Syllable-final and syllable-initial /s/ reduction in Cali, Colombia Brown & Brown 2012

MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 1 R i ch ard J . F i l e-M u ri el R afael Oro zco (ed s . ) Colombia n Va r ie tie s of Spa nish MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 2 L IN GÜÍS T IC A IB ER OAMER IC ANA Vo l . 5 0 DIRECTORES: MARIO BARRA JOVER, Université Paris VIII IGNACIO BOSQUE MUÑOZ, Universidad Complutense de Madrid ANTONIO BRIZ GÓMEZ, Universitat de València GUIOMAR CIAPUSCIO, Universidad de Buenos Aires CONCEPCIÓN COMPANY COMPANY, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México STEVEN DWORKIN, University of Michigan ROLF EBERENZ, Université de Lausanne MARÍA TERESA FUENTES MORÁN, Universidad de Salamanca DANIEL JACOB, Universität Freiburg JOHANNES KABATEK, Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen EMMA MARTINELL, Universitat de Barcelona JOSÉ G. MORENO DE ALBA, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México RALPH PENNY, University of London REINHOLD WERNER, Universität Augsburg MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 3 R i c h a r d J. F ile- Mur iel R a f a el Or ozco ( eds.) Colombian Varieties of Spanish Iberoamericana • Ve r v u e r t • 2012 MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 4 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Colombian varieties of Spanish / Richard J. File-Muriel, Rafael Orozco (eds.). p. cm. – (Lingüística iberoamericana; 50.) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-936353-07-1 (pbk.) – ISBN 978-3-86527-685-8 – ISBN 978-1-936353-07-1 1. Spanish language–Variation–Latin America. 2. Spanish language–Spoken Spanish–Latin America. I. File-Muriel, Richard J. II. Orozco, Rafael, 1959 PC4074.7.C65 2012 467’.9861–dc23 2012009679 Reservados todos los derechos © Iberoamericana, 2012 Amor de Dios, 1 – E-28014 Madrid Tel.: +34 91 429 35 22 Fax: +34 91 429 53 97 [email protected] www.ibero-americana.net © Vervuert, 2012 Elisabethenstr. 3-9 – D-60594 Frankfurt am Main Tel.: +49 69 597 46 17 Fax: +49 69 597 87 43 [email protected] www.ibero-americana.net ISBN 978-84-8489-631-9 (Iberoamericana) ISBN 978-3-86527-685-8 (Vervuert) ISBN 978-1-936353-07-1 (Iberoamericana Vervuert Publishing Corp.) Depósito Legal: Diseño de la cubierta: Carlos Zamora Impreso en España Este libro está impreso integramente en papel ecológico blanqueado sin cloro MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 5 TA B L E O F C O N T E N T S Armin Schwegler PREFACE ....................................................................................................... 7 Rafael Orozco/Richard J. File-Muriel COLOMBIAN SPANISH AT THE TURN OF THE 21ST CENTURY ........................... 11 John M. Lipski THE “NEW” PALENQUERO: REVITALIZATION AND RE-CREOLIZATION ................ 21 José Alejandro Correa EL ESPAÑOL HABLADO EN EL PACÍFICO DE COLOMBIA: DOS RASGOS FONÉTI- COS DE PRESUNTO SUSTRATO AFRICANO ......................................................... 43 Catherine E. Travis/Timothy Jowan Curnow LOCATIONAL ADVERBS IN COLOMBIAN SPANISH CONVERSATION ..................... 67 Earl K. Brown/Esther L. Brown SYLLABLE-FINAL AND SYLLABLE-INITIAL /S/ REDUCTION IN CALI, COLOMBIA: ONE VARIABLE OR TWO? ............................................................................... 89 Catalina Méndez Vallejo ON THE SYNTAX OF THE FOCALIZING SER (‘TO BE’) STRUCTURE IN THE SPANISH OF BUCARAMANGA ....................................................................................... 107 Richard J. File-Muriel A LABORATORY APPROACH TO S-LENITION IN THE SPANISH OF BARRANQUILLA, COLOMBIA .................................................................................................... 127 Luz Marcela Hurtado Cubillos LA VARIABLE EXPRESIÓN DE LA IMPERSONALIDAD EN EL ESPAÑOL DE LOS COLOMBIANOS DE BOGOTÁ Y MIAMI ............................................................. 141 Scott Lamanna SECOND PERSON SINGULAR PRONOUN USE DURING CLOSED ROLE PLAYS BY COLOMBIANS IN THE NORTH CAROLINA PIEDMONT TRIAD ............................. 169 MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 6 Rafael Orozco THE EXPRESSION OF NOMINAL POSSESSION IN THE SPANISH OF COLOMBIANS IN NEW YORK CITY ...................................................................................... 205 REFERENCES ................................................................................................. 235 AUTHORS ...................................................................................................... 261 MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 89 SYLLABLE-FINAL AND SYLLABLE-INITIAL /S/ REDUCTION IN CALI, COLOMBIA: O N E VA R I A B L E O R T W O ? EARL K. BROWN/ESTHER L. BROWN 1. Introduction The variable aspiration and deletion of syllable- and word-final /s/, characteristic of multiple varieties of Spanish, is a well-studied phonological phenomenon. This reduction is illustrated in examples (1) and (2)1. (1) Para bu[h]car en el diccionario. ‘In order to search in the dictionary.’ [dic- cionario] (2) Yo tenía muchos amigo[Ø] de Gringolandia. ‘I had many friends from Gringoland.’ [install] This type of /s/ variation has been examined in several varieties of Colombian Spanish (Lafford 1986; Earl K. Brown 2009a; File-Muriel 2009). Within Colom- bian national boundaries, two macrozones have been identified, based largely upon different realizations of syllable- and word-final /s/: lowland (coastal) regions with rampant final /s/ reduction, and the more conservative /s/-retaining varieties of the interior highlands (Montes Giraldo 1982; Flórez 1973; 1978). Colombian Spanish has also been characterized, however, as being a variety that evidences reduction not only in syllable-final position, but in syllable-initial position as well (cf. Hualde 1991; Cuervo 1939; Flórez 1973). This type of reduction can be seen in examples (3) and (4), also taken from our corpus. (3) Me está doliendo la cabe[h]a horrible. ‘My head hurts horribly.’ [calima] (4) Le gusta la [Ø]ebolla. ‘S/he likes onions.’ [empanada] In fact, Lipski (1994: 209) notes that some varieties of Colombian Spanish are “unique in the Spanish-speaking world in reducing /s/ more frequently in syl- 1 The examples are taken from the corpus used in this study, with the title of the corpus file indicated in brackets. We thank Catherine Travis for her generosity in making this corpus available to us for this paper. MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 90 90 EARL K. BROWN/ESTHER L. BROWN lable-initial than in syllable-final position.” This phonological reduction has not gone unnoticed, but there has been a “scarcity of available studies, especially those of a comprehensive nature, on which to base … affirmations” regarding the nature and extension of this variable reductive process (Obaid 1973: 63). Although large-scale quantitative analyses have been conducted on other dialects (e.g. López Chávez 1977; Esther L. Brown/Torres Cacoullos 2002; Esther L. Brown 2005), very little is known about the linguistic factors that constrain vari- ation of initial /s/ in Colombia. Indeed, we would argue that it continues to be the case that initial /s/ reduction as an object of study has not received the attention it deserves (cf. Obaid 1973: 63) and very little is known about this linguistic vari- able in general. Through an analysis of 11,517 tokens of /s/ in the spoken Spanish of 38 speakers from Cali, Colombia, our study elucidates the linguistic factors that constrain the realizations of /s/ in all syllable and word positions in this variety. Furthermore, by examining four separate syllable and word positions, these data are uniquely able to address the question of whether initial /s/ reduction is a straight-forward extension of processes occurring in syllable-final position, as has been proposed (e.g. Méndez Dosuna 1987; 1996; Penny 2000), or whether weakening processes such as /s/ reduction can begin in syllable-initial position (e.g. Ferguson 1990; Mason 1994; Esther L. Brown/Torres Cacoullos 2002; Esther L. Brown 2005). 2. Background Despite being dialectally noted by many, and considered by some to be “the most interesting phonological phenomenon taking place in the Spanish language” (Obaid 1973: 63), initial /s/ reduction has generally been treated by researchers as sporadic (cf. López Scott 1983), and perhaps anomalous (cf. Hualde 1991: 56). In fact, it has been the case that “the dropping or aspiration of the /s/ phoneme in Spanish is generally regarded as occurring only in syllable-final and word-final positions….” (Resnick 1975: 13, emphasis ours). Certainly a survey of /s/ reduction studies would lead one to such a conclusion. Bibliographic indexes are replete with valuable studies of /s/ variation in syllable-final posi- tion. In stark contrast to this abundance of research is the paucity of available studies on /s/ realizations in syllable-initial position. Notwithstanding the lack of empirical analyses, there is documented mention of Colombian Spanish as a variety with frequent reduction of syllable- and word- initial /s/ (e.g. Resnick 1975: 13; Hualde 1991: 55-56; Lipski 1994: 209). As Flórez (1973: 83) notes: MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 91 SYLLABLE-FINAL AND SYLLABLE-INITIAL /S/ REDUCTION IN CALI 91 La s intervocálica, con articulación aspirada, débilmente faríngea, se oye hoy en diversas palabras del habla espontánea, rápida y descuidada de muchos colombianos en diversas regiones del país, incluyendo la ciudad de Bogotá y el discurso de locu- tores de radio y televisión. Algunos ejemplos del uso actual: nojotros, diejisiete, neje- sita, …sí jeñor, la jeñora, no jabemos, etc. Este fenómeno … creo que se está desar- rollando y extendiendo en Colombia. (emphasis ours) The extent to which initial /s/ reduction has developed or spread in Colom- bian Spanish is unknown owing to the lack of research on the subject. A primary goal of this investigation, therefore, is to quantify and describe the degree of phonological reduction of initial /s/ using quantitative variationist methodology. We will also identify the linguistic variables that significantly constrain, and hence promote and retard, /s/ reduction in this syllable position. A secondary goal of this analysis is to determine the source of this reduction. Many traditional accounts of aspiration of Spanish /s/ assert that /s/ weakening must begin in preconsonantal contexts (Terrell 1977a; 1979; Barrutia/Schwegler 1994: 216). Instances in which reduction occurs phrase-finally or prevocalically stem from analogical extensions of preconsonantal reductive processes. To account for these cases of prevocalic aspiration and deletion, the rule that gener- ates syllable-final /s/ reduction is said to generalize to include more conditioning environments (Terrell 1979) or is re-ordered to apply before resyllabification, and hence produces reduced allophones in a context otherwise unspecified (Har- ris 1983). Penny (2000: 149-150) describes a hierarchy of /s/ reduction in America that reflects a pattern of extension that emanates from phrase-final and syllable-final, preconsonantal contexts (word-medial, word-final) to later include prevocalic, word-final /s/ and lastly an extension to word-initial position. The hierarchy is reflected in the diffusion pattern proposed by Lipski (1999: 198-199), for example. According to this model, /s/ begins its weakening process in preconsonantal position (Stage 1) in either word-medial or word-final posi- tion. Generalizing from this position, the reduction may extend its phonetic con- text to include absolute final (Stage 2). Stage 3, in which word-final /s/ extends its phonetic context to include prevocalic position, is found in the “phonological- ly most advanced dialects” (Lipski 1999: 198). Once Stage 3 has been general- ized in a dialect, reduction may extend to word-initial (post-vocalic) position (Stage 4). Lastly, “the ultimate generalization would include word-internal /VsV/ combinations, and in some marginal varieties of Spanish, this extension is in its incipient phase” (Lipski 1999: 199). This cline has been tested in other initial /s/ reducing varieties (New Mexico; Chihuahua, Mexico) that are historically closely related. The possible causal MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 92 92 EARL K. BROWN/ESTHER L. BROWN TABLE 1 Proposed diachronic weakening pathway for /s/ [adapted from Lipski (1999)] Stage Phonological environment Examples 1 s > h / __C (word-medial, word-final) los mismos ‘the same ones’ 2 s > h / __# (phrase-final) cantas ‘2sg sing’ 3 s > h / __V(word-final, prevocalic) los amigos ‘friends’ 4 s > h / V#__ (word-initial, postvocalic) la semana ‘week’ 5 s > h / V__V (word-medial, intervocalic) veces ‘times’ relationship between final /s/ reduction and initial /s/ reduction, which was not sustained in previous analyses (Esther L. Brown/Torres Cacoullos 2002; Esther L. Brown 2005), has not been empirically tested outside of those varieties. In this current analysis, therefore, using variationist methodology and a usage-based approach, we will: 1. Quantify and describe the variable realizations and lexical extension of syllable-initial /s/ (word-initial, word-medial) in Cali, Colombia. 2. Quantify and describe the variable realizations and lexical extension of syllable-final /s/ (word-medial, word-final) in Cali, Colombia. 3. Identify the linguistic factor groups that significantly constrain realiza- tions of /s/ in syllable-initial and syllable-final positions. 4. Identify the magnitude and direction of effect of the linguistic factors that significantly constrain realizations of /s/ in syllable-initial and syllable- final positions. 5. Illustrate that syllable-initial /s/ reduction is a separate variable from syl- lable-final /s/ reduction in Cali, Colombia and, hence, need not be consid- ered exclusively an extension of final reduction. 3. Data and methods The data in this study come from spontaneous conversations between native speakers of Cali, Colombia (cf. Travis 2005). With relatively high levels of ini- tial /s/ reduction, this dialect lends itself well to a quantitative analysis of this phenomenon, as large numbers of tokens are necessary to detect patterns within otherwise apparently unsystematic variation. MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 93 SYLLABLE-FINAL AND SYLLABLE-INITIAL /S/ REDUCTION IN CALI 93 The recordings were made by a university student who recorded friends and family members whenever spontaneous conversations arose. Consequently, these conversations approximate the vernacular perhaps more than any other register, and are therefore essentially free of hypercorrection and irregular patterns of variation (cf. Tagliamonte 2006: 8). The corpus consists of the speech of 38 speakers, 14 men and 24 women, between the ages of 21 and 55 years. The majority of the speakers are considered middle-class Colombians, as many of them hold or are in the process of obtain- ing a university degree and many work in a related profession, such as university professor or high school teacher. Some exceptions include house cleaners and salespeople, who pertain to the working class. The larger number of female and well-educated speakers is undoubtedly the result of the fact that the research assistant is a female university student. All speakers live in Cali, and were either born there or moved there as children. The length of the conversations ranges from eight to forty minutes. The record- ings were made in places where the research assistant happened to be: at her home or that of a family member, in a car traveling, in her or a family member’s kitchen eating a meal, in the university cafeteria, in a restaurant, in the university library, and other places. The conversation topics vary greatly and cover those topics nor- mally discussed between friends and family members: family news, gossip about colleagues, jobs, current events, plans for the weekend or the upcoming holidays, car trouble, computer trouble, food, etc. The total number of words in the corpus is 105,248 (cf. Travis 2005: 13-16 for more information about the corpus used in this study, which is also used in Travis and Curnow, this volume). In order to analyze /s/ reduction in this corpus, a sequential set of tokens of /s/, starting from at least five minutes into each conversation, was coded impres- sionistically as either maintained or reduced. The choice to code the dependent variable by ear rather than instrumentally was based on the fact that “discrete variants, as the label implies, tend to be easily distinguished and their coding is typically a relatively straightforward process” (Milroy/Gordon 2003: 144). In short, if we heard sibilance, we coded the token as maintained, otherwise, it was coded as reduced. Tokens were passed over if there was so much background noise that the token could not be distinguished with confidence. A large number of tokens was analyzed in this study: N = 11,517 in 2,241 dif- ferent lexical types. The outlier behavior of entonces made necessary its exclu- sion because the entire last syllable of this word was usually deleted, as in /en- tón/, leaving neither a syllable-initial nor a word-final /s/ to analyze (N = 415). Concerning cases of outliers, Tagliamonte (2006: 91) asserts: “When the vari- able under investigation occurs in a context which is anomalous with respect to the variation of forms within it, these are typically removed from the analysis.” MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 94 94 EARL K. BROWN/ESTHER L. BROWN Research conducted on the reduction of /s/ in both syllable-initial and sylla- ble-final positions in multiple varieties of Spanish has shown that factors such as age, gender, speech style, level of education, and socioeconomic status correlate with varying degrees of reduction (Fontanella de Weinberg 1973a; López Chávez 1977; Cedergren 1978; López Scott 1983; Lafford 1986; Terrell 1986; Cid-Haz- ard 2003; López Morales 1989; Lipski 1986b; 1990; Dolores Brown 1993; Esther L. Brown 2000). We have no reason to presume that the Spanish of Cali, Colombia would lack such social and stylistic variation with regard to realiza- tions of /s/. Social and stylistic considerations were not the primary motivators in the selection of consultants for this corpus, however, and we therefore do not consider extralinguistic factors in this analysis. The seven independent variables analyzed in this study are: syllable-position (initial, final), word-position (initial, medial, final), the preceding and following phonological contexts, the prosodic stress of the syllable in which /s/ occurs (stressed, unstressed), the length of the word in segments, and the lexical fre- quency of the word in which /s/ occurs. In order to calculate lexical frequency, the number of occurrences of the indi- vidual words was calculated using the same corpus from which the words were extracted. This number was entered into the logistic regression models and thus, word frequency was measured as a gradient variable rather than a categorical one, as would be the case if the tokens were placed into groups based on their general frequency (e.g. high, mid, and low). One of the advantages of analyzing frequency as a gradient variable is that the researcher does not have to make the (oftentimes) arbitrary decision of where to place the dividing lines between the frequency groups (cf. File-Muriel 2010). Rather than the actual (or raw) number of occurrences, the natural logarithm of the number was entered into the logistic regressions. The reason for this deci- sion is that the highest-frequency word types invariably have frequencies sub- stantially higher than the rest of the tokens. This distribution gives the impres- sion that the increase in frequency among the lowest-frequency tokens is negligible. However, there may be significant differences between tokens with raw frequencies of, for example, one and fifty, but this information is overshad- owed by the huge differences when compared to the highest-frequency tokens, which have raw frequencies of 1,500. By taking the log of the raw frequencies the huge disparity between the highest-frequency tokens and the rest is assuaged. Gries (2009: 255) points out that word frequencies are usually skewed and that when there are outlier frequencies, “it makes sense ... to log the frequencies.” The following section provides a summary of the results of the quantitative and statistical analyses, as well as a discussion of the theoretical implications of these results. MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 95 SYLLABLE-FINAL AND SYLLABLE-INITIAL /S/ REDUCTION IN CALI 95 4. Results 4.1. SYLLABLE-INITIAL /S/ REDUCTION IN CALI, COLOMBIA (WORD-INITIAL AND WORD-MEDIAL) Overall, reduction in syllable-initial position is 12%. Reduction affects 14% of the lexical types in our data: of the 1,143 lexical types with a word-initial or syl- lable-initial, word-medial /s/, 158 different words show /s/ reduction. Among the most highly reducing lexical types are nosotros ‘we’ with 92% reduction (N = 38), necesito ‘1sg need’ with 68% reduction (N = 22), señora ‘woman’ with 63% reduction (N = 19), and se ‘3sg clitic pronoun’ at 37% (N = 437). The results of a series of stepwise binary logistic regressions performed with the statistics software R (R Development Core Team) reveal results which most often seem to concur with the findings of the few previous studies on ini- tial /s/ reduction in Spanish. Word- and syllable-initial /s/ is significantly condi- tioned by the following variables in these data: preceding segment, stress, word frequency, following segment, word position, and word length. See Table 2. The size of the conditioning effect is represented by the order in which the vari- ables are listed from top to bottom. The coefficients give the magnitude of effect of variants in comparison to the application value within each variable; the further away from zero, the stronger the effect of the variant on /s/ reduc- tion. The p-value reports the statistical significance of the difference between the conditioning effect of each variant and the application value. The coeffi- cients that are not statistically significant are struck-through. The coefficient and the p-value of the application values are listed as “NA” as a self-compari- son is not applicable. The two gradient variables, word frequency and word length, do not have a “% reduced” listed as there are no groupings (e.g. high versus low) within these variables. The R2 value measures the proportion of variation that is accounted for in the statistical model, with values ranging between zero and one in which more variation is accounted for as the R2 value increases towards one. As seen in the table, the variable with the strongest effect is the previous seg- ment. In comparison with a preceding pause, preceding non-high vowels (/a, e, o/) significantly condition word- and syllable-initial /s/ reduction. In this context, syllable-initial /s/ reduces at a rate of 18%. On the other hand, there is no signif- icant difference between the effect of a preceding pause and a preceding high vowel, nor between a pause and a consonant, and reduction is disfavored in this context (with reduction rates of 4% and 5% in these contexts). The fact that a preceding segment conditions word- and syllable-initial /s/ the most in these data concurs with previous studies of word- and syllable-initial /s/ in New Mexican MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 96 96 EARL K. BROWN/ESTHER L. BROWN TABLE 2 Distribution of word- and syllable-initial /s/ Preceding segment % reduced % data Coefficient p-value Pause 4 20 NA NA Consonant 4 14 0.078 0.750 High V 5 9 0.228 0.395 Non-high V 18 57 1.628 0.000 Prosodic stress Tonic 6 48 NA NA Atonic 17 52 0.812 0.000 Word frequency NA 100 0.246 0.000 Following segment High V 4 31 NA NA Non-high V 15 69 0.877 0.000 Word position Medial 11.5 54 NA NA Initial 12.3 46 0.719 0.000 Word length NA 100 0.109 0.000 N= 6,069 R2 = 0.178 df = 8 p= 0.000 MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 97 SYLLABLE-FINAL AND SYLLABLE-INITIAL /S/ REDUCTION IN CALI 97 Spanish (Esther L. Brown 2005) and in the Spanish of rural Chihuahua, Mexico (Esther L. Brown/Torres Cacoullos 2002; 2003). Prosodic stress also significantly conditions word- and syllable-initial /s/, with more reduction in unstressed syllables. When syllable-initial /s/ is realized in an unstressed syllable, the reduction rate is 17%, whereas initial /s/ in a stressed syllable reduces at a lower rate of 6%. This concurs with studies that demonstrate the influence of stress on the reduction versus maintenance of sounds in general. In fact, longer and larger articulatory gestures can be consid- ered part of the definition of stressed syllables (cf. Hualde 2005: 239; Beckman 1999). Thus, it is expected that /s/ in unstressed syllables will have shorter and smaller articulatory gestures and therefore will be perceived more often as reduced. The third most influential variable in the reduction of word- and syllable-ini- tial /s/ is the frequency of the word in which /s/ occurs. This sound is reduced more often as word frequency increases, as indicated by the fact that the coeffi- cient returned by the regression model is greater than zero (0.246). As previous- ly mentioned, this variable was entered into the regression model as a gradient variable, rather than as a categorical one. As such, the model returned a single coefficient and p-value for the variable itself rather than individual variants, as there are no individual variants in gradient variables. This result is in line with the many studies that have noted significant correlations between increased fre- quency and higher reduction (Bybee 2001; 2002; Pluymaekers/Ernestus/Baayen 2005; Raymond/Dautricourt/Hume 2006; Gahl 2008; Esther L. Brown/Torres Cacoullos 2002; Esther L. Brown/Torres Cacoullos 2003; Earl K. Brown 2009b; File-Muriel 2009). The following segment is the fourth significant variable. Similar to the influ- ence of the preceding segment, word- and syllable-initial /s/ is reduced more often when followed by a non-high vowel (15%) than by a high vowel (4%). The /s/ in Colombia typically has a predorsal articulation that can be alveolar (Montes Giraldo 1982: 37) or dental-alveolar (Flórez 1978: 211). Production of /s/ requires increased tongue height to create the friction necessary to articulate a sibilant. By definition, the high vowels /i/ and /u/ are also produced with an increased tongue height in the oral cavity and do not put pressure on the tongue to move away from the alveolar ridge. Articulation of a non-high vowel, howev- er, creates a more open space in the oral cavity due to the lower tongue height and hence increases the propensity towards a lax articulation of the sibilant, either as aspiration or deletion. Word position is the variable with the fifth strongest conditioning effect: /s/ is reduced more often in word-initial position than in word-medial position. This is the case even though the word that provides the largest number of tokens, and MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 98 98 EARL K. BROWN/ESTHER L. BROWN which has the highest frequency, sí, shows only 1% reduction while the rest of the words with word-initial /s/ have 17% reduction. The lexical item sí is most often used in utterance-initial position (post-pause), which is a phonological context that does not favor reduction. Further, the word-initial /s/ is followed by a high-vowel, is stressed, and is often articulated in isolation. All of these factors may contribute to the exceedingly low reduction-rate for sí, despite its excep- tionally high word frequency; it is the highest in our data, with a frequency of 1,774, which compares to frequencies of 975, 782, 397, and 317 (or 55%, 44%, 22%, and 18% as frequent as sí) for the next four most-frequent words: se, eso, así, si. Finally, word length significantly conditions word- and syllable-initial /s/, with increased reduction mirroring increased word length. This result seems to support Terrell’s (1979: 609) assertion about the influence of word length on word-final plural /s/ reduction. He argues that as word-final /s/ reduction increas- es, “the danger of misunderstanding increases and some effort (unconscious) is made to preserve the phonetic substance of monosyllabic words.” Our results show that reduction of syllable-initial /s/ in Cali, Colombia is sig- nificantly conditioned by lexical factors (frequency, word length, word position, stress) and extra-lexical or online contextual factors (phonological context). Reduction rates of initial /s/, at 12% overall, are not as high as other varieties of Spanish with initial /s/ reduction, such as New Mexico with 24% (Esther L. Brown 2005) or Chihuahua with 28% reduction (Esther L. Brown/Torres Cacoul- los 2003), but these results do suggest that, despite the geographic separation, syllable-initial /s/ reduction is constrained in nearly identical ways in these vari- eties of Spanish. 4.2. SYLLABLE- AND WORD-FINAL /S/ REDUCTION IN CALI, COLOMBIA The overall rate of reduction in syllable- and word-final position is 36%. Of the 1,098 lexical types with a word-final or word-medial, syllable-final /s/, 467 dif- ferent words show /s/ reduction in our data. These 467 words represent 43% of the lexical types. Among the most highly reducing lexical types are desde ‘from’, reduced 84% of the time (N = 19), mismo ‘same’ also reduced 84% of the time (N = 25), vas ‘2sg go’ with a reduction rate of 82% reduction (N = 22), nosotros ‘we’ with 81% reduction (N = 36), todos ‘all’ with 75% reduction (N = 48), and nos ‘1pl clitic pronoun’ with 70% reduction (N = 63). Most of the variables selected as having a significant influence in the reduc- tion of word-initial and syllable-initial, word-medial /s/ also make a significant contribution to the reduction of syllable- and word-final /s/. However, it is impor- MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 99 SYLLABLE-FINAL AND SYLLABLE-INITIAL /S/ REDUCTION IN CALI 99 tant to note the differences in hierarchies of significant variables between the two regressions. This difference in hierarchies suggests that /s/ is conditioned differently in the two syllable positions. The following variables significantly condition /s/ reduction in syllable- and word-final position: word position, following segment, prosodic stress, word frequency, and word length. See Table 3. Again, the magnitude of effect of each variable is represented by its position in the table, with the variables with the strongest effect at the top and the variables with the weakest effect on the bottom. The variable that most conditions syllable- and word-final /s/ reduction is the position that /s/ occupies within the word. /s/ is reduced more often in word-final position (43%) than in word-medial position (13%). This result is in line with many other studies of syllable- and word-final /s/ reduction (e.g. Earl K. Brown 2009b) that show increased rates of /s/ reduction in word-final position. The following segment is the second most influential factor group in condi- tioning realizations of /s/ in syllable-final position. In comparison with a follow- ing pause, all other segments (coronal and non-coronal consonants, and high and non-high vowels) favor reduction. The size of the conditioning effect is gauged by comparing the coefficients: the further away from zero, the stronger the effect. As seen in the table, of all the variants, a following non-high vowel favors /s/ reduction the most among the variants. This result differs from most other stud- ies of syllable- and word-final /s/ reduction, which show that a following conso- nant favors /s/ reduction more than other segments. The factor with the third strongest influence on /s/ reduction is syllabic stress. As expected, syllable- and word-final /s/ is reduced more often in atonic syllables than in tonic ones. /s/ in unstressed syllables reduces at a rate of 36%, while /s/ in stressed syllables has an overall reduction rate of 35%. While small, this differ- ence was selected as significant in the logistic regression. Again, this result con- curs with the findings of many other studies of reductive processes in phonology. The fourth variable to significantly condition syllable- and word-final /s/ reduction in these data is word frequency. As anticipated, /s/ is reduced more often in more frequent words, evidenced by the positive coefficient value. This result falls in line with previous research on the reductive nature of frequency (e.g. Hooper/Bybee 1976; Bybee/Scheibman 1999; Esther L. Brown 2004; File- Muriel 2009; Earl K. Brown 2009a). The fifth and final variable to condition syllable- and word-final /s/ reduction is word length: reduction increases as the word length increases. This finding matches the effect of word length on word- and syllable-initial /s/ reduction seen above in Table 2, and with other studies of syllable- and word-final /s/ reduction (Terrell 1979: 603). MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 100 100 EARL K. BROWN/ESTHER L. BROWN TABLE 3 Distribution of syllable- and word-final /s/ Word position % reduced % data Coefficient p-value Medial 13 26 NA NA Final 43 74 1.939 0.000 Following segment Pause 17 14 NA NA Consonant 36 68 1.610 0.000 High V 37 5 1.073 0.000 Non-high V 53 13 1.717 0.000 Stress Tonic 35 39 NA NA Atonic 36 61 0.237 0.001 Word frequency NA 100 0.066 0.000 Word length NA 100 0.062 0.004 Word length N= 5,448 R2 = 0.195 df = 9 p= 0.000 These findings suggest that syllable-final /s/ reduction in Cali, Colombia is constrained in ways that match previous research on the phenomenon. The lin- guistic factor groups that favor reduction in this study have also been found to favor reduction in other varieties. One notable exception is the finding regarding following phonological context. In Cali, Colombia, word-final /s/ reduction is favored even when the following word starts with a vowel. This contrasts sharply MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 101 SYLLABLE-FINAL AND SYLLABLE-INITIAL /S/ REDUCTION IN CALI 101 with studies that note higher rates of retention in prevocalic contexts. We will return to a discussion of this in the next section. The results presented thus far reveal the rates of /s/ reduction in all four sylla- ble and word positions2 in Cali, Colombia, and give us a complete picture of the extent of aspiration and deletion in this variety. A comparison of Tables 2 and 3 shows certain similarities between initial /s/ and final /s/ reduction. Perhaps not surprisingly, certain factor groups are shown to have similar effects on /s/ reduc- tion initially as well as finally. For example, prosodic stress has the same direc- tion of effect in both analyses: unstressed syllables favor reduction over stressed syllables. However, the comparison of results summarized in Tables 2 and 3 also reveals certain differences. For example, previous phonological environment is the most important conditioning factor group for initial /s/, but was not selected at all for final /s/. What can we infer from these results regarding the notion that initial /s/ reduction is an extension of final /s/ reduction in this variety of Span- ish? The following section outlines our attempts to address this question. 4.3. FINAL > INITIAL CONTINUUM If /s/ reduction were progressing down a cline as summarized in Table 1, we might expect rates of reduction to be highest in preconsonantal positions (stage 1), and to decrease successively in subsequent stages. Table 4 shows rates of reduction in Cali, Colombia for each of the phonological positions proposed in the cline. It can be noted that the rates of reduction do not appear to decrease with each purported stage in the cline, and hence do not appear to suggest a pathway of change. This cline also failed to be supported in New Mexico and Chihuahua, Mexi- co, two other dialects with initial /s/ reduction (Esther L. Brown/Torres Cacoul- los 2002; Esther L. Brown 2005). The results in Table 5 summarizing data from a variety of Spanish dialects that are not as closely related historically as the ones previously studied, provide further support of the notion that initial /s/ reduction need not proceed from final /s/ reduction. It has been proposed (Esther L. Brown/Torres Cacoullos 2003: 35) that “syl- lable initial /s/ reduction will occur in Spanish varieties where: (1) word-final /s/ reduction is greater before a pause and a vowel than before a consonant, and (2) overall final /s/ reduction rates are relatively low”. The Cali data partially sup- port the first (1) part of this assertion: reduction is high in word-final prevocalic 2 That is, (1) word-initial, (2) word-medial, syllable-initial, (3) word-medial, syllable- final, and (4) word-final. MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 102 102 EARL K. BROWN/ESTHER L. BROWN TABLE 4 Rates of /s/ reduction in Cali Colombian Spanish Stage Phonological environment Examples 1 s > h / __C (word-medial) 13% (1436) 2 s > h / __ #C (word-final, preconsonantal) 51% (2354) 2 s > h / __# (phrase-final) 17% (824) 3 s > h / __#V(word-final, prevocalic) 49% (1047) 4 s > h / V#__ (word-initial, post-vocalic) 23% (266/1142) (5) s > h / V__V (word-medial) 13% (370/2788) position (49%). Nevertheless, in Caleño Spanish, rates of reduction are not high in phrase-final position (17%). Prevocalic reduction rates do not exceed precon- sonantal reduction rates (51%) as would be expected; however, differences between these reduction rates are not significant. Indeed, a cross-dialectal comparison of reduction in seven varieties of Span- ish shows that dialects with noted initial /s/ reduction (Cali, Colombia, New Mexico, Chihuahua) all show no significant differences between word-final pre- consonantal /s/ reduction and word-final pre-vocalic /s/ reduction. These data are summarized in Table 5. This lack of significant difference contrasts with other /s/ reducing varieties such as Argentina, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Venezuela, where, in word-final position, there are significant differences between pre-vocalic and pre-consonantal positions. Preconsonantal word-final /s/ reduces at a significant- ly higher rate than prevocalic word-final /s/ in these varieties. This suggests that there may be something special about the intervocalic phonological context in word-final position, and further that this lack of significant difference could potentially be used as a diagnostic to predict the existence of initial /s/ reduction in varieties of Spanish. Given the comparatively higher rates of prevocalic word-final /s/ reduction in initial /s/ reducing varieties, if there were a final > initial continuum, it seems likely the word-final, pre-vocalic position would be a key phonological context for the possible extension of reduction to word-initial position; a gateway of change, so to speak. One of the methodological weaknesses of the two regressions reported in Tables 2 and 3 is that the variables are not orthogonal: not every variant analyzed in one regression is analyzed in the other. For example, word-initial /s/ can only MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 103 SYLLABLE-FINAL AND SYLLABLE-INITIAL /S/ REDUCTION IN CALI 103 TABLE 5 Crossdialectal comparison of /s/ reduction in 4 word and phonological contexts in Spanish varieties with and without noted initial /s/ reduction3 Cali, New Chihuahua, Mérida, San Juan, Context Argentina Cuba Colombia Mexico Mexico Venezuela Puerto Rico ___C 13% (1436) 25% (1310) 22% (569) 88% (4150) 97% (1714) 90% (1675) 90% (1737) ___##C 51% (2354) 61% (1875) 42% (656) 89% (5475) 98% (3265) 97% (2769) 97% (2706) ___##V 49% (1047) 62% (962) 47% (221) 12% (2649) 82% (1500) 87% (1189) 91% (1176) ___// 17% (824) 44% (811) 54% (230) 22% (2407) 39% (1776) 58% (777) 82% (903) New Mexico data taken from Esther L. Brown (2005). Chihuahua data taken from Esther L. Brown/Torres Cacoullos (2002; 2003). Argentina and Cuba data taken from Terrell (1977b; 1978a; 1979), as summarized in Bybee (2001: 140). Venezuela and Puerto Rico data taken from Earl K. Brown (2009b). Differences in reduction rates word-finally __##C vs. __##V: Cali, Colombia p = 0.269, X2 = 1.22 not significant, New Mexico p = 0.4802, X2 = 0.498 not significant, Chihuahua, Mexico p = 0.1823, X2 = 1.78 not significant, Argentina p = 0.001, X2 = 4588.33, Cuba p = 0.001, X2 = 403.02, Mérida, Venezuela p = 0.001, X2 = 162.28, San Juan, Puerto Rico p = 0.001, X2 = 76.08 be followed by a vowel (e.g. señora) whereas word-medial, syllable-final /s/ is only followed by a consonant (hasta), and word-final /s/ can be followed by both vowels and consonants, as well as by pauses (los niños, los otros #). A similar situ- ation holds when analyzing the preceding segment. Word-final /s/ is only preceded by vowels (los niños), while word-initial /s/ can be preceded by vowels, conso- nants, and pauses (este señor, un señor, # señor). Given this distributional asymme- try, and considering the importance of word-final, prevocalic context revealed in the cross-dialectal comparison summarized in Table 5, we conducted a stepwise binary logistic regression using only the intervocalic data (N = 4,992), which includes VsV in word-initial, word-medial, and word-final contexts. The results of the statistical analysis are summarized in Table 6. If we were to find evidence of an extension process proceeding from final > initial, these tokens of /s/ would, in prin- ciple, be ones in which this pathway of change would be most evident. 3 These are varieties that have not been cited repeatedly in the literature as having notable initial /s/ reduction. It is possible that instances of variable /s/ aspiration occurs in initial posi- tion, particularly with specific lexical items, but that rates of reduction are not high enough to be noteworthy. MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 104 104 EARL K. BROWN/ESTHER L. BROWN TABLE 6 The conditioning effect of the main-effect variables4 on intervocalic /s/ reduction Variable/variant Coefficient p-value (Intercept) –4.606 0.000 Word position = Initial NA NA Word position = Medial -1.098 0.194 Word position = Final 2.130 0.015 Stress = Tonic NA NA Stress = Atonic 1.961 0.000 Previous segment = Hi V NA NA Previous segment = Non-hi V 0.921 0.009 Following segment = Hi V NA NA Following segment = Non-hi V 2.343 0.000 Frequency -0.002 0.981 Word length –0.330 0.004 As is made quite evident from this analysis of intervocalic tokens, the factor with the greatest conditioning effect, word position, makes apparent a significant difference (p = 0.015) between /s/ reduction in word-initial position (V#sV) and /s/ reduction in word-final position (Vs#V). Even when considered in identical phonological contexts, there is a significant difference between these two instances of reduction. Crucially, it is important to also note the lack of a signifi- cant difference (p = 0.194) between word-initial /s/ reduction and syllable-initial /s/ reduction in word-medial position (VsV). Thus, it appears that initial /s/ reduction (word-initial and word-medial) is one process that contrasts signifi- cantly with intervocalic /s/ reduction in word-final position. What might cause word-final /s/ to behave differently? One likely reason is the difference in its distribution across syllable-positions. While word-initial /s/ 4 The pairwise interactions between the main effects are not listed here even though they were entered into this model. MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 105 SYLLABLE-FINAL AND SYLLABLE-INITIAL /S/ REDUCTION IN CALI 105 is always in syllable-initial position, word-final /s/ occurs in syllable-initial posi- tion (because of resyllabification) only 24% of the time in these data (e.g. ‘vas a’ [bá-sa] vs. ‘vas con’ [bás-kon]). Thus, even when word-final /s/ is resyllabified into syllable-initial position when followed by a vowel, it remains lexically final and the cumulative experience in syllable-final position appears to influence its behavior. Overall, the results of our quantitative analyses summarized in sections 4.1- 4.3 suggest that in this variety of Spanish, initial /s/ reduction is not an extension of final /s/ reduction. The rates of reduction in different word and phonological contexts are not suggestive of a cline of development proceeding from final > initial (Table 1). Furthermore, the separate analyses of initial vs. final /s/ reduc- tion (Tables 2 & 3) show a different ranking of constraints, and consequently, magnitude of effect, for the linguistic factors. Lastly, when considering /s/ only in the intervocalic context shared across three word positions, we report no significant difference between word-initial and word-medial /s/ reduction, yet a sig- nificant difference between reduction in word-initial and word-final positions (Table 6). Together, these results suggest that the processes occurring in syllable-final position and those occurring in syllable-initial position are independent. These results are in line with the notion put forth by Bybee (2001: 86) that “it is proba- bly fair to say that the ‘same’ consonant almost never appears in both syllable- initial and syllable-final position without some modification.” It seems, there- fore, that when talking about aspiration and deletion in Cali, Colombia, we are talking about two variables, (s-) and (-s), as opposed to one. 5. Conclusions The previous discussion outlines the results of a large-scale quantitative analysis of /s/ reduction in all syllable and word positions (word-initial; syllable-initial, word-medial; syllable-final, word-medial; word-final) in Cali, Colombia. The results of the logistic regressions reveal the linguistic factor groups that signifi- cantly constrain both initial and final /s/, and the direction of effect for individual factors is determined (Tables 2 and 3). These results give us a better picture of the nature and extent of /s/ reduction in Cali, Colombia and address the paucity of empirical analyses of syllable-initial /s/ reduction. Future research is needed in other initial /s/ reducing varieties of Spanish (i.e. Honduras, Nicaragua, El Salvador) to address the dearth of empirical analyses on initial /s/ reduction. Individual analyses of initial /s/ tokens and final /s/ tokens revealed different orderings of factor groups (by magnitude of effect) and were suggestive of two MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 106 106 EARL K. BROWN/ESTHER L. BROWN separate variables (/s-/ and /-s/) as opposed to one (/s/). Also, quantitative analy- ses of reduction rates of /s/ tokens in different syllable positions and phonologi- cal contexts (Table 4) do not point to a unified process of /s/ reduction proceed- ing from preconsonantal contexts to ultimately include word-medial intervocalic contexts. Yet a comparison of rates of /s/ reduction in seven different dialects - those with initial /s/ reduction and those without noted initial /s/ reduction - does reveal an interesting difference between the two types of /s/ reducing varieties (Table 5). Those varieties with no noted word- and syllable-initial /s/ reduction (Cuba, Argentina, Venezuela, Puerto Rico) all present significant differences in rates of reduction in prevocalic contexts and preconsonantal contexts in word- final position. Conversely, initial /s/ reducing varieties (New Mexico, Chi- huahua, Cali) share the commonality of having no significant difference in reduction rates word-finally in prevocalic and preconsonantal contexts. To deter- mine if this commonality implicated intervocalic /s/ as a crucial component act- ing as a portal through which final /s/ could proceed to initial, we conducted an analysis of all intervocalic tokens of /s/ (Table 6). Results of this analysis clearly suggest that even in the shared intervocalic context, /s-/ and /-s/ are significantly different. The final > initial continuum reviewed in this work, therefore, does not seem to hold for the dialect under discussion here. Our data are taken from the Spanish of Cali, which, although classified as a highland variety (e.g. Montes Giraldo 1982), may, in fact, be better considered a transitional variety with influences from the nearby coastal regions. The ‘transi- tional’ nature of this variety may have implications for the analysis that were not identified in this work, and the applicability of the final > initial cline should be tested in future research on different varieties. Additionally, social variables were not included in this analysis. Phonological variation of /s/ has been shown to correlate significantly with social variables (e.g. Lafford 1986) that help eluci- date mechanisms of change, and as such, should be considered in subsequent works on Cali /s/ reduction. MURIEL/OROZCO 31/5/12 14:24 Página 235 REFERENCES ALARCOS LLORACH, Emilio (1973): Estudios de gramática funcional del español. Madrid: Gredos. 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