Gauls associated different gods, are themselves constantly at war with one another, as reflected in their central myth, and it is through this harmonious strife that the creation can flourish and that man can accomplish his destiny. This book represents an encounter between the traces of the essence of the Gaulish world and the works of ancient and modern philosophers such as Heraclitus and Heidegger, an encounter that offers a new vision of the world in which man lives.

Nella cornice dell'edizione 2019 dell'Abruzzo Irish Festival, una lezione su una variante di Lingua celtica: l'Antico Irlandese. Focus sulla sua documentazione scritta dalle origini, all'età cristiana, fino al Medioevo, toccando anche nozioni di storia, società, saghe e mitologia irlandesi.

According to Jacob Grimm both the Germanic god Wodan and the Greco-Roman deity Hermes (Mercury) had been considered as the inventors of the alphabet and writing.
In a considerable number of Germanic regions the three initial characters ᚠ-ᚢ-ᚦ (“f-u-th”) of the Futharc-alphabet are cognate to Wodan's name “Wut”, respectively “Vut”. Therefore we may assume that the inventor of this alphabet started the list of characters with his own signature ᚠ-ᚢ-ᚦ (“W-u-th”).
The first character ᚠ of the Futharc-alphabet behaves like a digamma (Ϝ, ϝ, ϛ) which regionally and/or historically may vary between various letters such as /F/, /V/, /W/, nut also /G/, /J/ and /Y/. The initial character ᚠ in Woden's name indicates a variable character ranging from /G/ for “good” in the  naming variant “Godan” and /W/ for “wild” in “Wodan”.
This transition may be identified in the naming conventions of a river “Gutach”, which in its course mutates to the furious river “Wutach”. The root “Gut” / “Wut” in the names “Gutach”/”Wutach” corresponds to the transition of Wodan's character who is described as “Good” as well as “Wild”.
Obviously the runic word ᚠ-ᚢ-ᚦ (“f-u-th”) also included the variants “w-u-th”, “v-u-th” and “g-u-th”, which regionally vary in names such as Wuodan, Wodan (in Saxony), Guddan, Gudan (in Westphalia), Gwydian, Godan, Vut (for the Alamanns or Burgundians), and the Gothic Guþ (O.N. Goð → God, guð, goð).
This paper documents the special topic of the variants “Gut” / “Wut” for Woden's characteristics /G/ for “Goodness” respectively /W/ for “Fury”.

LE CELTIQUE *DUBNO- ET *ALBIO-
DANS UN ENSEMBLE DE NOMS DE PEUPLES, DE DIEUX, DE PERSONNES ET DE LIEUX
En 1990, dans un article devenu célèbre, Wolfgang Meid, de l’université d’Innsbruck, établissait une opposition dialectique entre Albiorix, le «Roi-du-Monde-Clair», «du- Monde-Céleste», et Dumnorix, le «Roi-du-Monde-Obscur», «du-Monde-d’En-Bas».
Il y aurait eu pour les Celtes un monde supérieur, céleste et lumineux, et un monde inférieur, profond, sombre et infernal (les humains vivant sur terre dans un monde intermédiaire).
Vingt-cinq ans après la publication du linguiste autrichien, nous voudrions revenir sur la question, pour examiner si cette analyse pourrait être appliquée à des ethnonymes, des anthroponymes et théonymes, ainsi qu’à des toponymes celtiques ou d’origine celtique ; pour réfléchir aussi sur le sens de ces appellations et sur les conceptions qu’elles véhiculaient.

The Gundestrup Cauldron has remained enigmatic since the day it was discovered in a Danish peat bog near Borremosebog in May of 1891. Many have wondered and pondered over the mysterious imagery and have tried to give it an interpretation. Some have proposed a Scythian or Vedic Indian origin to it, while others have recognized the clear connection to Celtic mythological themes and motifs. The following article is but a brief and detailed interpretative iconographical analysis of what is in truth a star chart such as those formerly conceived and maintained by the Celtic Druids of the La Tène cultural period. Our understanding of zodiacal stellar symbolism is but a "cultural construct." For instance, when one looks at the vastness of the night sky, all one sees is an infinity of pin point specks of light. Connecting the bright dots into a recognizable pattern is truly an

La quête moderne des origines du Graal a suscité ces dernières décennies des hypothèses nombreuses et variées qui ont contribué à rendre le sujet fortement complexe. Nous présentons dans cet article une nouvelle théorie explicative basée sur la simple supposition que la visite de Perceval au château du Roi Pêcheur, telle que Chrétien de Troyes nous la décrit dans son célèbre Conte du Graal, est un emprunt à un passage des Métamorphoses d'Ovide. Dans son ouvrage, l'auteur latin nous raconte en effet comment le héros Thésée, bloqué par un fleuve, est invité dans son palais par un personnage souffrant d'une mutilation: le dieu-fleuve Achelous en personne. Au cours du somptueux repas qui est servi, une nymphe entre dans la pièce portant dans ses mains la mythique corne d'abondance. Puis Thésée quitte abruptement le palais et reprend sa route sans plus se soucier du fleuve. Le schéma général de la visite au palais d'Achelous offre des similitudes frappantes avec la première apparition du Graal au château du Roi Pêcheur dans le roman de Chrétien de Troyes, mais le passage des Métamorphoses propose aussi à travers ses textes enchâssés riches en paradoxes – en particulier l'histoire d'Erysichton et de Mnestra telle que contée par Achelous lors de la visite de Thésée –, des éléments qui semblent pouvoir nous éclairer sur plusieurs autres détails du Conte du Graal, notamment sur le qualificatif de «pêcheur» attribué par Chrétien de Troyes au roi gardien de l'objet mythique, et d'émettre des hypothèses sur l'invention de la lance qui saigne et sur l'état du père du roi, uniquement nourri par le Graal depuis de nombreuses années sans que Chrétien n'en donne jamais la raison.

The modern quest for the Holy Grail has led to numerous and varied hypotheses in the last few decades; such hypotheses have rendered the topic complex. In this article I present a new theory based on the simple supposition that Perceval’s visit to the castle of the Fisher King, as presented by Chrétien in his Conte du Graal, is derived from a passage from Ovid’s Metamorphoses. In his work the Latin author tells us how the hero Theseus, whose journey is blocked by a river, is invited into the palace of a character who has suffered mutilation: this is the river-god himself, Acheolus. During the lavish dinner that follows, a nymph enters the hall bearing in her hands the mythical cornucopia or horn of plenty. Afterwards Theseus suddenly leaves the palace and continues his journey without any concern for the river. The general outlook of the scene offers some striking similarities to the first appearance of the Grail at the castle of the Fisher King in the romance by Chrétien de Troyes, but the passage in the Metamorphoses also offers, through its rich and interconnected stories – in particular the story of Erysichton and Mnestra as told by Acheolus during Theseus’s visit – elements that seem to shed light on several other details in the Conte du Graal, more specifically the qualifier ‘Fisher’ attached by Chrétien to the royal guardian of the mythical object, and to propose some hypotheses on the invention of the bleeding lance and the state of the king’s father, who is nourished only by the Grail for many years, although Chrétien never provides a reason or explanation for this.

Die Forschung zu den Ursprüngen des Grals hat allein in den letzten Jahrzehnen zahlreiche und vielfältige Hypothesen hervorgebracht, welche der Komplexität des Gegenstands gerecht zu werden versuchen. Der vorliegende Artikel präsentiert eine neue Erklärungstheorie, die auf der einfachen Annahme basiert, dass Percevals Besuch im Schloss des Fischerkönigs, so wie ihn Chrétien in seinem berühmten Conte du Graal erzählt, auf eine Passage aus den Metamorphosen des Ovid referiert. Darin wird erzählt, wie Theseus, durch einen Fluss am Weiterreisen gehindert, von einem verstümmelten Gastgeber in seinen Palast geladen wird: Er ist der Flussgott Acheloos selbst. Während Theseus reich bewirtet wird, betritt eine Nymphe den Saal, die das mythische Füllhorn in Händen trägt. Daraufhin verlässt Theseus schlagartig den Palast und macht sich wieder auf den Weg, ohne sich auch nur im Geringsten um den Fluss-gott zu kümmern. Das grundsätzliche Erzählschema des Besuchs im Palast des Acheloos weist frappante Ähnlichkeiten mit Percevals erster Begegnung mit dem Gral im Schloss des Fischerkönigs bei Chrétien de Troyes auf. Die Passage aus den Metamorphosen scheint aufgrund der vielfältigen paradoxen Texte, die in sie eingelassen sind (insbesondere die Geschichte von Erysichton und Mnestra, die Acheloos beim Besuchs des Theseus erzählt), auch Elemente zu enthalten, die uns erlauben, einige andere Details im Conte du Graal zu erklären, v. a. Chrétiens Bezeichnung des Gralskönigs als „Fischer“. Sie ermöglichen uns auch eine neue Hypothesenbildung bezüglich der Erfindung der blutenden Lanze oder des Zustands des Vaters des Königs, der seit langen Jahren ausschließlich vom Gral am Leben gehalten wird, ohne dass uns Chrétien jemals eine Begründung dafür liefern würde.

A lire ici : https://drive.google.com/open?id=0B4LPwVK-EZ85bFNobjYxdjByODg

L’origine celtique du roman de Tristan ne fait aujourd’hui presque aucun doute pour la plupart des chercheurs. Pourtant il existe une autre hypothèse : l’utilisation d’une légende gréco-latine. En effet, l'analyse de certains textes latins comme l’Énéide de Virgile, les Métamorphoses d’Ovide ou la Thébaide de Stace, semble montrer que la source des différentes versions du Tristan pourrait être une simple réécriture du mythe de Thésée et Dionysos à Naxos. Ceci étant admis, une datation du Tristan originel entre 1140 et 1160 n’apparaît plus si déraisonnable.

According to most modern scholars, there is no reason for doubting the Celtic origin of the Tristan romance. The evidence for this would come from the numerous Celtic-derived names found in the story. However a more elementary possibility should be considered, the use of Greek and Latin myths. The examination of latin texts like Virgil’s Aeneid, Ovid’s Metamorphoses or Statius’ Thebaid tends to prove that the source of all versions of the Tristan romance may be a simple rewriting of the Theseus and Dionysos myths related to the island of Naxos. This being said, we may place the creation of the original story of Tristan between 1140 and 1160.

A lire sur : https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01571684/document

La tombe de guerrier de Moscano di Fabriano
Une très riche tombe isolée de guerrier sénon fut découverte fortuitement, en 1955, à une quinzaine de kilomètres de Moscano di Fabriano, dans une position stratégique de la haute vallée de l’Esino, sur une voie qui relie la côte adriatique des Marches à la vallée du Tibre. Bouleversée antérieurement à la découverte par des travaux agricoles, la grande fosse rectangulaire contenait les résidus d’un individu armé accompagné d’un cheval harnaché et d’un très riche service de banquet, comportant aussi bien de nombreuses céramiques attiques que des récipients en bronze                                                          été jusqu’ici l’objet d’une publication exhaustive et ses matériaux restent largement inédits.

La rappresentazione del cavallo nell’arte La Tène, espressione di una mutevole divinità solare, trova importanti antecedenti nell’età del Bronzo e nella cultura di Hallstatt.
Il cavallo è uno dei temi maggiori dell’arte dei Celti nei cinque secoli che precedono l’inizio del- l’era cristiana1. È l’animale più frequentemente raffigurato nel repertorio lateniano, di gran lunga davanti al cinghiale. Lo si ritrova anzitutto sul rovescio delle monete, dove la sua totale prevalenza è evidente sugli esemplari a immagini figurate, dagli inizi della monetazione dei diversi popoli cel- tici nella prima metà del III secolo a.C. La sua presenza non può essere spiegata soltanto dai mo- delli che hanno ispirato queste serie monetarie. La scelta fu probabilmente determinata dal fatto che l’immagine del cavallo poteva essere facilmente integrata nel sistema ideologico che stava alla base dell’iconografia dei Celti dell’età del Ferro.

The fibula from Marefy, grave 9 is a peripheral variant of the Münsingen type, with S-pattern and palmette ornamentation on the bow ( fig. 1). The proposed dating is the last twenty years of the 4th century BC. It is a most distant and late case from a series of  fibulae produced in Celtic Italy ( fig. 3-4). An earlier Celtic  bula with palmettes arranged around a centre comes from the rich chief-grave of Moscano di Fabriano, dated around 360 BC ( fig. 5).  The significance of the two associated motifs, linked with the concept of cyclic alternation: light and darkness, heat and cold, life and death,explain the long persistence and wide diffusion of these fibulae.

La  fibule de la tombe n° 9 de Marefy (Moravie) appartient à une catégorie de  fibules laténiennes à l’arc décoré d’éléments d’inspiration végétale qui est représentée actuellement par une soixantaine d’exemplaires provenant de différentes régions peuplées par les Celtes pendant le IVe siècle av. J.-C. et les premières décennies du siècle suivant (KRUTA 1976/1977). Cette série de  fibules présente un intérêt particulier, car elle témoigne de manière convaincante de la diffusion de compositions d’indiscutable origine méditerranéenne, issues du milieu celto- italique, ainsi que des transformations dont elles furent l’objet dans le but de les intégrer dans le système d’idées autour duquel s’ordonnait le répertoire de l’imagerie celtique.

L'arte è indiscutilmente, assieme alla lingua, uno degli aspetti più significativi dell’identità celtica. Esiste tuttavia una certa confusione nell’interpretazione e nella comprensione di questa categoria di testimonianze. Le cause di questa
situazione sono multiple. Anzitutto è una eredità del processo di riscoperta dell’arte dei Celti continentali che parte dal confronto con l’arte etrusca e greca. Questo inizio ha condotto a considerare l’arte celtica come una manifestazione periferica dell’arte mediterranea, privandola generalmente di una presenza autonoma nelle opere di storia generale dell’arte3. In più, il legame stretto stabilito già alla fine del XIX secolo tra la civiltà della seconda età del Ferro detta di La Tène o lateniana e i Celti aveva come conseguenza la definizione di un’arte limitata al periodo e al- l’estensione geografica delle popolazioni caratterizzate da questa cultura. Le eventua- li convergenze formali con l’arte di altri territori che, dalle testimonianze linguistiche risultavano celtici, erano considerate essenzialmente come il prodotto dell’espan- sione dei Celti del nucleo lateniano nel IV-III secolo a.C.

This study focuses on the analysis of Guinevere reflected in the works of Méndez Ferrín and, by extension, the analysis of other female (and some male) characters, establishing the connection between these mythical characters and the archetype of the Great Goddess. These characters potentially integrate different aspects of the ancestral symbol that need to be elucidated, highlighting in each of them a particular condition or characteristic. The methodology of the analysis is circumscribed within the broad field of imaginary studies. This work seeks to reflect on the ancient archetype of the Great Goddess and its close relationship to aspects of sovereignty, and how it applies to the Galician imaginary.

To read this open-access publication, click urn-link.

This book offers a new interpretation of the meaning - political, artistic and personal - of Delacroix’s painting Liberty Leading the People. Instead of taking existing interpretations of this painting as my point of departure, I describe it in all its complexity, giving special attention to details that seem to have been missed by other scholars. From this I deduce that instead of offering his public a straightforward allegory, Delacroix invited it to solve a visual riddle and to decipher the several layers of meaning of each figure and of the allegory as a whole, relying on the cultural and historical knowledge that he shared with Salon viewers. Many parts of this shared knowledge, for instance Grandville’s contemporary political caricatures, anti-Bourbon songs and poems, Gallo-Roman monuments, legends and fairy tales are identified here for the first time as sources for Liberty Leading the People. New reasons for Delacroix’s interest in sources that have already been identified by other authors, for instance Auguste Barbier’s poem La Curée or Gros’s Battlefield at Eylau, are brought to light.
I interpret Liberty Leading the People as a powerful image of the transformation of the peuple bestial (bestial people), the ancien régime’s name for the lowest orders of society, into free human beings, who are reconquering the liberties that they possessed before the subjugation of Gaul by the forebears of the Bourbons. The barricade fighters of the July Revolution are depicted as people who have just left their existence as hunted wild animals; they now hunt their former oppressors, the Bourbons and their allies. Once killed, these change into monstrous animals: a serpent, a lion, and a dragon, the monsters that are mentioned in Psalm 91, the psalm from which this book takes its title. I assume that Delacroix was interested in Psalm 91 because it could stand symbol for the arrogance of the Bourbons and their allies during the Restoration.
I conclude that the political message of Liberty Leading the People is essentially peaceful: it forms a tribute to the July Revolution, the July Monarchy and the new king Louis-Philippe, and portrays the barricade fighters as victims changing into heroic freedom fighters. With this work, meant as the crowning achievement of his early career, Delacroix offers his services to the new king, without compromising on his artistic independence. In Liberty Leading the People Delacroix expresses central themes of his early work in a new and wholly original way, as symbols of the transformation of France during the July Days.
I also conclude that Liberty Leading the People ridicules Louis-Philippe’s relatives the Bourbons, their followers, their Catholic state religion, and Delacroix’s rivals, the artists who had worked for them. Precisely this aspect of the painting demonstrates that Delacroix, while celebrating a new future for France, was preoccupied with the past, his family’s misfortunes during the Bourbon Restoration, and his own career, and misjudged the sensitivities of the new king and government. The lack of understanding of political reality demonstrated by Delacroix in Liberty Leading the People explains its lukewarm reception by the government.

The systematic processing of ca. 55,000 folklore and mythological texts from all over the world has allowed to define more precisely the distribution of motifs considered to be non-trivial Celtic–Caucasian parallels, and to expand their list with two peculiar correspondences. On the one hand, the spread of these motifs may be due to cultural interactions between Celtic- and Iranian-speaking tribes that took place during the second half of the 1st millennium BC and the first half of the 1st millennium AD in the North Pontic region, Balkan-Carpathian area and Western Europe. On the other, it can be also connected with migrations of the Early Bronze Age, which caused the appearance of the steppe (Yamnaya) genetic component in the British Isles.