Ancient magic

Dans la glyptique astrologique médicale de l'époque romaine impériale les principes qui régissent le transfert de puissance de la pierre gravée au corps humains se fondent sur les doctrines de mélothésie. À l'intérieur de cette catégorie, l'effet bénéfique d'une planète ou d'une constellation zodiacale peut guider le choix de la pierre dans des buts thérapeutiques. Notre enquête vise tout d'abord à examiner les critères principaux qui permettent de définir un motif sur une intaille comme astrologique. Successivement, l'analyse des doctrines de mélothesie (où à chaque partie du corps humain correspond un astre bien précis) permettra d'évaluer comment cette association permet le recours à des remèdes issus de gemmes qui ont des affinités naturelles avec les organes malades par l'intermédiaire des corps astraux qui leur sont liées (planètes, décans, signes du Zodiaque) afin de les guérir. Abstract In medical astrological glyptics of the Imperial Roman time, the principles governing the transfer of power from the carved stone to the human body are based on the doctrines of melothesia. Within this category, the beneficial effect of a planet or a zodiacal constellation can guide the choice of stone for therapeutic purposes. Our investigation aims first of all to examine the main criteria which make it possible to define a motif on an intaglio as astrological. Successively, the analysis of the doctrines of melothesia (where to each part of the human body corresponds a very precise star) will allow us to evaluate how this association enable the recourse to remedies resulting from gems which have natural affinities with the sick organs through the astral bodies which are linked to them (planets, decans, signs of the Zodiac) in order to heal them.

In the De abstinentia (II, 41, 5) Porphyry is the first philosopher to give an exact defini- tion of goeteia or black magic saying: “All black magic is accomplished through the opposite sort [i.e. evil] daemons.
This paper will be presented in two parts: in the first part, there is the description about the difference between Magic—the sacred science of the Persian Magi (De absti- nentia IV, 16, 1)—, and the black magic (De abstinentia II, 41, 5); in the second part, using Porphyry’s definition of black magic and other philological data, it’s shown that Porphyry was not merely a philosopher interested in black magic in a theoretical man- ner, but also a practicing sorcerer.

The article is devoted to a critical revision of information about the essence, history and content of ancient magic, which Pliny the Elder presents in Books 28 and 30 of his Natural History, as well as to analyzing a number of theoretical and source-study approaches to this information, which have developed to date in modern scholarship. The general reconsideration of Pliny the Elder’s concept of magic is caused, firstly, by the fact that our knowledge of magic and its theoretical underpinnings among the ancients has greatly expanded over the past half century, and, on the other hand, by the fact that in the past few decades the scientific approach to Natural History has greatly changed. Without ceasing to be, as it was for the medieval reader, a wonderful grandmother’s chest from which a variety of things can be obtained for various research purposes, Naturalis Historia became interesting in and of itself, as an opus sui generis. In the article, discussion of magic in Pliny the Elder derives primarily from the philosophical and ideological premises of Natural History itself. The author briefly summarizes Pliny’s information about magic and comes to the conclusion that all that Pliny says about magic (which he treats with undisguised contempt, see his rhetorical attacks on magic in Book 28 and in the essay on the history of magic in Book 30) in essence rests on two firm and interrelated ideas. The first — the obvious primacy and supremacy of Rome over the whole orbis terrarum, and the second — the idea of humanitas, which, like the Platonic Good, emanates from Rome to the whole world subject to it, even to those places where the truly human is practically absent.

Keywords: Pliny the Elder, Roman religion, Greek religion, ancient magic, iatromagia, history of magic, humanitas

Geus, Klaus: Die "Weltkarte" und das Verbrechen des Mettius Pompusianus: ein Vorschlag. In: Suárez de la Torre, Emilio; Canzobre Martínez, Isabel; Sánchez-Mañas, Carmen (eds.): Ablanathanalba: magia, cultura y sociedad en el Mundo Antiguo. Madrid: Dykinson, 2020 (Collección Clásicos Dykinson), 175–183 [ISBN: 978-84-1324-639-0 / 978-84-1324-682-6].

The study analyses Platoʼs ambivalent use of magical terminology. On the one hand, magic is a synonym for sophistry and trickery. On the other hand, the description of Socratesʼ seductive personality is conveyed in the same magical terms used in the description of sophistry. Further, we focus on the persuasive function of Platoʼs myths, which is explicitly described as magical. The epistemic value of philosophical myths is rather problematic: Plato himself refers to them as „noble lies“. Thus philosophy, as conveyed by Plato, is a noble brand of sophistry, operating through divine enchantments and spells. In the last part we show possible Zoroastri-an influences in the Socratic thought tradition.

The cult of Cyprian of Antioch and Saint Justine has its origins in a Greek apocryphal text from the 4th century, and has been merged with the biography of Saint Cyprian Bishop of Carthage. In Catalonia, several old churches are dedicated to either one or the other Cyprian and it is not always clear to which of the two. Some of the anthems sung in honour of the Saint bear witness to the ancient Eastern legend and its confusion with the biography of the African Bishop. A proposal is made here concerning the identification of an unknown female martyr in the altar painting of Sant Cebrià de Cabanyes, from the 15th century.

This paper gives a detailed overview of the development which ultimately lead to the Coptic script, inlcuded earlier effortd to render Egyptian language in other writing systems. It discusses every single source in detail, including proposals for improved translation and understanding of some difficult texts like the Old Coptic Horoscope.
The systems which ultimately became the Coptic script probably had their origin in the Egyptian priestly milieu of the early Roman period (1st century CE). There are at least two basically differetn approaches, one (in Upper Egypt) creating very soon a full set of signs for all consonants which could not be adequately written in Greek, the other one (perhaps originating in Lower Egypt, but mainly attested in the Old Coptic magical passages of PGM IV) making a more restricted use of signs derived from Demotic.
Contrary to some claims by other scholars, Old Coptic is clealry also used for texts of communication, not only texts which function efficaciously by way of sound.

Spring Langford Conference 2020: Tablet and Verse: Curses and Curse Poetry in Antiquity

Curses and binding spells (κατάδεσμοι, defixiones) were extremely common in the Greco-Roman world. Inscribed curses on metal tablets, ostraca, as well as papyri attest to the presence of this practice over the span of several centuries, from the fifth century BC to Late Antiquity, across different areas of the ancient Mediterranean and beyond, from Syria to Spain, from Britain to North Africa.
This paper aims to investigate the magical curses of the Imperial period and some formulaic features thereof, by discussing how they are provocatively integrated in the rhetorical framework of the speech entitled Pro se de magia or Apologia (‘Self-defence speech on magic’, or ‘Apology’) by the Latin rhetorician and Platonist Apuleius of Madauros (2nd cent. AD). This speech was likely delivered in Sabratha (in modern Libya) before the governor of Africa and Stoic philosopher Claudius Maximus in AD 158/159, and deals with a series of accusations concerning Apuleius’ magical skills, through which he supposedly enchanted the wealthy widow Pudentilla. First, I will examine how Apuleius attempts to mock his accusers by uttering a list of Greek terms indicating animals (Apol. 38,7-8) which he ironically presents as "voces magicae", i.e. unintelligible words employed by practitioners of magic to coerce supernatural agents. Second, attention will be paid to a mock-curse (Apol. 64,1-2), which Apuleius addresses to his archenemy Aemilianus in order to antagonise him: I will show how this passage closely resembles the curses in contemporary curse-tablets except for the lack of "voces magicae". These are replaced by recherché archaising terms, which are meant to entertain the learned audience and the judge, making this apparent curse ineffective on a magical level.
This discussion will therefore make it possible to appreciate the widespread practice of curses during the Imperial period, to the point that they could be provocatively used in forensic rhetoric as in the case of Apuleius’ Apology.

This interdisciplinary project will contribute to the study of both Mediterranean magic and Jewish-Christian relations during late antiquity (III–VII CE) by providing the first sustained, comparative analysis of early Jewish and Christian magical texts and objects (e.g., amulets and incantation bowls). In particular, EJCM will focus on the similarities, differences, and contacts between these traditions in five central areas of their magical practices: biblical texts and traditions; sacred names and titles; healing and demonic protection at the interface of literary and material sources; the word-image-material relation; and references to illicit rituals. Accordingly, EJCM will illuminate the dynamics of religious assimilation, cooperation, and differentiation in the everyday lives of ancient Jews and Christians.