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Invasion or inflation? Sixth- to seventh-century Byzantine coin hoards in Eastern and Southeastern Europe

  • Florin  Curta
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Invasion or inflation? Sixth- to seventh-century Byzantine coin hoards in Eastern and Southeastern Europe

Invasion or inflation? Sixth- to seventh-century Byzantine coin hoards in Eastern and Southeastern Europe

  • Florin  Curta
    Uploaded by
INVASION OR INFLATION? SIXTH- TO SEVENTH-CENTURY BYZANTINE COIN HOARDS IN EASTERN AND SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE It is widely accepted that hoards give a far more reliable picture of the circulating medium than stray losses of coinage. A hoard constitutes a 'closed group' of associated artifacts, but in itself, divorced from the legends of the coins which form it and from the archaeological information, which, occasionally, surrounds its finding, a hoard can give little or no information on the process of formation and deposition1. However, since hoards are generally believed to have been deposited close to the date of the latest coin, an unusual clustering of hoards within a short space of time is often interpreted as indicating some severe threat to the region. Plotted on maps, hoards could thus be used for tracing movements of armies or peoples, areas of unrest, regions of wealth, etc2. This is particularly true for archaeological studies, in which the association of hoarding with impending disaster appears to be irresistible. A hoard is too often viewed as «a mute testimony to a misfortune, calamity or tragedy»3. Coin hoards represent an ideal case 1 N.B. Aitchison, «Roman wealth, native ritual: coin hoards within and beyond Roman Britain», World Archaeology 20 (1988), no. 2, 271; R. Reece, interpreting Roman hoards», World Archaeology 20 (1988), no. 2, 265. 2 J.P.C. Kent, interpreting coin-finds», in Coins and the Archaeologist, 2nd ed., ed. J. Casey and R. Reece (London, 1974), 202; E.B. Banning, «Cache and bury. The archaeology of numismatics», Canadian Numismatic Journal, 32 (1987), no. 1, 7; cf. D.M. Metcalf, «Avar and Slav invasions into the Balkan peninsula (c. 575-625): the nature of the numismatic evidence», Journal of Roman Archaeology, 4 (1991), 141. 3 R.M. Greig, «Hoards and their significance^ Australian Numismatic Journal, 21 (1970), no. 1, 2. See A. Mikolajczyk, «Romantic illusions and the economic reality of the 16th and 18th century coin-hoards: some examples from Central Poland», in Proceedings of the 9th International Congress of Numismatics, Berne, September 1979, 65 florin curta for culture-historical archaeology, with its striving to discover historical events in the archaeological record. For archaeologists attempting to reconstruct culture history are guided by two basic principles: 1) the probability of diffusion having taken place increases directly with the degree of formal resemblance between items and traits and with the degree of componential complexity of the traits compared; 2) the probability of diffusion having taken place decreases with the amount of temporal and spatial separation between the traits being compared4. Archaeologists are also interested in chronology, because they perceive the need for increasingly tight controls over chronological &s well as cultural variations. Temporal changes within sites over relatively short periods of time become crucial for answering questions of a historical nature. Culture-historical archaeologists search for ways to recover information from historical sites that would corroborate and expand what is known about their history from written records5. It is not surprising to see these archaeologists making extensive use of coin hoards especially for tracing migrations, since archaeology now becomes closely aligned with history and is seen as offering insights into the development of particular peoples. The use of coin hoards for spotting barbarian invasions has a long history. The first who established coin hoards as a class of evidence which recorded chronologically and spatially a concealer's fear of loss and his inability to retrieve was the French numismatist Adrien Blanchet6. His method was exposed in an exemplary article published in II (Louvain-la-Neuve - Luxembourg, 1982), 967: «A picture is likely to emerge of a terrified man who buries a pot or jug filled with his whole life's savings in cash next to a bloody battlefield*. 4 L.R. Binford, «Archaeological perspectives», in New Perspectives in Archaeology, ed. S.R. Binford and L.R. Binford (Chicago 1968), 5-7. 5 For the culture-historical approach in archaeology, see B.G. Trigger, A History of Archaeological Thought (Cambridge 1989), 148-206. 6 A. Blanchet, Les tresors de monnaies romaines et les invasions germaniques en Gaule (Paris 1900); Id. «Les rapports entre les depots monetaires et les evenements militaires, politiques et economiques», Revue Numismatique, 39 (1936), 1-70,205-269; cf. L. Okamura, «Coin hoards and frontier forts: problems of interpretation*, in Akten des 14. internationalen Limeskongresses 1986 in Carnuntwn, ed. H. Vetters and M. Kandler (Vienna 1990), 45. See also A. Kazhdan, «Moneta e societa», in La cultura 66 invasion or inflation? 1936 and was characteristically based on the idea of associating each individual hoard with its corresponding political event. Numerous hoards would therefore bear witness of major invasions, and when coin hoards are found in or near destroyed forts, the evidence for barbarian assaults is even more compelling. The hoard of Barzovica, for example, evidences the raid of the Bulgars in 499, that of §eica Mica witnessed the arrival of the Lombards to Pannonia, while the Vid hoard «eveille le souvenir de Finertie de ce monarque [i.e. Tiberius II] a Pegard des Avares»7. Blanchet's approach was almost universally applied after World War II, especially in studies referring to frontier areas. For Eastern Europe,, in particular, Howard Adelson first associated hoards of sixth-century solidi found in southern Ukraine with the migrations of the Bulgars at the end of the seventh century8. In two articles published in 1962, D.M. Metcalf argued that several hoards found in Athens could be considered as indicating devastating raids by Slavs in Greece in 582/3 and that Slavonic invasions into the Balkans during Heraclius' first regnal years may have resulted in the deposition of later hoards found in Thasos, Nea Anchialos, Chalkis, Solomos, and Athens9. bizantina. Oggetti e messaggio. Moneta ed economia (Rome, 1986), 208. Adrien Blanchet's 'criticism' of the new direction opened by the future Annales school that was emerging at the time is indicative of his theoretical position: «Et quand je considere les tendances d'une certaine ecole historique actuelle, qui pretend s'occuper de la marche de la Civilisation, en releguant, a un plan tres efface, les guerres et les combinaisons politiques qui les font naTtre, je ne puis m'empecher de penser que ce systeme est condamne d'avance a une somme considerable d'erreurs (emphasis added)» (Blanchet, «Les rapports», 6). 7 Blanchet, «Les rapports», 246-247. 8 H.L. Adelson, Light Weight Solidi and Byzantine Trade During the Sixth and Seventh Centuries (New York 1957), 93. For hoards with hexagrams found in Romania, see more recently P. Yannopoulos, L'hexagramme, un monnayage byzantin en argent du VH-e siecle (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1978), 106; V. Popovic, «Aux origines de la slavisation des Balkans: la constitution des premieres sklavinies macedoniennes vers la fin du Vl-e siecle», CRAIy 8 (1980), 252, and V.M. Butnariu, «Raspindirea monedelor bizantine din secolele VI-VII in teritoriile carpato-dunarene», Buletinul Societatii Numismatice Romane, 77-79 (1983-1985), nos. 131-133, 216. 9 D.M. Metcalf, «The Slavonic threat on Greece circa 580: some evidence from Athens», Hesperia, 31 (1962), 134—157; Id., «The Aegean coastlands under threat: some coins and coin hoards from the reign of Heraclius», ABSA, 57 (1962), 14-23. For similar views, see O. Picard, «Tr6sors et circulation mon6taire a Thasos du IV-e au 67 florin curta According to Bozidar Ferjancic, J. Kovacevic was the first, among Serbian archaeologists, to link the Borec hoard to the Slavonic invasion of 578/910, while the Bulgarian numismatist Iordanka Jurukova explicitly argued that any sixth century hoard found in Bulgaria should be viewed as indicating Slavonic invasions11. Though the current historiographical image of Slavonic migration is that, in contrast with the Germanic peoples, it was more a slow expansion in all directions than a sudden shift of position, more a flood and an «obscure progression» than a mere invasion12, hoards are invoked as archaeological evidence for the advent of the Slavs into those territories for which contemporary historical sources are scarce, if not completely absent, like southern Poland and eastern Germany13. It has been argued, VH-e siecle apres J.-C», in Thasiaca (Athens-Paris 1979), 450; V. Athanassopoulou-Penna, «*9r|o"0n)p6<;' vouxauaxtov 6-Oi \i. X. aitova &tco xfiv nepioxh -tew 0T|pd)v», 'Ap%. 'Etj). 1979, 203. For a reconsideration of the problem by D. M. Metcalf, see Metcalf, «Invasions». 10 B. Ferjan&c, invasions et installations des Slaves dans les Balkans», in Villes et peuplement dans Vlllyricum protobyzantin. Actes du colloque organise par I'Ecole frangaise de Rome (Rome, 12-14 mai 1982) (Rome 1984), 97. 11 I. Jurukova, «Les invasions slaves au sud du Danube d'apres les tresors monetaires en Bulgarie», Byzantinobulgarica, 3 (1969), 259. She recently proposed a different interpretation for tremisses found in the late Roman fortress at Sadovec, that might represent payments to Roman troops; cf. I. Jurukova, «Trouvailles monetaires de Sadovetz», in Syna Uenze, Die spatantiken Befestigungen von Sadovec. Ergebnisse der deutsch-bulgarisch-dsterreichischen Ausgrabungen 1934-1937 (Munich 1992), 287. 12 L. Musset, Les invasions: le second assaut contre VEurope chretienne (Vlle-Xle siecles) (Paris 1965), 75, 81, and 85; Marua Gimbutas, The Slavs (New York-Washington 1971), 98; H.G. Koenigsberger, Medieval Europe 400-1500 (New York 1987), 38; W. Pohl, Die Awaren. Ein Steppenvolk im Mitteleuropa 567-822 n. Chr. (Munich 1988), 95; H. Birnbaum, «The Slavic settlements in the Balkans and the Eastern Alps», in Byzantine Studies. Essays on the Slavic World and the Eleventh Century, ed. Speros Vryonis Jr. (New Rochelle 1992), 5. 13 K. Godlowski, «Die Kulturumwandlungen in nordlichen Mitteleuropa wahrend des 5. bis 7. Jh. und das Problem der grossen Wanderung der Slawen», in Rapports du lll-e Congres International d'Archeologie Slave, I (Bratislava 1979), 229 (the hoard of fifth-century solidi found in Slawecin, in southern Poland); J. Herrmann, «Byzanz und die Slawen 'am auBersten Ende des westlichen Ozeans*», Klio, 54 (1972), 318 (the hoard of sixth-century solidi found in Biesenbrow, Eastern Germany); cf. R. Laser, Die romischen und friibyzantinischen Fundmunzen aufdem Gebiet der DDR (Berlin 1982), 24. For the image of the early Slavs in the Rumanian historiography and archaeological 68 invasion or inflation? on the other hand, that hoards found in the northern Balkans or beyond the Danube river may reflect the Roman counter-offensive against the Slavonic tribes living beyond the Danube river, during the last part of Maurice's reign '4. In spite of some caveats and criticisms raised against his views '5, the subject is still dominated by a prominent series of literature and the use of numismatic arguments, see F. Curta, «The changing image of the early Slavs in the Rumanian historiography and archaeological literature. A critical survey», Siidost-Forschungen, 53 (1994), 249. 14 V. Popovic, «La descente des Koutrigoures, des Slaves et des Avares vers la Mer Eg6e: le temoignage de l'archeologie». CRA1, 6 (1978), 629; M. Whitby, The Emperor Maurice and His Historian: Theophylact Simocatta on Persian and Balkan Warfare (Oxford 1988), 135. Cf. J. Ferluga, «GIi Slavi del sud ed altri gruppi etnici di fronte a Bisanzio», in Gli Slavi occidentali e meridionali nelValto Medioevo, I (Spoleto 1983), 313, who believes that the collapse of the Danube frontier could be dated by coin hoards found in Histria (on the Black Sea coast!), $ocariciu, Reselec, Bosman, Veliki Gradac, and CariSin Grad (on the Upper Morava river!). 15 R.L. Hohlfelder, «A small deposit of bronze coins from Kenchreai», Hesperia, 39 (1970), 70 and Id. «Migratory peoples' incursions into central Greece in the late sixth century: new evidence from Kenchreai», in Actes du XlV-e Congres international des etudes byzantines, Bucarest 6-12 septembre 1971ed. M. Berza and E. Stanescu, III (Bucharest, 1976), 335, who carefully separated 'emergency hoards' from 'purse hoards'; cf. P.J. Casey, Understanding ancient coins. An introduction for archaeologists and historians (Norman-London 1986), 56-57 (for a more detailed classification into 'deliberate' and 'lost' hoards, see P. Berghaus, «Coin hoards: methodology and evidence», in Numismatics and Archaeology, ed. Parmeshwari Lai Gupta and Amal Kumar Jha [Maharashtra 1987], 17-18). For a similar interpretation, see more recently J.A. Dengate, «Coin hoards from the Gymnasium area at Corinth». Hesperia, 50 (1981), 154, who attributed the spreading of the hoard near the Gymnasium in Corinth to a major earthquake, although the date of the burial of the hoard found in the «Fountain of the lamps» may be connected with the Avaro-Slavic invasion of the 580s; cf. ibid., 158. In contrast, see Gh. Poenaru-Bordea, «Monnaies byzantines des VIe-VIIe siecles en Dobroudja», in Actes du XlVe Congres international des etudes byzantines, Bucarest, 6-12 septembre 1971, ed. M. Berza and E. Stanescu, III (Bucharest, 1976), 207, who believed, while attempting to explain the deposition of the hoard of Topalu, that «on pourrait aussi penser a des phenomenes inflationnistes, mais surtout a la nee6ssite de remplir un vide relatif, du a la diminution de la circulation effective ainsi qu'a la disparition d'une quantite* de monnaies du marche\ par suite de la thesaurisation». For a culture-historical interpretation of this hoard, see Popovic, «La descente», 611, who ignoring Poenaru-Bordea's caveat, argued that it should be linked to the Avars' arrival to the Lower Danube. For alternative interpretations of hoards, see more recently Gh. Poenaru-Bordea and R. Oche§anu, «Tezaurul de monede bizantine de aur descoperit in sapSturile arheologice din anul 1899 de la Axiopolis», 69 florin curta articles by Vladislav Popovic. Though he is not entirely responsible for the introduction of the culture-historical approach to the problem of the sixth- and seventh-century Byzantine coin hoards, his name is commonly associated with what D.M. Metcalf calls an «over- interpretation of the numismatic data»16. Popovic was the first to link the diminution and the interruption of activity of the mint of Thessalonica to the Slavonic incursions of 579/80 to 583/4, a hypothesis too easily embraced by other scholarsI7. He emphasized the importance of the siege and conquest of Sirmium by the Avars in 582, and considered hoards found in Dalmatia (Vid and Grabovnik) or along the Iron Gates sector of the Danube frontier (Veliko Orasje, Veliko Gradiste, Boljetin, and Tekija) as reverberations of the disaster in areas easily accessible from Sirmium,s. In a later article, Popovic dealt with hoards dated to the first half of the sixth century. He associated many of them with raids of the Cutrigurs and Slavs (Patelenica, Sadovik, Trud, Simitlij, Katunica, Klinovac, and Dobra), though he also noticed that the relatively small number of accurately dated hoards from this period is an important impediment to an historical interpretation19. Popovic has not attempted to map the hoards in order to show in detail how far away they lay from the conjectural routeways and focal areas of settlement, but produced a series of maps showing directions of the invasions, on the basis of find spots of Buletinul Societ&tii Numismatice Romdne, 57-59 (1983-1985), nos. 131-133, 177-197 (the hoard of Hinog/Axiopolis as donativum, without any necessary connection with military activity caused by Slavic invasions) and I. Marovic, «A hoard of Byzantine gold coins from Narona», in Studia Numismatica Labacensia. Alexandro Jelocnik oblata, ed. P. Kos and Z. Demo (Ljubljana, 1988), 295-316, who interpreted the hoard of Vid/Narona as «financial resources... delivered from Constantinople to some high functionary of the Byzantine administration in Narona». [ibid., 308). 16 Metcalf, «Invasions», 145. 17 V. Popovic, «Les temoins archeologiques des invasions avaro-slaves dans rillyricum byzantin», MEFR, 87 (1975), 463; see Maria Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves dans l'Empire byzantin», in The 17th International Byzantine Congress. Major Papers. Dumbarton Oaks/Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., August 3S, 1986 (New Rochelle 1986), 348-351. 18 Popovic, «Les t£moins», 467 and 484. For a connection between hoards and the network of roads, see P.S. Koledarov, «Zur Frage der politischen und ethnischen Veranderungen auf dem Balkan im 7. Jahrhundert», Etudes historiques, 10 (1980), 81. 19 Popovic, «La descente», 610-611. 70 invasion or inflation? hoards or stray losses20. He however noted that hoards dated to the first half of the sixth century are primarily found in rural areas, while later hoards concealed during Justin IFs or Maurice's reigns were found in urban, fortified centers21. Though he correctly observed that not every incursion provoked hoarding (there is no trace in coin hoarding of the serious raid of Zabergan's Cutrigurs in 558/9)22, Popovic does not seem to have been deterred from using the evidence of hoards for 'discovering' invasions that no historical source ever mentioned23. His approach clearly demonstrates the connection between culture history and archaeological interpretation of hoards. D.M. Metcalf's harsh criticism of Popovic's articles — «a superficial and almost worthless exercise»24 — emphasized the lack of any attempts to establish the terminus post quern of the hoards, one by one, or to assess from their size and age-structure how soon after the terminus post quern their concealment is likely to have been. But Metcalf himself overlooked the weakest point of Popovic's approach, namely the use of archaeological and numismatic data to evidence invasions25. His interpretation of Byzantine coin hoards, as well as Popovic's approach to other categories of archaeological data, such as curved fibulae or belt-buckles26, could at best illustrate Leo Klejn's portrait of the archaeologist who sometimes 20 Popovic, «La descente», 609 fig. 6 and 618 fig. 7; cf. Metcalf, «Invasions», 145. 21 Popovic, «La descente», 611. 22 Popovic, «La descente», 611; cf. Metcalf, «Invasions», 145. Both scholars seem to ignore the fact that coin hoarding in the Balkans increased particularly at the time when, according to historical sources, there was no major Slavic invasion or any other barbarian attack across the Lower Danube, namely between 558/9 and 578/9. 23 Popovic, «La descente», 621; Popovic, «Aux origines». Cf. Kazhdan, «Moneta»", 208: «...on ne peut etre certain que le fait de passer de l'existence d'un certain tresor mon&aire a une conclusion concernant des faits non connus de l'histoire politique serait plausible». 24 Metcalf, «Invasions», 145. 25 D.M. Metcalf himself made extensive use of the (political and) historical argument in explaining the rate of non-recovery of hoards. See more recently, D.M. Metcalf, «The minting of gold coinage at Thessalonica in the fifth and sixth centuries and the gold currency of Illyricum and Dalmatian in Studies in Early Byzantine Gold Coinage, ed. by W. Hahn and W. E. Metcalf (New York 1988), 68. 26 Popovic, «Les temoins», 454-457; Popovic, «La descente», 636-648; Popovic, «Aux origines», 235-238, all of which are primarily based on Joachim Werner's study (see J. Werner, «SIawische Biigelfibeln des 7. Jahrhunderts», in Reinecke Festschrift 71 florin curta realizes that he cannot do [any research] without sources of other kinds and he undertakes raids into the other source-studying disciplines. In these cases he usually feels at full liberty and, not being tied and limited by strong rules, he plunders there as he can, shatters methodologies and violates facts. And after dragging his booty away he does not know how to integrate this information with his own. For he is not taught synthesis27. «Text-hindered archaeology», to use a recurrent phrase, shows that written information can in some way impede the interpretation of material evidence, since very rarely can physical remains be linked to a moment in history with a high degree of certainty, exceptions like Pompeii being scanty28. Written history holds a double danger for archaeology. Not only does it steer the archaeological sample toward conformity with tradition by telling archaeologists where to look; it also tells them what to see29. There is however no necessary connection between a written source's historical reliability and its archaeological usefulness in the realm of interpretations and ideas30. A culture-historical approach to zum 75. Geburtstag von Paul Reinecke am 25. September 1947, ed. G. Behrens, Mainz 1950, 150-172). For a more recent approach, see: M. Mencke, «Zu den Fibeln der Awarenzeit aus Keszthely». A Wosinsky Mor Muzeum Evkonyve (Szekszard), 15 (1990), 187-214; Uwe Fiedler, Studien zu Graberfeldern des 6. bis 9. Jahrhunderts an der unteren Donau (Bonn 1992), 91-105; F. Curta, «On the dating of the 'Ve{el-Cosovenr group of fibulae», Ephemeris Napocensis, 4 (1994), 233-265; F. Curta and V. Dupoi, «Uber die Biigelfibel aus Pietroasa und ihre Verwandten», Dacia, 38 (1994) (forthcoming), all of which attempt to demonstrate an earlier dating of various categories of curved fibulae, that could raise doubts about Popovic's chronological construction and ethnic attributions. 27 L. Klejn, «To separate a centaur: on the relationship of archaeology and history in Soviet traditions Antiquity, 67 (1993), 345. 2S J.A. Lloyd, «Why should historians take archaeology seriously?» in Archaeology at the Interface: Studies in Archaeology's Relationships with History, Geography, Biology and Physical Sciences, ed. by J.L. Bintliff and G.F. Gaffney (Oxford 1986), 51. 20 R.W. Bagley, «Changjiang bronzes and Shang archeology», in Proceedings of the International Colloquium on Chinese Art History 1991, Antiquities, I (Taipei, 1991), 229, cited by L.V. Falkenhausen, «On the historiographical orientation of Chinese archaeology», Antiquity, 61 (1993), 845. 30 Reece, «Roman hoards», 261. 72 invasion or inflation? Byzantine coin hoards, with its obstinate focus on tracing invasions, fails to provide an explanatory model that could also account for the curious phenomenon of coin hoarding in relatively quiescent periods. As N.B. Aitchison noticed, 'saving deposit' may not be the only possible interpretation to coin hoards. The deposition of low denomination bronze coins has been attributed to economic factors, primarily to inflation, with its particularly marked effect on the radiate, making it practically worthless. Large hoards of radiates may thus have been originally buried for safe-keeping, but not retrieved because inflation had rendered them valueless or they were already worthless and were buried as a means of disposal31. But the circumstances of concealment or loss of any particular hoard will always remain conjectural32. The now classical account of the collection, concealment and recovery of a hoard in Samuel Pepys's diary (1667) shows how specific circumstances (in this case, not so much the arrival of the Dutch fleet off Sheerness, in June 1667, as the subsequent panic) could influence the recovery of a hidden hoard to the extant that the peculiar location of a hoard may signify «nothing more than the foolishness of those charged with its concealment33. Andrzey Mikolajczyk, on the other hand, has brilliantly shown, in the case of sixteenth- to eighteenth-century Central Poland, that burying coins in the soil was a mark of economic recession, which gradually extended to the wealthier social strata. Though the crisis was accompanied by political disturbances, wars, local riots, and frequent robberies and requisitions made by the home and foreign armies, these circumstances only played 31 Aitchison, «Roman wealth», 273-274. Berghaus, «Hoards», 16: there are two opposing theories in interpreting coin-hoards: one, represented by Sture Bolin, argues that coin hoards reflect wartimes, the other, headed by Walter Havernick, states that coin hoards reflect wealth and a flourishing economy. The best example of a modern hoard that was never retrieved because inflation had rendered its content practically valueless is the hoard found in Sandorfalva, near Szeged (eastern Hungary), dated to 1917. See Adam Nagy, «Huszadik szdzadi penzlelet S£ndorfalv£r61», A Mora Ferenc Muzeum Evkbnyve 1978-1979, 349-359. 32 Metcalf, «Invasions», 141. 33 Casey, Understanding, 53-55; J.P. Higbed, «Pepys and a hoard», Australian Numismatic Journal, 18 (1967), 190-192. Cf. Kent, «Coin-finds», 205-206. 73 florin curta a secondary role, for decisions to bury money in the earth were rather of an economic character34. It has been argued, on the other hand, that the early Byzantine Empire operated a closed economy, in which the monetary value of coins was officially sanctioned. Therefore, copper coins which passed beyond the sphere of control of the issuing authority may have lost their value, because coinage in that metal was almost uniformly of a fiduciary nature. Exporting it beyond the imperial frontiers would have immediately dropped its value to that of its bullion content35. It may be that the presence of the light solidi in the Lower Dniepr area of Ukraine is not the result of trade, as Howard Adelson once believed, but of payments, subsidies, or simply gifts for the barbarian chieftains36. But none of these solutions could be used for explaining the presence of copper coin hoards north of the Danube river, where historical sources locate the Slavonic tribes. It is often assumed that the economy and 34 Mikolajczyk, «IlIusions», 973. For a similar interpretation of eighteenth- century Finnish hoards, see P. Sarvas, «Schatze und Schatzfunde», in LAGOM. Festschrift fiir Peter Berghaus zum 60. Geburtstag am 20. November 1979 (Munster, 1981), 9-10. M M.F. Hendy, Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy c. 300-1450 (Cambridge 1985), 257; Aitchison, «Roman wealth», 270. Contra: H. Pother, Analyse d'un tresor de monnaies en bronze enfoui au Vie siecle en Syrie byzantine (Brussels 1983), 225, who believes that the relatively constant ratio between weight and value of fractions of the follis indicates that copper coinage should not be viewed as having an essentially fiduciary nature. See also C. Morrisson, «Monnaie et prix a Byzance du Ve au Vile sieele», in Hommes et richesses dans rEmpire byzantin (IVe-Vlle siecle), I (Paris 1989), 251. 36 Hendy, Studies, 263. However, light-weight solidi are also frequent in Byzantine border provinces, such as Scythia Minor; see Poenaru-Bordea and Oches,anu, «Tezaurul», 190. For newer approaches to the problem of the light-weight solidi, see W. Hahn, «A propos de l'introduction des solidi legers de 23 carats sous Maurice», BSFN, 36 (1981), 96-97; J. Smedley, «Seventh century Byzantine coins in southern Russia and the problem of light weight solidi», in Studies in Early Byzantine Gold Coinage, ed. by W. Hahn and W. E. Metcalf (New York 1988), 65-109; W. Hahn, «Zur Frage der reduzierten Solidi unter Justinianus I», Geldgeschichtliche Nachrichten, 24 (1989), no. 132, 164-167 (as a response to P. v. Wriechen, «Die Bedeutung der reduzierten Solidi des Justinianus 1», Geldgeschichtliche Nachrichten, 24 [1989], no. 130, 62-64); E. Salamon, «Emisije dla cesarstwa czy dla plemion barbarzynski. Lekkie solidy VI-VII w.», Sprawozdania z Posiedzen Kommisji Naukowych. Polska Akademia Nauk, 35 (1991), nos. 1-2, 3-5. 74 invasion or inflation? society of these tribes functioned without the use of currency, both before and after their settlement south of the Danube. Accumulation of wealth (presumably in a monetary form) north of the Danube river was, however, well known to Bayan, the chagan of the Avars, eager to raid the territory of the Sclavenes, since it had never been raided by other peoples at all and was full of gold (uo^xpiixaxov xriv %a>pav)37. The Sclavene warriors raiding Illyricum in 551 were certainly well aware of current redemption prices and the face value of the solidus, when accepting to pay one 'gold stater' per head to the Gepids in exchange for ferrying service across the Danube38. It would consequently be a legitimate question to ask, whether there is any specific pattern of coin-hoarding for areas situated beyond the empire's frontiers. If the contents of hoards represent coins which are withdrawn from circulation39 and deposited immediately, then a direct relationship must exist between circulating currency and deposited coins. However, assemblages from coin deposits rarely exhibit the features which one would expect of currency in circulation. But how does it come that hoards concealed beyond the frontiers of the empire have a pattern similar to those found in neighbouring provinces? Historical sources suggest that beginning with the 570s the raids of the Slavs considerably increased and changed in both direction and effects. It has even been argued that until 602 the most destructive invasions were in the south Balkans and that Roman cities in the north survived until Heraclius' early regnal years40. Did then invasions of the 37 The History of Menander the Guardsman, ed. R.C. Blockley (Liverpool 1985), 21, p. 195; 25. 1, p. 219. 38 Procopius of Caesarea, De bellis 8. 25.4-6, ed. H.B. Dewing (New York 1914), p. 317, who however considers the price to be very high. At the end of the century redemption prices for captives may have varied between 12 and 25 solidi; see I. Nikolajevic, «The redemption of captives in Dalmatia in the 6th and 7th century», Balcanoslavica, 2 (1973), 73-78; Morrisson, «Monnaie et prix», 254. 39 P. Bruun, «Site finds and hoarding behaviour», in Scripta nummaria Romana. Essays presented to Humphrey Sutherland, ed. R.A.G. Carson and C. M. Kraay (London 1978), 114: because of Gresham's law, in times of inflation and depreciation of coin values, hoards faithfully reflect the mass of coins in circulation at the time when the monetary system was in balance. 40 Popovic, «Aux origines», 257. 75 florin curt a Cutrigurs, Avars, and Slavs result in such clear-cut changes in the pattern of coin-hoarding in various provinces, that we can identify particular moments when these provinces were overrun41? The distribution of hoards in the Balkans would at best indicate that large tracts in the western and central parts were not touched by invasions at all (fig. I)42. Beyond the empire's frontiers, historically well documented, crucial events such as the collapse of the kingdom of the Gepids and its conquest by Lombards and Avars (567/8), the Avars' advance into the Lower Danube area (562) or the formation of the chiefdom of the Antes and its alliance to the Empire by means of a foedus (including large subsidies), left no trace in coin hoarding: from the Lower Oder river to the Lower Dniepr and Don area, north of the Carpathian Mountains, no hoards were found except those concentrated in the Lower Danube zone43. 41 Metcalf, «Invasions», 140. For an unmistakable connection between numismatic evidence and specific raids of the Avars, see C. Chiriac, «Expedi(ia avara din 578-579 §i eviden^a numismatic&», Arheologia Moldovei, 16 (1993), 191-203. 42 For the Sclavene raid of 548 that reached Epidamnus/Durres, see Procopius of Caesarea, De bellis 1. 29. 1-3, pp. 399 and 401. For Byzantine coins found on the territory of present-day Albania, see H. Spahiu, «Monedha bizantine te shekujve V-XIII, te zbuluara ne territoriu e Shqiperise», lliria, 9-10 (1979-1980), 353^22. 43 For hoards in eastern Germany, see Laser, Fundmunzen (see above, n. 13), 24ff. Lajos Huszar and Dezso Csallany have studied coins found in Gepidic and Avar contexts in present-day Hungary, but an updated study is still missing; see L. Huszar, «Das Miinzmaterial in den Funden der Volkerwanderungszeit im mittleren Donaubecken», Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 5 (1955), 61-109; D. Csallany, «Vizantijskie monety v avarskih nahodkah, Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 2 (1952), 235-250. For a more recent approach, see A. Avenarius, «Byzantska" minca v nomadskom prostredi na strednom Dunaji», Slovenskd Numizmatika, 10 (1989), 43-52. See also Eva Garam, «Die munzdatierten Graber der Awarenzeit», in Awarenforschungen, ed. F. Daim, I (Vienna 1992), 135-250. Besides Kropotkin's monograph, Byzantine coins were paid special attention in the regions close to the Lower Danube and to the Black Sea; see V.V. Kropotkin, Klady vizantijskih monet na territory SSSR (Moscow 1962); Id., «Novye nahodki vizantijskih monet na territorij SSSR», Vizantijskij Vremennik, 26 (1965), 166-189; A.A. Nudel'man, Topograftja kladov i nahodok edinicnyh monet (Kishinew 1976); Id., «Nekotorye nabljudenija nad nahodkani vizantijskih monet v Karpato-Dnestrovskom regione (ObSfiie zakonomernosti i lokalnye osobennosti proniknovenija)», Arheologiceskie issledovanija Moldavii v 1977-1978 gg. (Kishinew 1982), 27-53; Id., Ocerki istorij monetnogo obrascenija v Dnestrovsko-Prutskom regione: s drevneisih 76 invasion or inflation? Eastern Europe, both north and south of the Danube river, represents one of the most interesting areas for studying relationships between the empire and its 'barbarian' neighbours and coins come to the forefront in all discussions on this subject. Large museum collections were recently published in Serbia44, Croatia45, Macedonia46, Bulgaria47, and Romania48 and carefully published site excavations paid special attention to finds of stray coins49. But due to their special vremen do obrazovaniia feodaVnogo Moldavskogo gosudarstva (Kishinew 1985), 58-83; E.S. Stoliarik, Ocerki monetnogo obrascenija Severo-Zapadnogo Pricernomoria v pozdnerimskoe i vizantijskoe vremia (konec III-nacalo XIII v.) (Kiev 1992), 39-49. For present-day Romania, see C. Preda, «Circula^ia monedelor bizantine in regiunea carpato-dunareana», Studii si cercetari de istorie veche, 23 (1972), no. 4, 375-415; Butnariu, «Raspindirea» (see above, n. 8). 44 V. Ivanisevic, «Vizantijski novae (491-1092) na zbirke Narodnog Muzeja u Pozarevcu», Numizmaticar, 11 (1988), 83-86 (collection of the National Museum of Pozarevac). 45 V. Delonga, «Bizantski novae u zbirci Muzeja Hrvatskih ArheoloSkih spomenika u Splitu», Starohrvatska prosvjeta, 11 (1981), 201-228 (collection of the Croatian Archaeological Museum in Split); Z. Demo, «Novac germanskih vladara druge pol. 5. do u drugu pol 6. st. u Numizmatis'koj zbirci ArheoloSkog Muzeja u Zagrebu», Arheoloski vestnik, 32 (1981), 454-481 (collection of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb). 4(1 D. Razmoska, «PregIed na vizantiskite moneti od V do XIII vek od numizmatickata zbirka vo Ochrid», Lihnid, 5 (1983), 83-108 (collection of the museum in Ochrid). 47 T. Kova£eva, «Rimski i ranovizantijski zlatni moneti ot fonda na IM-Pleven», Numizmatika, 24 (1990), no. 4, 11-18 (collection of the Museum in Pleven). 48 M. Ionescu, «Monede din Muzeul de Istorie din Giurgiu». Buletinul Societatii Numismatice Romane, 47-49 (1973-1975), nos. 121-123, 331 (collection of the History Museum of Giurgiu); V. Pavel, «Monede de aur romane imperiale §i bizantine in coIec{ia Muzeului din Alba Iulia», Apulum, 15 (1977), 663-670 (collection of the Union Museum of Alba Iulia); E. Oberlander-Tarnoveanu and E. Popusoi «Monede bizantine din colecjia Muzeului «Vasile Parvan» din Barlad», Carpica, 23 (1992), no. 2, 233-245 (collection of the Museum «Vasile Parvan» of B&rlad); E. Oberlander-Tarnoveanu and M. Constantinescu, «Monede romane tarzii §i bizantine din colec^ia Muzeului jude$ean Buzj£u», Mousaios, 4 (1994), no. 1: 311-341 (collection of the History Museum of BuzSu). 49 Pernik, Bulgaria: I. Jurukova, «Moneti i pecati ot Perniskata krepost», Arheologija (Sofia), 4 (1962), no. 4, 39-45; B. Bozkova, «Moneti ot razkopkite na rimska vila (gr. Pernik)», Numizmatika, 14 (1980), no. 4, 12-15; I. Jurukova, Antike und byzantinische Fundmiinzen aus Pernik (Grabungen 1960/61\ 1968/78) (Sofia 1981), 218-261. Mihajlovgrad/Montana, Bulgaria: G. Aleksandrov, «Zlatni moneti ot 77 florin curta character of 'closed finds', hoards are one of the best paths for studying economic, social, and political aspects. Instead of merely illustrating invasions recorded by historical sources with numismatic evidence, archaeologists should first be aware of the particular nature of a hoard and, just as in the case of any other category of the archaeological record, see it in its specific context. This paper aims to take into consideration the hoarding phenomenon over a large area and to identify what A. H. M. Jones has Montana», Numizmatika, 14 (1980), no. 3, 22-27; Id. «Les monnaies d'or de Montana», Bulgarian Historical Review, 11 (1983), no. 2, 79-82. Odarci, Bulgaria: A. Krzyzanowska, «Monety rzymskie i bizantyskie znalezione w czasie wykopalisk na grodzisku w Odercy (Bulgaria)», Slavia Antiqua, 29 (1983), 179-203. Kaliakra, Bulgaria: V. ParuSev, «AntiCni moneti ot Kaliakra», Izvestija na Narodnija muzei (Varna), 27 (1991), 20-31. Sadovec, Bulgaria: M. Mackensen, «Die Fundmunzen von Golemanovo Kale (Ausgrabung 1936/1937)», in Syna Uenze, Die spatantiken Befestigungen von Sadovec (Bulgarien). Ergebnisse der deutsch-bulgarisch- osterreichischen Ausgrabungen 1934-1937 (Munich 1992), 347-354; J. Werner, «Bemerkungen zu den Miinzschatzen von Golemannovo Kale», ibid., 329-333. Rjahovec, Bulgaria: I. BMcvarov, «Monetni nahodki ot krepostta 'Rjahovec'», Izvestija na Istoriceskija muzei - Veliko Tarnovo, 1 (1992), 41-53. Crimea: I.V. Sokolova, «Nahodki vizantijskih monet VI-XI1 vv. v Krymu», Vizantijskij Vremennik, 29 (1968), 254-264; K.V. Golenko, «Monety iz raskopok Gosudarstvennogo Istoriceskogo Muzeja v Hersonese», Sovetskaja Arheologija, 4 (1972), 211-222. Chersonesus: Iu. S. KruSkol, «Monety iz raskopok v Hersonese v. 1946 godu», Numizmaticeskij sbornik II (Moscow 1957), 61-69; V.A. Anokhin, The Coinage of Chersonesus IVth Century B.C.-XI1 Century A.D. (Oxford, 1980); I.V. Sokolova, Monety ipecati Vizantijskogo Hersona (Leningrade 1983); A.M. GileviC, «Novye materialy k numizmatika vizantijskogo Hersona», Vizantijskij Vremennik, 52 (1991), 214-225. Olbia: P.O. KarySkovskij, «Nahodki monet rimskoj imperij v 01'vij», Numizmatika i sfragistika, 2 (1965), 50-75. Trogir, Croatia: V. Delonga, «Kasnoanticki i bizanski novae iz Trogira i Okolice», Vjesnik na arheologiju i historiju Dalmatinsku, 78 (1985), 95-116. Zrmanje, Croatia: I. Mirnik, «Skupni nalaza novca iz Hrvatske IX. Skupni nalaz Herklijevih zlatnika iz Zrmanje», Vjesnik Arheoloskog Muzeja u Zagrebu, 23 (1990), 163-171. Hinog/Axiopolis, Romania: Gh. Poenaru-Bordea, R. Ochesanu, and E. Nicolae, «Axiopolis au III-e-VII-e siecle de n.e. a la lumiere des decouvertes monetaires», Studii si cercetdri de numismatica, 9 (1989), 53-73. For a complete catalogue of finds in Slovakia, see A. Fiala, «Byzantske mince na Slovensku (6.-12. storocie)», Slovenskd Numizmatika, 10 (1989), 57-64; for Slovenia, see P. Kos, The Monetary Circulation in the Southeastern Alpine Region ca. 300 B.C.-AD 1000 (Ljubljana, 1986), 225-227. For fifth- to sixth-century finds on the Baltic sea coast, see J. Gaul, «Pienadz brazowy, szklany, zelazny w zachodniej czesci strefy Baltyckiej w V-VI veku», Wiadomosci Numizmatyczne, 25 (1981), 32-37. 78 invasion or inflation? called 'currency habits'50 of the population in the Balkan provinces and in the regions immediately close to them. 'Hoards' in this context should be understood as referring to a group of coins, while 'deposit' denotes coins which do not necessarily comprise a closed group and may have entered the archaeological record over a period of time 51. The catalogue at the end includes however a wide range of variation of the archaeological context in which hoards were found. A considerable number of hoards come from urban, fortified settlements, such as Caricin Grad/Iustiniana Prima, Pustogradsko/Stobi, Adamclisi/ Tropaeum Traiani, Athens, Corinth, or Solin/Salona. Most of the Serbian hoards come from Roman camps in the Iron Gates area of the Danube frontier (Brza Palanka, Boljetin, Tekija, Veliko Gradiste, Veliki Gradac, Bosman). But while hoards found in the «Fountain of the Lamps» in Corinth or in the mill house in Athens consisted of coins scattered over a large area52, later hoards, such as Brza Palanka and Adamclisi, were found in containers, usually ceramic pots 53. Almost all hoards found north of the Danube frontier have ceramic containers (Cudalbi, Gropeni, Movileni, Rancaciov, Gala^i, Priseaca). Some hoards found in the Lower Don area and in the Urals were hidden in silver bowls (Limarovka, Bartym)54, while others consisted of coins and jewelry, a clear indication of a 'saving deposit' 55. Particularly in the 50 A.H.M. Jones, «Numismatics and history», in Essays in Roman coinage presented to Harold Mattingly, ed. by R.A.G. Carson and C.H.V. Sutherland (Oxford 1956), 30-31. 51 Aitchison, «Roman wealth», 271. See also H.-R. Meier, «Miinzhorte des 5. und 6. Jahrhunderts», SNR (1986), 133: «Als Miinzhorte werden dabei Ansammlungen von mehreren Miinzen bezeichnet, die einst miteinander in den Boden kamen, jedoch weder zur Ausstattung eines Grabes noch zu den Abfallen einer Siedlung gehdren (emphasis added)». 52 Dengate, «Gymnasium», 153-154; Metcalf, «Slavonic threat» (see above, n. 9), 138-139. 51 A. Jovanovic, «Un petit tresor de monnaies de bronze de la forteresse protobyzantine pres de Slatinska reka», Numizmaticar, 1 (1984), 31; Al. Barnea, I. Barnea, I. BoGDAN-CaTaNiciu, M. MArgineanu-Carstoiu, and Gh. Papuc, Tropaeum Traiani /. Cetatea (Bucharest 1979), 22. For sixth century literary evidence for hoards' containers, see Cecile Morrisson, «La decouverte des tresors a l'6poque byzantine: theorie et pratique de re-upTjan; Grtaaupow, Travaux et Memoires, 8 (1981), 323. 54 Kropotkin, Klady, 35 and 26. 55 Aitchison, «Roman wealth», 273. 79 florin curta latter case, a certain pattern could be discerned. While two hoards with the last coin issued during Justin IPs reign include cast fibulae with bent stem56, later hoards of silver of the late seventh century (Zemiansky Vrbovok, Silistra, Priseaca) contain silver ear-rings with star-shaped pendant of a type usually found in the late 500s57. Archaeological observations thus suggest the existence of certain regularities in hoarding activity. A closer look to the numismatic data may verify this hypothesis. An important assumption of this paper is that similar hoarding patterns would cluster not only spatially, but also chronologically. I therefore arranged all hoards included in the catalogue by the year of their last coin, though for a large number of them there is no exact date available, either because of incorrect publication or because of special difficulties in attribution. At first glance, there is a clear contrast between hoards of copper and gold coins, on one hand, and those of silver and gold coins, on the other (fig. 2)58. A large group of hoards of the former category were closed during the period between Anastasius and the early years of Justinian's reign, with a peak in the late 520s and 530s (fig. 2a). Though only a few hoards were closed between 535 and 565, their number drastically decreased and a new increase would not 56 Bracigovo (Syna Uenze, «Gegossene Fibeln mit Scheinumwicklung des Biigels in den ostlichen Balkanprovinzen», in Studien zur vor- und fruhgeschichtlichen Archaologie: Festschrift fiir Joachim Werner zur 65. Geburtstag, II [Munich 1974], 485-486); Koprivec (A. Milcev and G. Draganov, «Arheologi£eski ostanki v raiona na s. Koprivec, Rusensko», Arheologija [Sofia], 24 [1992], no. 1, 39). For a recent discussion of this group of fibulae, see F. Curta, «Die Fibeln der Sammlung 'V. Culica'», Dacia, 36 (1992), 83-85 and Syna Uenze, Die spatantiken Befestigungen von Sadovec (Bulgarien). Ergebnisse der deutsch-bulgarisch-dsterreichischen Ausgra- bungen 1934-1937 (Munich 1992), 154-158. 57 Uenze, Spatantike Befestigungen, 165-166. For a general discussion of ear-rings with star-shaped pendant, see Maria Com§a, «Quelques donnees concernant les rapports des territoires nord-danubiens avec Byzance aux Vl-VIII-e siecles», Revue des etudes sud-est-europeennes, 9 (1971), no. 3, 377-390; A.I. Aibabin, «K voprosu o proishozdenij serezek Pastyrskogo tipa», Sovetskaja Arheologija, 3 (1973), 62-72; Z. Cilinska, «Frauenschmuck aus dem 7.-8. Jahrhundert im Karpatenbecken», Slovenskd Archeologia, 23 (1975), no. 1, 63-96. 58 Cf. Meier, «Miinzhorte», 135: fifth- to sixth-century hoards found beyond the Empire's frontiers never blend copper with silver and/or gold coins. 80 invasion or inflation? come until about 570. It should however be reminded that the large number of undatable hoards shut during Justinian's reign may have blurred the resulting image and were not included in the graphed sample. Hoards were constantly closed between about 570 and 615, with a few interruptions in 573, 580, 597, 599, and 614-615. The largest number of them were shut in 574. Hoards, especially of gold, were also closed after 614, as late as the last decades of the seventh century, shortly after the advance of the Bulgars into the Balkan area (Obarseni, Sofia, Nesebar I and II, Nova Nadezhda) (fig. 2d). However, the seventh century witnessed a significant increase, particularly after 670, in the number of hoards of silver, silver and copper, or silver and gold (fig- 2b). It seems that the culture-historical interpretation of hoards is thus confirmed. The number of hoards increases in those periods when invasions of Slavs, Avars, and, later, Bulgars, overran the Byzantine provinces. However, one could hardly fail to notice the absence of a significant number of hoards between 535 and 565, a period in which major raids occurred, like those of the Cutrigurs in 539/40 and 558/9. On the other hand, no attempts were made to differentiate between hoards found north and south of the Danube frontier, as well as between various provinces in the Balkans, which neither experienced the same invasions, nor were they overrun at the same time. According to historical sources, the diocese of Thrace was systematically raided by Cutrigurs and Sclavenes in the late 400s and the early 500s, by Sclavenes and Avars in the late 500s. One would expect to find a large number of hoards in an area under such a serious threat. A distribution map of^all hoards found in the Balkans plotted by provinces shows however a striking difference between central provinces, such as Dacia Mediterranea and Macedonia, and the eastern provinces included in the diocese of Thrace (fig. 3)59. Except Mezek, closed during Justinian's reign, there is no hoard in the eastern Balkans shut before 600. In the province of Thrace hoards were closed during Justin Fs reign 59 For a general comparison with western and north-western Europe, as well as Italy, see K. Randsborg, The First Millenium A,D. in Europe and the Mediterranean. An Archaeological Essay (Cambridge, 1991), 137-138. 81 florin curta (Rakovski, Haskovo), but the bulk were closed before 550 (Patelenica, Parvomai, Orjahovo, Pavelsko, Katunica, Trad, Crancha, Zlatosel, Cvetino). Their number drastically dropped in the following decades and hoards completely disappeared between 580 and 680. One can easily find similar examples in Thessaly and the western provinces of the Balkans, for which clear evidence exists that they were also raided by the Avars or the Sclavenes. However, no hoard was found on the territory of Epirus Vetus, Prevalitana, and Epirus Nova, while Thessaly is ranked close to the eastern provinces. On the contrary, the largest number of hoards were found in Greece, which was seriously'threatened only after ca. 580. But a hoard of 8 pieces of 16 nummia found in Athens, the hoard of 1179 minimi found in Zacha or the later hoard of 257 pieces, including 226 minimi found in Hagia Kyriaki could hardly compete with the considerable value of the Bargala hoard, with no less than 270 copper and 13 gold coins, besides a gold ring with carnelian intaglio60. Hoards so different in composition could be compared on a solid basis only using face value, i.e. the value of coin within the monetary system, as criterion. This is true particularly for copper, which has a high degree of surplus value and numerous denominations. The coin- per-regnal-year ratio may indicate intensity of coinage penetration, but fails to differentiate between various fractions of the follis. The folle- per-regnal-year ratio would in contrast overlook important variations in reckoning the follis to the solidus (as money of account), brought by several monetary reforms during the sixth century61. Prices in the late 50 D.M. Metcalf, The Copper Coinage of Thessalonica under Justinian I (Vienna 1976), 47; H.L. Adelson and G. Kustas, «A sixth century hoard of minimi from the Western PeIoponnese>\ ANSMN, 11 (1964), 159-205; A. Avramea, «Nouaoumi- koi Otjaaupoi Kai neuovoofjiva vouiauaxa cctco xt\v neXoitovvnao (XT'-Z' a\.)», Symmeikta (Athens), 5 (1983), 68; B. Aleksova and C. Mango, «Bargala: A preliminary report», Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 25 (1971), 181-193. Cf. G.L. Duncan, Coin Circulation in the Danubian and Balkan Provinces of the Roman Empire AD 294-578 (London 1993), 148: sixth-century hoards from Greece are not capital sums of money, since none of them is equal in value to a single solidus. For thesauri as collection of both coins and valuable objects, see Morrisson, «Theorie et pratique», 323. 61 For a summary of the changes before 539, see P.D. Whitting, Byzantine Coins (New York 1973), 90. For an extensive theoretical discussion of the solidus/follis ratio 82 invasion or inflation? sixth century were still reckoned in terms of nummia, despite the disappearance of the nummion itself in Justinian Fs years and the growing rarity of the pentanummion62, which seems to indicate that the nummion had become a ghost money. A clearer image of relative purchasing capacity could therefore be obtained by using a nummia- per- year ratio. Either as 'saving hoards' or 'currency hoards', the multifarious diversity of sums accumulated and hidden in a variety of archaeological contexts could then be compared with each other, though their absolute value may differ in conformity with various rates of exchange introduced by monetary reforms. Since price levels in the sixth century seem to have also varied regionally63, a true comparison between nummia-per-year ratios of different hoards should take into consideration their distribution by provinces. I will therefore examine the hoarding pattern for each province and attempt, where possible, to explain it in local, small-scale terms. Finds from six major sites and monetary reforms, see Gh. Poenaru-Bordea and R. Ochesanu, «ProbIeme istorice dobrogene (secolele VI-VH) in lumina monedelor bizantine din colecjia Muzeului de Istorie Nationals §i Arheologie din Constan^a», Studii de istorie veche si arheologie, 31 (1980), no. 3, 380-384. For changes in the ratio gold/silver, see J. Durliat, «La valeur relative de Tor, de 1'argent et du cuivre dans l'empire protobyzantin (IV-e-VIII-e siecle)», RN, 22 (1980), no. 6, 145. By fixing the value of the copper currency in relation to the solidus, the imperial government virtually established a compulsory rate of exchange; it is tempting to connect the reductions with supposed attempts of the government to finance its wearisome wars. See W. Hahn, «Some remarks on the historical value of the sixth century Byzantine copper currency», Journal of Numismatic Fine Arts, 1 (1973), no. 10, 177. 62 Ph. Grierson, Byzantine Coins, London-Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1982, 19: Tiberius II introduced the 30-nummia piece as a new denomination. The last nummia were issued by Maurice, the last pentanummia by Constantine IV, see Morrisson, «Monnaie et prix», 250. However, regional stress in the copper coinage supply may have caused small-scale production of leaden imitations of low denominations. For the Danube frontier, see V. CulicS, «Imita^ii locale ale unor monede din epoca romano-bizantina descoperite in Dobrogea», Buletinul Societdtii Numismatice Romane, 70-74 (1976-1980), nos. 124-128, 253-261. For the eastern frontiers of the Empire, see C. Morrisson, «Monnaies en plomb byzantines de la fin du Vl-e et du debut du VH-e siecle», RIN, 83 (1981), 119-132 and W. Weiser, «Neue byzantinischen Kleinmiinzen aus BIei», Schweizer Munzblatter, 35 (1985), no. 140, 13-16. See also Morrisson, «Monnaie et prix», 241. For sixth-century prices in copper denominations, see ibid., 258-259. 63 Grierson, Byzantine Coins, 19 and 47. 83 florin curta (Corinth, Athens, Caricin Grad, Iatrus/Krivina, Sucidava/Celei, and Dinogetia/Garvan) and stray losses from present-day Macedonia and Romania will provide the necessary comparison for checking local patterns of circulation. A more general picture will then appear in the last section, which will take into consideration conjunctural changes on a longer term, while contrasting data resulting from the examination of local hoarding patterns. The case of the silver hoards will be treated separately and a new hypothesis will be advanced for their peculiar distribution and age-structure. I will finally attempt to provide a qualification, if not an alternative, to the traditional interpretation of sixth- to seventh-century Byzantine coin hoards in Eastern Europe. Achaia. Greece, particularly Peloponnesus, is the region in the Balkans with the largest number of hoards recovered. Hoards are already numerous in the period before 570 — in Justin I's years (Corinth), during Justinian's reign (Corinth, Athens, Zacha, Trypi, Nestani) and in the 560s (Corinth) — and cluster around the Isthmus of Corinth (fig. 30, 36). After 570, hoards also occurred in Attica {fig. 38, 40, 44). Hoards from Achaia were usually found in urban areas (Corinth, Athens, Mantinea, Thebes, Olympia, Argos), which had not benefitted from Justinian's building and restoring program described by Procopius64. A distinctive feature of hoards found in Greece is the constant presence, at least until the 580s, of lesser fractions of the follis (Athens, Zacha, Corinth, Thebes, Trypi, Hagios Nikolaos, Kenchreai, Olympia, Hagia Kyriaki, Priolithos Kalavryton, Pellene) and of Ostrogothic and Vandalic issues (Corinth, Kenchreai, Athens)65. This may indicate that minimi could have still been used in day-to-day transactions during most of the sixth century, at least until the 580s, and that price levels in Achaia should therefore have been rather low. Even larger hoards including higher copper denominations cannot be viewed as major savings. By transforming into solidi the value of fourteen 64 J. Koder, «Zur Frage der slavischen Siedlungsgebiete im mittelalterlichen Griechenland», Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 71 (1978), 316; Popovic, «Aux origines», 257; S.A. Ivanov, «Oborona balkanskih provincii Vizantij i proniknovenie 'varvarov' na Balkany v pervoj polovine VI v.», Vizantijskij Vremennik, 45 (1984), 39. 65 Cf. Pottier, Analyse, 226; Duncan, Balkan Provinces, 147. 84 invasion or inflation? hoards (Corinth — no. 97, Athens — no. Ill, Hagios Nikolaos, Kenchreai — no. 117, Mantinea, Thebes, Kenchreai — no. 120, Nemea, Athens — no. 123, Athens — no. 124, Athens — no. 139, Athens — no. 146, Chalkis, and Nea Anchialos)66, it becomes evident that none exceeded 1/2 of a solidus (a semissis) (see Appendix). Most of them were indeed equal to nothing more than the price of a modius of grain in the early 600s (Mantinea, Nemea, Nea Anchialos) or to the minimal subsistence level in about 528 (Athens), while some other were even below that, approaching the lowest level of subsistence recorded by historical sources (Corinth, Athens, Kenchreai, Hagios Nikolaos)67. A relatively high number of low denominations entered hoards during Anastasius' and Justin Fs reigns, as well as during Justinian's early regnal years (fig. 4 and 5). Although coins continued to enter hoards in the following years, with a few interruptions (fig. 4a, 5a, 6a), their number drastically dropped, though their value increased, as compared to the preceding decades. A considerable increase only occurred in the 560s and 570s, with a peak of 27 pieces of high denominations in 575. This flow abruptly stopped in the early 580s (fig. 5 and 6) and no coins entered hoards found in Achaia until the 610s (Chalkis, Nea Anchialos). More than a third of all coins found in those hoards were issued by the mint in Thessalonica (fig. 7c), particularly between 562 and 57968 and in 615 (Chalkis, Nea Anchialos, Solomos). Coins issued by the Constantinopolitan mint, as well as specimens minted by the Ostrogothic kings mainly occur in the period between Anastasius and the mid-sixth century, but reappear at the same time as coins issued in Thessalonica, though on a smaller scale. Hoards of five to ten solidi, such as 'Peloponnesus', Nestani, Pinios river, Apidea, Athens (no. 157), Vasaras, and Solomos (no. 194) may be interpreted as 66 For the method and its theoretical foundations, see W. Hahn, Moneta Imperii Byzantini I, Vienna 1973, 27 and II, Vienna 1975, 14-17. 61 For prices and wages in the fifth- to seventh-century Byzantium, see Morrisson, «Monnaie et prix», 252-256. For the Balkans, see I. Jurukova, «Paricno-stokovite otnosenija v bSlgarskite zemi prez prehodnija period», Numizmatika, 10(1976), nos. 2-3, 3-10. 68 Duncan, Balkan Provinces, 148: hoards in Greece show a significant increase of the Thessalonican issues after its adoption of the normal denominational system in 562/3. 85 florin curta donativa. Their homogeneous composition, with coins almost exclusively issued in Constantinople in a short period of time, supports this hypothesis69. It is known that under Tiberius II, the accessional donativum was 9 solidi and the quinquennial one 5 solidi. Their payment survived as late as 578, and probably as late as 641, which could account for Vasaras and Solomos70. This interpretation may thus confirm an older idea suggesting a significant presence of the Byzantine army in Peloponnesus in the 580s71. In contrast, hoards including only lesser fractions, usually in large number (Corinth — no. 34, Corinth — no. 36, Trypi, Zacha, Olympia) may have first been buried for safe-keeping, but never retrieved because inflation had rendered them valueless72. This picture is partially confirmed by stray finds in Athens, where over one-quarter of Justinian's coinage found in the Agora consists of five-nummia pieces73. A clear increase in both number and value of the coins collected there only occurred shortly before and after 570. Just as in hoards, circulation abruptly dropped in the 580s, but unlike hoards, coins continued to appear on the Athenian market not only in the early 600s, but also in the second half of the century, particularly in the late 650s and 660s, with a peak of 108 pieces (4320 nummia) in 657. While coins minted in Thessalonica dominate the first increase of the 570s, specimens from Constantinople, which represent almost 75 percent of m All solidi in the hoard found near the Pinios river's dam in His were issued in Constantinople, just as those found in the Apidea hoard; Avramea, «NouiauatiKoi OnaccupoU, 66. 70 Hendy, Studies, 188 and 646-647; cf. W. Hahn, «A propos de l'introduction des solidi legers de 23 carats sous Maurice», BSFNt 36 (1981), 96-97, who suggested that 23-carat solidi were introduced by Maurice, perhaps for his quinquennial donativum of 587. 71 Cf. P. Yannopoulos, «La penetration slave en Argolide», in Etudes argiennes, Athens 1980, 359: this presence was echoed by Miracula Sancti Demetrii, which tell that in September 586 the Prefect of Illyricum, with the army of the prefecture, was not in Thessalonica, but somewhere «in Hellas for adminstrative reasons». See Miracula Sancti Demetrii 1.128, ed. P. Lemerle, Paris 1979, p. 137. 16-19. 72 The drastic decrease of the purchasing power of the follis occurred mainly after 550; see Morrisson, «Monnaie et prix», 250 and 263. 73 M. Thompson, The Athenian Agora. Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens II, Princeton 1954, 104. A few minimi were recorded during these excavations, including two Vandalic specimens. 86 invasion or inflation? all sixth to seventh century coins found in the Agora, dominate the increase of the 650s and 660s. In Corinth a relatively high number of high denominations were in circulation shortly after 538, but the real increase in both number and value of coins came in the 570s, with a peak of 13 pieces (380 nummia) in 57114. Most of the circulating half-folles of this period were minted in Thessalonica. Coins were also in circulation in Corinth in the early 600s, but in contrast with Athens, the number of specimens rtiinted in the 650s and 660s is relatively smaller. Constantinopolitan issues still dominate, though unlike Athens, they represent slightly less than 50 percent of all coins recovered. The fact that hoards found in Achaia do not display any copper issues datable after 650 proves that the above mentioned phenomenon may have been restricted to a few urban areas like Corinth and Athens and may have been limited to only one or two decades. Macedonia, Along with Thrace and Moesia Inferior, Macedonia is the second in number of hoards retrieved. They were found particularly in the Middle Vardar river basin, around Pustogradsko/Stobi or along the Roman road from Pautalia to Heraclea (through Bargala) (fig. 29-33, 40-4-1). Hoards were sealed in Macedonia under Justin I, but especially under Justinian I (Suva Reka, Sekulica, Adam Zagliveriou, Berovo, Kicevo, Kavadarci, Kratovo, Zagrade, Grncar, Simitlij, and Selce). During the last decades of the sixth century, hoards retrieved particularly in urban areas (Thessalonica, Stobi, Thasos, Bargala) included especially gold coins (Pustogradsko/Stobi, Thessalonica, Goren Kozjak/Bargala). In contrast with hoards found in Achaia, the Bargala hoard's value transformed into gold is almost 14 solidi and should be viewed as an important accumulation, but nonetheless far less important than those of Sekulica (no. 21), worth about two pounds of gold75, and Thessaloniki. The extensive die-linking of the latter's coins 74 K. Edwards, Corinth. Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens VI, Cambridge 1933, 121-133. 75 The amount is equal to the annual wage of the assessores. See V. Ivanisevic and J. Kondijanov, «Le tresor de Sekulica», RN, 34 (1992), 81: «Par consequent il s'agit la d'une somme importante si Ton se refere aux salaires et aux rentes en vigueur a i'epoque». 87 florin curta of Justin II and Tiberius, both solidi and tremisses, indicates that the hoard includes a sum that had not changed hands much since they left the mint76. Whether this could further indicate a substantial payment to a high official of the great metropolis may be pure speculation. Hoards sealed before 560 include a large number of low denominations issued during Anastasius' and Justin Ts reigns and Justinian's early regnal years (Sekulica, Suva Reka), most of which are issues from the Constantinopolitan mint (fig. 10a). The Thasos hoard (no. 11) include the only two imitations found in Macedonia77. Although on a much smaller scale, penetration of high denominations (folles) continued with a few interruptions (552-555 and 561-563) until 565 (fig. 8 and 9), as indicated particularly by the Goren Kozjak/Bargala hoard. Most of the coins from this period are issues of the Constantinopolitan mint or of Antioch (fig. Wa-b). The number of coins increased again after 562-565 and reached a peak of 42 coins (880 nummia) in 579. This growth is evident both on the continent (Baba, Goren Kozjak) and on the island Thasos. Most of the coins from this period are issues of Thessalonica, which represent more than a half of all coins that entered hoards in Macedonia (fig. 10c). Penetration of coins abruptly dropped in 586, Thasos (no. 185) being the only hoard with seventh-century issues (the last one from 616). This picture is confirmed by stray finds in Macedonia78. A very large number of coins issued during Anastasius' and Justin Fs reigns, as well as during Justinian's early regnal years, were in circulation there. Coin circulation continued without interruption throughout the 76 Metcalf, «Gold coinage at Thessalonica», 73. For the Thessaloniki hoard, see also W. Hahn, «New light on the Thessalonican moneta auri in the second half of the sixth century», NC, 21 (1981), 178-182. For die-links within the Sekulica hoard, see IvaniSevic and Konduanov, «Sekulica», 82. 77 For the problem of «barbarian» imitations, see L Jurukova, «Barbarski podrazaniia na vizantijski bronzovi moneti ot VI v.», Arheologija (Sofia), 7 (1965), no. 1, 21-23; D. Gaj-Popovic, «The appearance of the barbarized folises (folles) in the 6th century in the Balkan Peninsula», Balcanoslavica, 2 (1973), 95-100. More examples in G. Zekov, «Dve imitacii na vizantijski medni moneti ot VI vek», Numizmatika, 21 (1987), no. 1, 22-25. For blundered legends, as a characteristic of the Antioch mint at the end of Justinian I's reign, see Whitting, Byzantine Coins, 11. 78 Popovic, «Aux origines», 243. 88 invasion or inflation? mid-sixth century, though on a much smaller scale, until 563. Then a new increase occurred, which immediately ended after 585. Dalmatia. Dalmatia belongs to the third group of provinces in number of hoards retrieved, along with Scythia Minor, Achaia, and Dacia Ripensis. Hoards were closed already in Justinian's early regnal years (Sisak, San Lorenzo, Pucisce, Budva, Kastel Stari) and continued to be sealed during the rest of his reign (Kotschach-Laas, Solin, Slatine). Most of the hoards of gold were closed only after 570 (Arnoldstein, Majsan, Grabovnik, Vid), some of them only in the 620s and 640s (Potkom, Nerezisce). The latter probably represented donativa, perhaps concealed in the circumstances of the capture and destruction of Salona or of the advent of the Croats79. The Austrian hoards (San Lorenzo, Kotschach-Laas, Arnoldstein), each with 15 to 20 pieces, make up a separate, distinctive group. They are in a sharp contrast with Dalmatian hoards, usually concealed, particularly during Justinian's years, in or around Salona80. Unfortunately, there are but two published hoards of copper from Dalmatia (Majsan and Solin — no. 199) (fig. 11). Conclusions drawn on this basis should be cautiously considered. Only one single piece occurred from the whole period between Anastasius and Justinian's early regnal years81, but a considerable number of coins issued between 566 and 576 entered the two hoards, with a peak of 8 pieces (230 nummia) in 570. Only Solin comprises a relatively large number of folles from the following period, including seventh-century coins, the last of which, an issue of 631, served Ivan Marovic for reconsidering the date of the city's destruction82. Issues of the Constantinopolitan mint represent almost fifty percent of all coins from 791. Marovic, «Reflexions about the year of the destruction of Salona», Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju Dalmatinsku, 11 (1984), 304. 801. Mirnik, Coin Hoards in Yugoslavia, Oxford 1981, 87. Cf. Duncan, Balkan Provinces, 60, who noticed that fifth and sixth century hoards found in former Yugoslavia come from Dalmatia, but not from the area between Siscia and Sirmium. 81 Cf. Duncan, Balkan Provinces, 73, who believes that Ostrogothic issues and fourth- to fifth-century Roman minimi remained in use in Dalmatia until at least 530 or 540. 82 Marovic, «Reflexions». 89 florin curta both hoards. Before 565, Salona, for a time the headquarters of the Byzantine army operating against Totila, issued half-folles, some of which were accumulated in the small hoard of Kastel Stari. Dacia Mediterranean After Peloponnesus, Dacia Mediterranea is the region in the Balkans with the largest number of hoards retrieved. If Dardanian hoards are included, the total number recorded is 24, by far the largest in the Balkans, after southern Greece. Hoards were closed during Anastasius' reign (Barzovica), Justin Fs reign (Sofia) and the early years of Justinian (Sadovik). Their number considerably increased during the rest of Justinian's reign (Dolno Kobile, Gorno Vassilica, Mirovo Gara, Klinovac, Nis, Caricin Grad — no. 87, Caricin Grad — no. 101) and immediately after 570 (Caricin Grad — no. 102, Caricin Grad — no. 103, Caricin Grad — no. 104, Batulija). A few hoards were also shut immediately before and after 600 (Caricin Grad — no. 168, Donja Vrezina, Caricin Grad — no. 183). The last hoard, found in Sofia, consists of only three solidi, the last of which was issued by Constantine IV. Like Barzovica and Mirovo Gara, it may indicate ceremonial gifts (donativa), since the city would only be lost to the Bulgars in the early 800s. Before 560, hoards cluster around Serdica/Sofia, either along the road to Pautalia or along the one to Philippopolis. However, the largest number of hoards shut after 560 comes from urban areas, particularly from Nis/Naissus and from Caricin Grad/Iustiniana Prima (fig, 36-39, 44-45)™. Hoards closed between 540 and 570 are characterized by a relatively large number of folles issued between Anastasius and the early regnal years of Justinian (fig. 13). In contrast, hoards sealed after 570, especially those recovered in Caricin Grad/Iustiniana Prima, include a relatively smaller number of lesser fractions issued in that period (fig. 14). The vast majority of coins from these years are issues of the Constantinopolitan mint, some hoards, like Sadovik or Gorno Vassilica, including only coins from the capital84. There are very few 83 For Caricm Grad/Iustiniana Prima as part of Dardania, not of Dacia Mediterranea, see Ivanov, «Oborona», 42. 84 There is no evidence from this period to substantiate G. L. Duncan's assertion (Duncan, Balkan Provinces, 73) that Dacia was more isolated from the rest of the 90 invasion or inflation? coins issued between 540 and 562 in both groups of hoards. The number of pieces rapidly increased, with a few interruptions, after 562 until 579, with a peak of 9 pieces (200 nummia) in 570. The largest number of coins from this period are issues of the Thessalonican mint (fig. 15a\ which represent more than a half of all pieces amassed in hoards recovered from Dacia Mediterranea (fig. 15b). Despite intermittent penetrations in the 590s, accumulation resumed after 600, but only for a short while (with a peak in 613). At the time, there were only Constantinopolitan issues (fig. 15a). Coin finds from Caricin Grad suggest the existence of an interesting relationship between hoarding activity and circulation85. The number of coins and their value in nummia began to increase precisely at the same moment as in hoards, namely between 561 and 571, with a peak in 562. Almost all coins from this period are issues of the Thessalonican mint, which represent almost 40 percent of all pieces recorded on the site. Circulation continued with a few interruptions until 590, but just as in hoards, a large number of coins occurred in the early 602, with a peak in 610. However, unlike hoards, the largest number of specimens of this period came from the Thessalonican mint. Dacia Ripensis and Moesia Inferior. The two provinces are ranked second, after Dacia Mediterranea and Achaia, in the number of hoards retrieved. Hoards first appeared in Moesia during Justinian's reign (Osikovo, Rjahovec, Satu Nou), clustering around Varna (Hadzi Sinalar, Kamcyia river's mouth, Komakovci, Varna). Except Hadzi Sinalar, a veritable treasure with its 200 solidi, all hoards shut in this period are made up of copper. After 560, their number rapidly increased (Goljama Empire during the sixth century than it had been in the fourth and that comparatively few coins from mints other than Thessalonica were in use there. Duncan's distorted view was caused by his use of a sample of only 55 coins found in Sirmium. 85 J. Guyon and G. Cardi, «L/eglise B, dite 'basilique cruciforme'», in Caricin Grad I. Les basiliques B et J de Caricin Grad, quatre objets remarquables de Caricin Grad, le tresor de Hajducka Vodenica, ed. N. Duval and V. Popovic, Belgrade-Rome 1984, 90; V. Popovic, «L'eglise J au sud de la ville, dite 'basilique a une nef», in ibid., 130-131; V. Ivanisevic, «Les monnaies», in Caricin Grad II. Le quartier sud-ouest de la ville haute, ed. B. Bavant, V. Kondic, J.-M. Spieser, Belgrade-Rome 1990, 259-267. 91 florin curta Kotlovica, Baniska, Catal dere, Koprivec, Sadovec, Popovo, Galata, Reselec, Rakita). The number of hoards of gold also increased: Bjala Reka, Sumen, Sadovec — no. 160, Sadovec — no. 161. The latter's exceptional value sharply contrasts with Bjala Reka and Gorna Orjahovica, that may be interpreted as donativa. In the territory of Aquis, with a separate administrative and military organization86, hoards were already closed under Anastasius (Gamzigrad) and Justinian (Prahovo, Hajducka Vodenica, Dobra, Malo Golubinje, Rjahovec), but the largest number conclude in the last three decades of the century (Brza Palanka, Boljetin, Pirot, Tekija, Veliko Orasje, Veliki Gradac, Bosman) (fig. 28-35, 38-43). Most of the hoards closed after 570 were found in small camps (Sadovec, Brza Palanka, Boljetin, Tekija, Veliko Orasje, Veliki Gradac, Bosman) in the Iron Gates segment of the Danube frontier and they sometimes include objects, usually accessories of the military dress (belt buckle at Veliko Orasje, fibula at Koprivec). In contrast, hoards found in Moesia Inferior and the eastern part of Dacia Ripensis cluster around Varna/Odessos and Reka Devnja/ Marcianopolis, during Justinian's reign, around Nicopolis ad Istrum in the following decade, and around Sadovec in the last three decades of the century, all centers mentioned being located along the main route linking the Black Sea coast to Mihajlovgrad/Montana, on the Ogost river (fig. 30-31, 36-41)*1. Most of the hoards sealed before 570 include a large number of folles from Anastasius to the early regnal years of Justinian, particularly from Justin Fs reign (325 pieces with 1400 nummia/year) (fig. 76), all of which were issues of the Constantinopolitan mint (fig. 19a). In contrast, hoards closed after 570-577 include a small number of lower denominations (fig. 17). This group of hoards is characterized by a considerable decrease in the number of pieces (usually lower denominations) issued between 540 and 568 (fig. 17-18). The number of coins rapidly increased in the late 560s and early 570s, with a peak of 29 pieces (900 nummia), in 575. This is the moment when, along with issues of Constantinople, Cyzicus, and 86 D. Jankovic, Podunavski deo oblasti Akvisa u VI i pocetkom VII veka, Belgrade 1981, 205; Ivanov, «Oborona», 45. 87 However, the last coins found in Montana are solidi of Anastasius; see Aleksandrov, «Les monnaies» (see above, n. 49), 24-25. 92 invasion or inflation? Nicomedia, a few coins from Thessalonica were accumulated88. A drastic decrease came in the early 580s, when some of the hoards were closed, and accumulation completely ceased shortly before 600 (fig. 18). The sole seventh-century hoard known from this region consists solely of solidi (Gorna Orjahovica). Conclusions drawn from the analysis of hoards may now be compared with stray finds in Sucidava/Celei, a Roman city located north of the Danube frontier, but still belonging to the province Dacia Ripensis89. A relatively large number of folles circulated here between 538 and 542, but only a few issues of the period 543- 568 were found. The vast majority of coins dated to these years are issues of Constantinople and Nicomedia, both representing about 75 percent of all stray losses from the site. The number of coins rapidly increases just before 570, with a peak of 140 nummia in 570 and a short interruption between 572 and 575. After a new interruption in 578-579, coins continued to appear until 598, but on a much smaller scale (peak of 80 nummia in 588). This is the period in which issues of Thessalonica were also found, though not in the same number as those of the eastern mints. The latest coin found in Sucidava, an issue from Antioch, is dated 607. A similar picture emerges from the analysis of stray finds in Iatrus/Krivina90, although there circulation ceased long before 600. Scythia Minor. Though at the time one of the most endangered outposts of the Empire, present-day Dobrudja is only ranked third in number of hoards retrieved. Hoards appear during Justinian's reign and Justin II's early years (Satu Nou, Anadolchioi, Topalu), but the bulk only comes after 570, particularly from fortified settlements, either 88 For earlier Thessalonican coins in the Prahovo hoard, see D.M. Metcalf, «FolIes and fractional copper minted at Thessaloniki under Justin I», JNG, 30 (1980), 23-24. 89 Butnariu, «R3spindirea», 226-227. 90 E. Kluwe, «Miinzfunde», Klio, 41 (1966), 410-411; E. SchOnert-Geib, «Die Fundmunzen von Krivina», in Iatrus-Krivina. Spatantike Befestigung und friihmittelalterliche Siedlung an der unteren Donau I, Berlin 1979, 206-207; Id., «Die Fundmunze», in Iatrus-Krivina. Spatantike Befestigung und friihmittelalterliche Siedlung an der unteren Donau IV, Berlin 1991, 236-238. 93 florin curt a along the Danube (Adamclisi, Hinog) or the Black Sea coast, from Aegyssus/Tulcea to Tomis/Constan^a (Murighiol, Slava Rusa, Histria). The only hoards dated to the 580s consist of solidi (Adamclisi, Hinog, Slava Rusa), and may represent donativa, at least in the case of Hinog and Slava Rusa. Just before and after 600, hoards only came from Histria. Hoards sealed before 580 contain a large number of lesser fractions issued by the Constantinopolitan mint or even Vandalic and Ostrogothic specimens (Anadolchioi) (fig. 21-22). After 539, coins penetrated only intermittently, numerals being high in hoards closed before 580 and low in those sealed after 580. The former also include a few coins issued during Anastasius' and Justin I's reigns or Justinian's early regnal years. The number of coins suddenly increases in 565 and numerals tend to be high. Most of them were issued by the mints in Constantinople, which represents two thirds of all pieces found in Scythia Minor, and Nicomedia, but there are also some issued in Thessalonica (fig. 23). Hoards found in Histria have a new peak around 590 (140 nummia/year) (fig. 22). This picture is partially confirmed by coin finds in Dinogetia/Garvan91, on the northern border of the province. After a relatively large number of fractions of the folles occurred during Anastasius' and Justin I's reigns, as well as during Justinian's early regnal years, circulation practically ceased between 541 and 567. The number of coins and their face-value suddenly increased in the 570s, with a peak in 572. Some of these specimens came from Thessalonica, although more than 75 percent of all pieces found on the site were issued by the eastern mints (Constantinople, Nicomedia, and Cyzicus). This flow abruptly dropped after 574, but circulation continued with a few interruptions until 591/2. Thrace. Although some were already shut during Justin I's reign (Rakovski, Haskovo), the largest number of Thracian hoards comes from Justinian's time, especially before 550 (Patelenica, Parvomai, Orjahovo, Pavelsko, Dragojnovo, Katunica, Trud, Cranca, Zlatosel, 91 B. Mitre a, «Monedele §i pr3bu§irea Dinogetiei la sflr^itul sec. VI», Pontica, 7 (1974), 49-72. 94 invasion or inflation? Cvetino). Only three hoards are dated after Justinian's reign (Bracigovo, Borec, Resenovo) and no hoards were recorded between 580 and 680, when the Nesebar and Nova Nadezda hoards ended92. Thracian hoards cluster on the Marica river valley, particularly in the triangle Philippopolis-Diocletianopolis-Augusta Traiana (Beroe) (fig. 30-37). However, none of them was found in urban areas or in fortified settlements91. Unfortunately, there are no published data about Thracian hoards that could be used for this analysis. We only know that three hoards (Patelenica, Pavelsko, Cvetino) consist only of issues of Constantinople and Nicomedia, to a lesser extant of Cyzicus and Antioch94. While Resenovo may represent a donativum, hoards found in Parvomai and Dragojnovo indicate considerable resources and perhaps a higher social status, just like the Bracigovo hoard in which two cast fibulae with bent stem were found. Romania. Hoards were first closed north of the Danube river during Justin I's reign (Cudalbi, §eica Mica)95 and the early regnal years of Justinian (Hotin). However the significant number of hoards of copper retrieved from this region are dated to the last three decades of the century (Gropeni, Unirea, Horgesti, Movileni). Except Rancaciov 02 That in some of the coastal cities coin circulation seem to have come to an end during Tiberius H's reign is suggested by coin finds in Bal&k/Dionysopolis, see M. Dimitrov, «Pregled varkhu monetnata cirkulaciia v Dionisopolis prez rannoto srednevekovie (VI-XI v.)>\ Numiztnatika, 16 (1982), no. 1, 37-38. 93 Jurukova, «Les invasions» (see above, n. 11), 257; Popovic, «La descente», 611. The only two exceptions are the hoards found in Nesebar (T.D. Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki na moneti», fzvestiia na arheologiceskija lnstitut> 17 (1950), 321; V. PenCev, «Kolektivna nahodka ot medni vizantijski moneti ot vtorata polovina na VII v. namerena v. NesebSr», Numizmatika, 25 [1991], nos. 3-4, 5-6). 94 T.D. Gerasimov, «KoIektivni nahodki ot moneti prez 1956 i 1957 g.», Izvestija na arheologiceskija Institute 22 (1959), 358-359; Id., «S3krovi§ta s moneti, namereni v Balgariia prez 1967 g.», Izvestija na arheologiceskija Institute 31 (1969), 233; D. ConCev, «Kolektivni nahodki na moneti», Godisnik na narodnija arheologiceski muzei Plovdiv, 4 (1960), 208. 05 A. Kiss, «Die Goldfunde des Karpatenbeckens vom 5.10. Jahrhundert (Angaben zu den Vergleichsmoglichkeiten der schriftlichen und archaologischen Quellen)», Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 38 (1986), 107-108: coins were collected in the $eica Mica1 hoard primarily during the fifth century. 95 florin curta and Obarseni, after 610-620 hoards consist solely of hexagrams (Dragasani, Piua Petrii, Vartopu, Gala^i, Priseaca) or solidi (Firtusu, Udesti, «Vadas»)96. This dichotomy is also suggested by objects found together with coins. While in Horgesti, folles and half-folles were found in a bronze jug, together with a bronze chain, in Priseaca, hexagrams concealed in a ceramic pot were found together with silver ear-rings. It is typical for hoards recovered in the region north of the Danube frontier to be found in ceramic containers (Gropeni, Cudalbi, Movileni, Rancaciov, Gala^i). While hoards shut before 600 cluster in the area of confluence of the Siret and Danube rivers, around the ford at Dinogetia-Barbosi, those closed after 620 were also found in western Wallachia, Transylvania or central and northern Moldavia (fig. 38, 42, 44, 46-47), The former group includes a large number of pieces with low numerals from Anastasius' and Justin Fs reigns (fig. 24). Accumulation of coins ceased between 546 and 566. After that their number suddenly increased, with a peak of 14 pieces (520 nummia) in 571. With a slight decrease in 585-586, accumulation of coins continued uninterrupted until 600. Issues of the Constantinopolitan mint dominate the early period, but also the intervals 566-577, 578-585, 586-594, 596-600, and represent almost two thirds of all coins found in Romanian hoards. Between 566 and 578 and again between 586 and 594 the highest number of coins is however given by issues from Thessalonica. This picture is only partially confirmed by stray finds97. In contrast with the composition of hoards, a relatively small number of coins with high numerals were in circulation immediately after Justinian's reform of 538, with a peak of 10 pieces (240 nummia) in 540. Despite intermittent penetrations in 548 and 555-558, circulation practically ceased. After 566, it resumed with large fluctuations until 606, with two peaks of 10 pieces (180 nummia) in 570 and 575, respectively. Though the frequency of mints represented in stray finds and hoards is almost the same, specimens minted in Thessalonica 96 Republican denari found in the Hungarian hoard, known as «V5da§», should be carefully separated from two later silver coins of Leo VI and Romanus IV; see Kiss, «Goldfunde des Karpatenbeckens», 121. 97 Butnariu, «R3spindirea», 216-224. 96 invasion or inflation? circulated not only in the 560s and the late 570s, but also in the early 600s (fig. 26b). A few folles even entered the regions north of the Danube as late as 621. Further to the north and to the east, hoards were closed especially during Justinian's reign98. In the lower Don river area, north of the Sea of Azov, in the southern Ural mountains or in central-eastern Europe, hoards of this period are exclusively made up of solidi and are usually concealed in gold or silver containers, together with jewelry (Lugansk, Beloiarovka, Il'ic, Orsk, Biesenbrow)99. Later hoards only occurred during Heraclius' reign. In the Ural area or in the Danube river valley, they usually consist of hexagrams (Bartym, Sestakovo, Zemiansky Vrbovok, Krnov, Stejanovci). In the Azov area they also include solidi (Maistrov, Sukko). Conclusions. Where it is abundant, the evidence of hoards shows some important features. First, hoards closed before 570 (560, in Macedonia, 580, in Scythia Minor) include a fairly large number of pieces issued mainly in Constantinople, during the whole period between Anastasius and the first part of Justinian's reign. Some hoards of the central Balkans even consist uniquely of Constantinopolitan issues (Sadovik, Gorno Vassilica, perhaps also Patelenica, Pavelsko, and Cvetino). In Scythia Minor, Macedonia, Achaia, and north of the Danube frontier, the value of these pieces is low, while in Moesia Inferior, Dacia Ripensis, and Dacia Mediterranea, it is comparatively higher. The former case is confirmed by stray finds from Macedonia, where coins circulated in large numbers during the early 500s, but contradicted by those from Scythia Minor, as a whole, or by archaeological finds in Histria, on the Black Sea coast100. During this 98 This even applies to the curious Pecsvarad hoard; see K. Bir6—Sey, «A PecsvaYddi ercmlelet», Folia Archaeologica, 38 (1987), 171; Duncan, Balkan Provinces, 19. 99 See, however, the Streleck Bay hoard in Crimea and the Hellmonsodt hoard in Austria, both made up of copper. In contrast, see the Makukhivka hoard of gold jewels with only one solidus of Heraclius, Heraclius Constantine and Heraclonas (Kropotkin, «Novye nahodki» [see above, n. 43], 178). 100 There are no pieces in Dobrudja dated before Anastasius's reform of 498. The coins-per-regnal year ratio remains very low until 512, perhaps because of the 97 FLORIN CURTA period, hoards found in Achaia and Scythia Minor include a very large number of minimi, as well as a significant number of Ostrogothic and Vandalic specimens. In the Thasos and Pirot hoards, so-called «barbarian imitations» were also recorded. Hoards dated to this period are usually interpreted as indicating continuous raids by Cutrigurs, Antes, or Sclavenes101, but a closer look to hoards shut after 570 (560, in Macedonia, 580, in Scythia Minor) may suggest a different solution. This latter group of hoards typically includes a much smaller number of coins, usually lesser fractions of the follis, issued in the late 400s and early 500s. Since accumulation had often begun in the early 500s, owners of hoards concluding during Justin IPs and Tiberius IPs reigns may have deliberately avoided lesser fractions, because of the growing inflation. On the other hand, the production of a considerable number of multiple nummia, which imitated issues of Nicomedia, Constantinople, Cyzicus or Thessalonica may be associated with the formation of the quaestura exercitus in 536/5371('2. The fact that very low denominations are usually found in maritime provinces like Scythia Minor and Achaia may support this hypothesis103. In any case, at the time when hoards were closed in the 570s and 580s, 1/4, 1/8, and 1/40 fractions of the follis were already valueless and probably out of circulation. If so, then emperor's severe monetary policy. An increase in the number of stray losses may indicate the beneficial effects of the end of Vitalianus' revolt. Cf. Gh. Poenaru—Bordea, «Monede bizantine de bronz din secolele V-VII in Dobrogea», Buletinul Monumentelor Istorice, 40 (1971), no. 3, 51-57; Poenaru-Bordea, «Monnaies byzantines» (see above, n. 15); Poenaru-Bordea and Ochesanu, «Probleme istorice» (see above, n. 61), 382 and 387. For archaeological finds in Histria, see C. Preda and H. Nubar, Histria HL Descoperirile monetare 1914-1970 (Bucharest, 1973), 81-82. 101 Preda and Nubar, Histria HI, 81; Popovic, «La descente», 610. Poenaru-Bordea and Ochesanu, «Probleme istorice», 387, who believe that the decreasing folles-per-reform-year ratio in Dobrudja until 538 may be a consequence of intensive raiding by Huns, Cutrigurs, Antes and Sclavenes. 102 Hendy, Studies, 404; cf. Novella XL! (CIC III, p. 262, lines 2-3 [May 18, 536]. 103 For a general discussion of the quaestura exercitus, see E. Stein, Histoire du Bas-Empire II, Amsterdam 1968, 474-475; P. Lemerle, «Invasions et migrations dans les Balkans depuis la fin de l'epoque romaine jusqu'au VHI-e siecle», RH, 211 (1954); reprint in Id., Essais sur le monde byzantin, London 1980, 286 (page references are to reprint edition); Whitby, Emperor Maurice (see above, n. 14), 70. 98 INVASION OR INFLATION? hoards including very low denominations that were shut shortly before 570 (Corinth — no. 34, 36, and 37, Trypi, Zacha, Anadolchioi), as well as a large number of saving hoards with minimi from Achaia, dated after 570 (Hagios Nikolaos, Athens — no. 123, 124, and 139, Olympia, Hagia Kyriaki, Pellene) may have not been later retrieved by their owners not necessarily because of external threats, but because they had become valueless m. The Zagrade/Nicopolis ad Nestum hoard, found in Rhodope, closes however in 574/5 and includes a large number of nummia. It seems to contradict available data from Greece and Dobrudja. But the Zagrade hoard is exceptional, since unlike hoards found in these areas, it displays a remarkably continuous accumulation of a relatively large number of high denominations between 538 and 554 (except for the years 547/8, 549/50 and 551/2). The peak in both number of coins and value in nummia is nevertheless in the early 570s (15 coins with 540 nummia), just before the hoard concludes. It may thus be that the bulk of nummia were put together in the Zagrade hoard at the same time as in hoards from Achaia and Scythia Minor. Although the number of coins substantially diminished after 539 and accumulation was intermittent in some areas (interruptions between 550 and 555 and again between 560 and 563 in Macedonia, Moesia Inferior and Dacia Ripensis), issues of the eastern mints (Constantinople, Antioch, and Cyzicus) continued to be hoarded until 566-568. In Moesia Inferior and Dacia Ripensis, coins of this period are usually half-folles, while hoards in Macedonia and Scythia Minor closed before 580 include only folles105. During this period, hoards in 104 Inflation during Justinian's reign was encouraged by the financial ability of John the Cappadocian, who levied a supplement to the land tax, called the 'air tax' which added 3,000 lb. gold to the annual revenue, in order to balance the budget grievously threatened by the Persian wars. See A.H.M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284-602: A Social, Economic and Administrative Survey, Oxford 1964, 284. Retrieving of hoards, on the other hand, was discouraged by a legislation that allowed the state to retain up to one half of the bullion value of a retrieved 'treasure'; see Morrisson, «Th6orie et pratique», 333-334. 105 That at the time higher denominations were preferred for accumulation may also be suggested by stray finds from Dobrudja. The folles-per-reform-year ratio in 99 florin curt a Dacia Mediterranea include only a few coins dated between 540 and 565, while penetration completely ceased north of the Danube between 546 and 566. Hoards found in Achaia are a special case. Those closed before 570 witnessed a significant decrease in both number and value of coins until 554, when circulation completely ceased. In contrast, hoards sealed after 570 witnessed a continuous circulation between 539 and 561, though only a few coins (less than 10 pieces per year), usually lesser fractions of the follis, were amassed. Hoards in Achaia typically include, even after 570, a large number of very low denominations (minimi). At the same time, half-folles issued in Salona were stored in the Kastel Stari hoard. One way to explain this case would be to refer to the consequences of the highly unpopular reform introduced in 542 by Peter Barzymes, Justinian's comes sacrarum largitionum, who decreased the number of folles to 180 per solidusl06. Appointed praetorian prefect of the East in 543, Peter Barzymes sold off surplus stocks of Constantinople at good prices, but was compelled by the failure of the Egyptian harvest in 545 to make extensive compulsory purchases of wheat in Thrace, Bithynia and Phrygia. Dismissed in 546, he was soon reappointed to the largitiones and became praetorian prefect once again in 554/5, holding the office until 562. Although the financial situation was very difficult, Scythia Minor drastically dropped after 542, the large number of half-folles being interpreted as indicating the raids of the Cutrigurs. See Poenaru-Bordea and Ochesanu, «Probleme istorice», 387-388; see also B. Mitrea, «Un tezaur de monede bizantine descoperit la Constan$a», Pontica, 6 (1983), 249. In contrast, circulation continues at Dinogetia until 558, when the invasion of the Cutrigurs destroyed the city; see Mitrea, «Pri£bu§irea Dinogetiei», 61; Al. Barnea, «Einige Bemerkungen zur Chronologie des Limes an der unteren Donau in spStromischer Zeit». Dacia, n. s., 34 (1990), 288. That circulation was drastically curtailed everywhere after 542 is also shown by archaeological finds in Sucidava and by stray losses north of the Danube, where circulation completely ceased between 546 and 566. Cf. Mitrea, «Un tezaur», 150, who interpreted the Gropeni hoard in connection with the coinage in Dobrudja. Circulation also ceased in 540/1, 545/6, and 546/7 at Aquis; Jankovic, Podunavski. 106 Procopius, Anecdota 25. 12, ed. H.B. Dewing, New York 1914, p. 294-296; see Whitting, Byzantine Coins\ 106; Grierson, Byzantine Coins, 46-47. Cf. R. Delmaire, Les responsables des finances imperiales au Bas- Empire romain (IVe-Vle s.). Etudes prosopographiques, Brussels 1989, 269: Peter Barzymes was money-changer before working for the Eastern prefecture. 100 INVASION OR INFLATION? he was able to supply Narses with funds sufficient to pay off the arrears which had accumulated in Italy and to raise the very considerable army with which he finally defeated the Ostrogoths. It was Peter Barzymes who raised in 545, 551, and 562 the sums totalling over 7,500 lb. gold in order to buy the two truces and the final peace with Persia107. The general decrease in coin circulation in the Balkans and the proportional increase of low or very low denominations may have something to do with these strains. The drastic decrease of the number of coins after 542/3 may also be interpreted as a consequence of the plague and the subsequent famine in Constantinople108. The complete absence of coins of 554/5 may also be connected with the project of a new reform, namely to decrease the weight of the half—follis. This measure, introduced in 553, would have caused the violent reaction recorded by John Malalas109. While in Dacia Mediterranea, Scythia Minor, and north of the Danube frontier, the number of hoards closed during Justinian's reign seems to have been rather small, this period, particularly until about 550, witnesses the largest number of Thracian hoards. Though 39 hoards, many of them found in present-day Bulgaria, have no exact date, 10 out of 16 Thracian hoards with accurate date were closed during this period. They cluster along the roads linking Philippopolis to Diocletianopolis and to Augusta Traiana (Beroe), though none of them was found in urban areas. Similarly, hoards found in Moesia Inferior cluster around Odessos and Marcianopolis or along the road to Montana. In contrast, at the same time, hoards found in Dalmatia cluster around the city of Salona. A large number of hoards (13 out of 23) were closed during this period in Macedonia, concealed around Stobi or along the road from Pautalia to Heraclea. In Achaia, the largest number of hoards from this period comes from Corinth (fig. 30, 36, 38). The 107 Jones, Later Roman Empire, 295-296. During the 550s troops were transferred from the Balkans to Italy, against the Ostrogoths; see Whitby, Emperor Maurice, 79. 108 For the plague, see J. Durliat, «La peste du Vl-e siecle. Pour un nouvel examen des sources byzantines», in Hommes et richesses dans VEmpire byzantin, I (Paris, 1989), 111 and 117-118; for its effects on mint output, see Pottier, Analyse, 241. 109 John Malalas, Chronographia 1. 19-22, ed. L. Dindorf (Bonn, 1831), p. 486; Pottier, Analyse, 241; C. Morrisson, «Alterazioni e sva!utazioni», in La cultura bizantina. Oggetti e messaggio. Moneta ed economia, Rome 1986, 115. 101 FLORIN CURTA distribution of hoards and their relative chronology may indicate the effects of the invasions, particularly around 550, the peak of the Sclavene raids, combined with a joint expedition of Gepids and Cutrigurs'10. This interpretation is reinforced by the general absence of hoards dated between 551 and 565 (except the Malo Golubinje and Rjahovec hoards), a period in which no major invasions were recorded by historical sources, except Zabergan's raid of 558/559, that left no trace in hoarding activity. Though small hoards of gold, like those found in Nestani, Mirovo Gara and Barzovica, may be interpreted as donativa, all collections of solidi closed during this period (Hadzi Sinalar, Sekulica, Sisak, San Lorenzo, Parvomai, Dragojnovo) represent considerable riches. It is not surprising to see the same large sums accumulated in hoards of gold found in barbaricumm, in Crimea and the Azov area, eastern Germany and the southern Ural mountains. These sums most probably indicate gifts that should be interpreted in connection with the intensive diplomatic activity of Justinian "2. 110 Procopius of Caesarea, De bellis 7. 38. 1-23; 7. 40. 4-5; 7. 40. 31-35; 8. 25. 1-6. At least three of the raids were directed to Thrace, while the one of 550 reached Dalmatia through Dacia Mediterranea (Naissus). For Narses, besieged by Cutrigurs in Philippopolis, see Proa, De bellis 8. 21. 20-21. The connection between hoards found in Thrace and Macedonia and the incursions of the Sclavenes and the Cutrigurs was already suggested by Jurukova, «Les invasions», 257 and 259 and Popovic, «La descente», 610-611. See also Poenaru-Bordea, «Monnaies byzantines», who attributed the hoards found in Satu Nou, Anadolchioi, and Topalu to the same invasions. However, one should avoid the over-interpretation of numismatic evidence, the best example of which is Popovic, «La descente», 617, who believed that hoards and stray finds from Pirot, Nis\ and Caricin Grad indicate a Sclavene invasion in the Serdica basin in 563/4, though no historical source recorded it. 111 For the use of the term barbaricum for the lands north of the Rhine-Danube frontier during late antiquity, see I. Weiler, «Orbis Romanus und Barbaricum», Carnuntum Jahrbuch 1963-1964, 34-39. 112 For the foedus with the Antes, see Procopius of Caesarea, De bellis 1. 14. 32-34. For Justinian's relations with Cutrigurs and Utigurs, see V. BeSevliev, Die protobulgarische Periode der bulgarischen Geschichte> Amsterdam 1981, 95-96. See Herrmann, «Byzanz», 318, who interpreted the Biesenbrow hoard as part of the gifts sent by the Avar chagan to the Baltic Slavs. Contra: Laser, Fundmunzen, 24, who noticed that Biesenbrow should probably be related to similar hoards found in Bornholm, Oland, and Gotland. For hoards of solidi in Scandinavia, see J.M. Fagerlie, 102 invasion or inflation? The number of hoards of copper begins to grow after 564/5, with a peak of 10 hoards in 574. An important feature of Tiberius ITs reign and the first years of Maurice's are hoards of five to eight solidi (Pustogradsko, Hinog, Pinios river's dam, Resenovo, Athens — no. 157, Apidea, Slava Rusa), most of which are dated immediately after 578 and probably represent donativa, in connection with a significant presence of the Byzantine army in the Balkans113. Hoards concluding after 560/565 were usually found in urban areas (Murighiol, Adamclisi, Hinog, in Scythia Minor; Caricin Grad, in Dacia Mediterranea; Pustogradsko, Goren Kozjak, Thasos, in Macedonia; Athens, Mantinea, Thebes, Kenchreai, Olympia, Argos, Isthmia, in Achaia; Vid, in Dalmatia) or Roman camps in the Iron Gates segment of the Danube frontier. While before about 570, hoards in Achaia clustered around the Corinth isthmus, now they frequently appear in Peloponnesus. In Dacia Mediterranea, hoards closed after 560-565 cluster around Naissus or along the road to Serdica, both areas being far more to the west than the Late Roman and Byzantine Solidi Found in Sweden and Denmark* New York 1967). For fifth^to sixth-century solidi on the south-western coast of the Baltic sea, in Pomerania and Mecklenburg, as indication of trade, see J. Gaul, «The circulation of monetary and non-monetary currency in the West Baltic zone in the 5th and 6th centuries A.D.», Archaeologia Polona, 23 (1984), 93. For Biesenbrow hoard's singular position in northern Central Europe, see Godlowski, «Kulturumwandlungen» (see above, n. 13), 325. For leight-weight solidi of Justinian in hoards beyond the Empire's borders, see Hahn, «Zur Frage» (see above, n. 36), 165-167; Smedley, «Southern Russia» (see above, n. 36), 129. That Maurice minted 23-carat solidi as a means to pay mercenaries recruited in present-day Georgia seems to be evidenced by the Nokalakevi hoard (T. Ia. AbramiSvili, «Nokalakevskij klad», Vizantijskij Vremennik, 23 (1963), 158-165); cf. Hahn, «Solidi 16gers» (see above, n. 36), 97. 113 Poenaru—Bordea and Oche§anu, «Tezaurul» (see above, n. 15), 180. Cf. Jurukova, «Trouvailles mon&aires» (see above, n. 11), 287, who interpreted the large number of tremisses found in Sadovec as indicating the military character of the settlement: «I1 semble en somme que les tremisses servaient au paiement de la solde des unites militaires, installees dans la forteresse». The last coins found in some small centers along the Danube are dated to this period, as they were most probably abandoned or destroyed; see Gh. Poenaru-Bordea, «Quelques monnaies trouv^es a Adamclisi et la fin de civitas Tropaensium», Dacia, n. s., 12 (1968), 409-411; A. Poulter, «The end of Scythia Minor: archaeological evidence», in Byzantium and the Classical Tradition. University of Birmingham Thirteenth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies 1979, ed. M. Mullett and R. Scott, Birmingham 1981, 200; Barnea, «Einige Bemerkungen», 288 (with all references). 103 FLORIN CURTA previous distribution. A similar phenomenon could be observed in Dacia Ripensis and Moesia Inferior, where hoards were found either around Nicopolis ad Istrum or around and in the Sadovec fortress. In contrast, Thracian hoards completely disappear after 580 (fig. 40-46). This distribution may reflect the shift of military operations from the eastern to the western Balkans, which took place in the late 570s and early 580s in connection with the siege of Sirmium by the Avars and the great invasion of the Sclavenes into Greece m. The number of coins accumulated suddenly increased after 562- 565 (561, in Achaia, 566, in Dalmatia and north of the Danube river, 568, in Moesia Inferior and Dacia Ripensis). Except hoards found in Achaia, that still include half-folles or even minimi, accumulated coins are usually high denominations. The peak in both number and numeral is attained in about 570 (571, north of the Danube, 572-573 in Scythia Minor, 575 in Moesia Inferior and Dacia Ripensis, 578-579 in Achaia and Macedonia), but this rapid growth suddenly stopped in the early 580s (578/9, in Dacia Mediterranea and Scythia Minor, 580-583, in Moesia Inferior and Dacia Ripensis, 585/6 in Macedonia and the territory north of the Danube frontier). A similar conclusion could be drawn from stray finds in the territory north of the Danube, where the peak was attained in 570 and again in 575, and from Caridin Grad, Dinogetia, and Sucidava, where after a sudden increase in the number of coins in 568, the peak is attained in 570. This period witnessed the introduction of issues of Thessalonica in hoards found in Dalmatia, Dacia Ripensis"5 and Moesia Inferior, Scythia Minor"6, and the 114 Metcalf, «Slavonic threat», 147; I. Jurukova, «Particularit6s dans la circulation des monnaies byzantines du Vl-e-VII-e s. sur le littoral occidental de la Mer Noire», Byzantinobulgarica, 2 (1966), 226; Popovic, «Les temoins», 467^68; Popovic, «La descente», 620 and 622; Picard, «Thasos», 450; V. Popovic, «Une invasion slave sous Justin II inconnue des sources eerites», Numizmaticar, 4 (1981), 122; FerjanCic, «Invasions», 98; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348; A. Frantz, The Athenian Agora, vol. XXIV: Late Antiquity: A.D. 267-700, Princeton 1988, 93. 115 The majority of coins dated after 560 found in Aquis were issued in Thessalonica; Jankovic, Podunavski, 203. 116 During Justin II, issues of Thessalonica, mainly half-folles and dekanummia were ranked second in Dobrudja, after those of the Constantinopolitan mint; Poenaru-Bordea and Oche^anu, «Probleme istorice», 394. See also Preda and Nubar, Histria HI, 84. 104 invasion or inflation? territory north of the Danube. These coins dominate in hoards found in Dacia Mediterranea (over 50 percent of all coins), Macedonia (about 35 percent of all coins), and Achaia (over 40 percent of all coins). But since accumulation in general seems everywhere to have drastically diminished, if not ceased, in the 580s, Vladislav Popovic's numismatic argument for dating the first siege of Thessalonica in 586 should be abandoned"7. In contrast, the sudden increase in number of coins accumulated in the 560s, 570s and the early 580s may reflect an inflationist policy followed by Justin II, who increased the number of folles to 720 the solidus. Gold reserves may have been strained by the first subsidies paid to the Avars and by court expenditures, but Tiberius II, Justin IPs very popular successor, is also known for having promoted a bolder attitude toward barbarians. It is interesting to note that among 38 hoards of gold found in Eastern Europe, 22 include less than 10 coins and, except the Udesti hoard, were all found within the empire. Many of them date to the late 570s and early 580s. Both their dispersion and the possible connection between their structure and the distribution of donativa suggest intensive military activity in the Balkans, which is only occasionally reflected in historical sources118. Even hoards of copper were sometimes interpreted as payments to the military, particularly because of the presence of only high denominations issued in Constantinople119. If the connection between increase in mint output and hoarding, on the one hand, and military preparations, on the other120, is proved to be correct, then we may see Justin IPs financial and monetary measures as picturing Maurice's reform of the system of 117 Popovic, «Les temoins», 464. For the use of issues of the Thessalonica mint for «proving» a Sclavene invasion not mentioned by any historical sources, see Popovic, «Une invasion slave», 119-120. 118 For maneuvers in 578, under John, the «governor of the isles», see The History of Menander the Guardsman 21, p. 194. See Jones, Later Roman Empire, 307; Pohl, Die Awaren, 68; Hendy, Studies, 653; Chiriac, «Expedi{ia avara», 195-196. 119 Popovic, «Les t6moins», 467 (for Veliko Orasje) and 484 (for Bosman). Cf. Jurukova, «Trouvailles», 287, who interpreted the absence of lesser fractions of gold in Sadovec as indicating the military character of the settlement. 120 See D.M. Metcalf, «Coinage and coin finds associated with a military presence in the medieval Balkans», in Kovanje i kovnice antickog i srednjovekovnog novca, ed. V. Kondic, Belgrade 1976, 92. 105 florin curta military finances121. That beyond conflict and military confrontation, this increase in mint output even reached the territories north of the Danube, at the time inhabited by Sclavenes, demonstrates D. M. Metcalf's idea that the economy and society of the Slavonic tribes functioned without the use of petty currency, both before and after their settlement south of the Danube122, to be untenable. Low value coinage (bronze, copper) does not seem to have ever been too attractive either as booty or as subsidies or gifts. The greater part of this type of coinage, usually found during the fourth to sixth century, in regions of barbaricum immediately adjacent to the empire, is more likely "to testify to trading activity m. Regardless of their origin (trade transactions or booty), hoards found north of the Danube are theoretically not incompatible with the segmentary society of the Sclavenes m. The range of a currency's function in a given social group of people is defined by that group's socio-economic structure, by the methods of classifying and distributing goods and services ,2\ Use of 'primitive money' is 121 W'hitby, Emperor Maurice, 13. 122 Metcalf, «Invasions», 141. 123 A.D. Lee, Information and Frontiers. Roman Foreign Relations in Late Antiquity, Cambridge 1993, 73. Trading activity on the Lower Danube frontier, perhaps involving transactions with the barbaricum, is indicated by the bronze balance with an inscription containing the name of Flavius Gerontius, the prefect of the City, found in Dinogetia/Garv3n, as well as by a glass weight for semisses with the portrait and the inscription of the same official, found in Sucidava/Celei; see E. Popescu, Inscripfiile grecesti si latine din secolele IV-XIII descoperite in Romania, Bucharest 1976, 263-265 and 310; S. Patoura-Hatzopoulos, «L'oeuvre de reconstitution du limes danubien a l'epoque de l'empereur Justinien I-er (territoire roumain)», Revue des etudes sud-est-europeennes, 18 (1980), 105 and 107. >2A For the concept of segmentary society, see E. DuRKHErM, De la division du travail social, Paris 1902, 150; E. Evans-Pritchard, The Nuer: a Description of the Modes of Livelihood and Political Institutions of a Nilotic People, Oxford 1940, 181; M. Fortes and E. Evans-Pritchard, African Political Systems, London 1940, 296; Chr. Sigrist, Regulierte Anarchie. Untersuchungen zum Fehlen und zur Entstehung politischer Herrschaft in segmentaren Gesellschaften Afrikas, Olten-Freiburg im Breisgau 1967, 16; M. Sahlins, «The segmentary lineage: an organization of predatory expansions American Anthropologist, 63 (1961), 322-345. For the segmentary society of the early Slavs, see Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 354; Pohl, Die Awaren, 127. 125 Gaul, «West Baltic zone», 88 and 97: the acceptance of a currency which was the product of a different social-economic structure is evidence for special exchange needs. 106 invasion or inflation? usually associated with an economy with a marked incidence of balanced exchange in peripheral social sectors126. Initially acquired in external market exchange, Byzantine coins may thus have been used internally for commercial and non-commercial transactions, as evidenced by the episode in 551, when the Sclavene warriors paid in solidi their Gepid neighbors for ferrying services across the Danube127'. Specific historical circumstances may have put premiums on delayed exchange and on tokens that store value in the interim, as suggested by the military treatise Strategikon, written in the late 500s or early 600s: They do not keep those who are in captivity among them in perpetual slavery, as do other nations. But they set a definite period of time for them and then give them the choice either, if they so desire, to return to their own homes with a small recompense ((iera xivot; |iia0ot>) or to remain there as free men and friends128. The use of currency in monetary form seems to have been particularly associated with transactions involving prisoners, as in the episode of the «phony Chilbudius» reported by Procopius. In this case, where «phony Chilbudius» was purchased by one of his fellow tribesmen from the Sclavenes, former enemies of the Antes, money may have been used for transactions outside the social system of the Antes, beyond its most peripheral sectors'29. Big-man leadership systems, of a type easily identifiable in the case of the Sclavene chiefs Dauritas/Daurentius, 126 M. Sahlins, Stone Age Economics, Chicago 1972, 227 and 229. For the concept .of 'primitive money', see G. Duncan, Economic Anthropology and Development Essays on Tribal and Peasant Economies, New York-London 1971, 176. 127 Proc. De bellis 8. 25. 4-6, p. 317. For use of currency in both monetary and non-monetary form for commercial and/or non-commercial transactions, see Gaul, «West Baltic zone», 94. 12H Strategikon XI. 4. 4, tr. G. Dennis (Philadelphia, 1984), p. 120. A similar account referring to a Roman prisoner, in Proc. De bellis 7. 14. 12, p. 265. 129 Proc. De bellis 7, 14. 16, p. 265. Although Procopius does not specifically mention what kind of coins were used for this transaction, it is beyond any doubt that the term xpifcotxa refers to a payment in currency, not in kind. See S.A. Ivanov, L.A. Gindin, and V.L. Cymburskij, «Prokopij Kessarijskij», in Svod drevnejsih pis'mennyh izvestij o slavianah, I, ed. L.A. Gindin, S.A. Ivanov, and G.G. Litavrin, Moscow 1991, 218. 107 florin curta Ardagastus, Peiragastus and Mousokios130 may have rendered delayed balanced exchange functional, by converting wealth into tokens and calculating development of money loans in exchange. When a massive call on goods comes, the whole fund of wealth, given away, could be converted into status131. The whole mechanism is recognizable in Dauritas' case, whose rise to power in a country «full of gold» was only curtailed by the Avar invasionl32. While in hoards retrieved in Achaia, Macedonia, and Dacia Mediterranea, coins issued after 585/6 are very rare, if not absent, in Scythia Minor (especially at Histria), Dacia Ripensis and Moesia Inferior, in Dalmatia and in the territories north of the Danube, accumulation continued, though on a smaller scale, until 595/6. Usually low denominations, these coins are issues of Thessalonica (Dalmatia, regions north of the Danube), but also of Nicomedia and Constantinople. Hoards dated to the last decade of the sixth century were only found along the Lower Danube river (fig. 42-43), and as already suggested they may indicate Maurice's counter-offensive against Sclavenes and Avars that started in 593 l3\ A last increase only occurred between 613 and 615 (613 at Caricin Grad, 615 at Chalkis, Nea Anchialos, and Thasos). Seventh century folles even penetrated north of the Danube as late as the 620s. In Sucidava, circulation completely ceased only in 607. The vast majority of coins are issues of the Constantinopolitan mint, although the Solomos hoard also includes issues of Thessalonica signed 0EC instead of TES, usually interpreted as a measure of the disruption in the western Balkans at that time134. 130 For Dauritas/Daurentius, see The History of Menander the Guardsman 21, p. 195. For Ardagastus, see Theophylact Simocatta, trr. Mary and Michael Whitby, Oxford 1986, 1. 7. 5, p. 29; 6. 7. 1-5, p. 169. For Peiragastus, see Theophylact Simocatta 7. 5. 4, p. 185; cf. 7. 4. 13, p. 185. For Mousokios, see Theophylact Simocatta 6. 9. 12, p. 172. 131 Sahlins, Stone Age, 229. 132 Cf. History of Menander the Guardsman 21, p. 195; 25. 1, p. 219. 133 Popovic, «La descente», 623 and 629; cf. Popovic, «Aux origines», 246 and Ferluga, «Gli Slavi» (see above, n. 14), 313. For a critique of the idea that stray finds delineate the profile of the monetary collapse of the limes, see Metcalf, «Invasions», 141. For the interpretation of the hoards found in Histria, see Poulter, «The end», 203 and n. 30. 134 Metcalf, «Aegean coastlands», 16 and 20. For stray finds from Dobrudja, 108 invasion or inflation? Many hoards found in Macedonia and Greece were interpreted in connection with the invasions of the Sclavenes13s, and recent doubts raised by the author of this interpretation himself did not provide an alternative,36. After 615-620, hoards of silver began to appear in the regions north of the Danube, although gold (Firtu§u, Udesti) and copper (Obarseni) did not completely disappear. The last coins in the Balkans are those of the Salona hoard (dated 631), but small hoards of five to seven solidi (Potkom, Nerezisce, Solomos) may still indicate donativa. Hoards of hexagrams found in the territories north of the Danube are commonly interpreted in connection with the invasion of the Bulgarsl". But hoards of hexagrams were also found in significant number in southern Caucasus and in the Kama-Urals region, while being completely absent from the steppe north of the Black Sea138. They also appear in the Carpathian basin, although we have detailed information only about the Zemiansky Vrbovok hoard. Yannopoulos's monograph on the hexagrams, though the first serious attempt to study this coinage, failed to provide an explanation for this distribution patternI39. Looking only issues of Constantinople and Nicomedia, see Poenaru-Bordea and Ochesanu, «Probleme istorice», 395. 135 Metcalf, «Aegean coastlands»; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 349. 136 Metcalf, «Invasions», 140-141. 137 Adelson, Light Weight Solidi, 93; Yannopoulos, L'hexagramme, 106; Popovic, «Aux origines», 252; 6. Bonev, «NacaIo dunajskoj Bolgarij v svete nekotoryh arheologiceskih dannyh i monetyh nahodok», Etudes balkaniques, 2 (1985), 62-76. Cf. D.I. Dimitrov, «La culture mateVielle sur la rive septentrionale gauche du Bas-Danube aux VIe-Xe siecles», Etudes balkaniques, 1 (1985), 119, who believes that these hoards belonged- to «guerriers de l'armee byzantine defaite [by Bulgars] non loin de r embouchure du Prut». 138 Smedley, «Southern Russia», 118; Th. S. Noonan, «Russia, the Near East and the steppe in the early medieval period: an examination of the Sassanian and Byzantine finds from the Kama-Urals area», Archivum Eurasiae MediiAevi, 2 (1982), 279. Silver imitations of semisses of Constans II were also found in a grave near Dnepropetrovsk, see Kropotkin, Klady, 31. A silver imitation occurred in an Avarian grave in Kiskoros; see K. Biro-Sey, «Ujabb avar utanzatu eziistpenz a MNM eremgyujtemenyben», Numizmatikai Kozlony, 76-77 (1977-1978), 50. 139 Cf. Yannopoulos, L'hexagramme, 105: the absence of hexagrams from the Balkans may be explained by the devastation and general impoverishment brought by the Slavic invasions. For a similar point of view, see Bonev, «Nacalo», 69. For a 109 FLORIN CURTA in detail at the finds in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus area, one feature becomes immediately apparent: there is a concentration of finds with coins of Heraclius and Constans IPs early regnal years in the Caucasus. In contrast, issues of Constantine IV cluster in the Lower Danube area. A considerable number of specimens (482) of Heraclius' first series (Yannopoulos I = MIB 140-145), dated between 615 and 638 come from Armenia (Dvin I, with 106 specimens, Dvin II, with 84, Kos, with five140, Leninakan, with three141 and Grci, with only one) or Georgia (Marganeti, with four specimens'42, Mcheta, with an unknown number of specimens)143 or from two other hoards found in the Kama-Perm region (Bartym, with 264 specimens, Sestakovo, with eleven)144. Only five specimens known so far come from the Lower Danube area (Gala^i, with three, Vartopu, with only one, and an isolated find in Sannicolaul Mare)I45, one was found in a skeleton grave in the Cufut Kale cemetery, in Crimea146, another one in the excavations at Sardis,47, and the half of a third one, in the Linz-Zizlau cemetery in Austria148. The next series (Yannopoulos II = MIB III 146) dated to thorough critique of Yannopoulos's approach, based particularly on the lack of any die-study from his book, but also for a general typology and chronology of the hexagram's series, see W. Hahn, review of Panayotis Yannopoulos, L'Hexagramme. Un monnayage byzantin en argent du Vile siecle, Louvain-la-Neuve 1978, in JNG, 8-29 (1978-1979), 159-162. 140 Kropotkin, Klady, 42. 141 ML Kamera and K.V. Golenko, «Leninakanskij klad sasanidskih i vizantijskih monet (1956 g.)», Vizantijskij Vremennik, 19 (1961), 172-193: the hoard also include 92 Sassanian drachms. 142 T. Ia. AbramiSvili, «Klad monet iz Marganeti», in Numizmaticeskij sbornik posviascaetsia pamiati D. G. Kapanadze, Tbilisi 1977, 73-82: the hoard also includes eleven Sassanian drachms. 143 Kropotkin, Klady, 44. 144 See Noonan, «Russia», 281: among all Byzantine, stamped silver vessels found in the Kama region, the largest number date to the first part of the reign of Heraclius (613-629/30). 145 B. Mitrea, «Descoperiri de monede antice s.i bizantine in Republica Socialists Romania XV», Studii §i cercet&ri de istorie veche, 23 (1972), no. 1, 146. 146 Sokolova, «Nahodki», 262. 147 Yannopoulos, L'hexagramme, 102. 148 Hahn, «Review», 163. 110 INVASION OR INFLATION? 638-641 has only 15 specimens, all of which come from Armenian hoards (Dvin I, with nine, Kos, with four, and Leninakan, with two). Other four hoards from Caucasus (Igdir, Mcheta III, Ecmiadzin, Tbilisi) include an unknown number of coins of Heraclius. This distribution pattern suggests that hexagrams issued by Heraclius after 614/5 were, more than the series of miliaresia of his predecessors, merely ceremonial coins or minted for the payment of soldiers recruited by the emperor for his Persian campaign149. The raids of the Khazars allied with Heraclius and eventually the fall of Tiflis in 629 may have caused the accumulation of a considerable amount of silver in their hands, some of which may have been later traded to the Kama region, where native population needed silver for religious and ritualistic purposes 15°. Accumulation of hexagrams continued in Armenian and Georgian hoards during Constans IPs rule. His second series (MIB III 144-146) issued between 647 and 651 and his third series (MIB III 147-148), minted between 651 and 654 are only known from Leninakan and Marganeti. Though specimens of Constans IPs first (MIB III 142, dated between 642 and 646) and fourth series (Yannopoulos II1 and 3 = MIB III 149-151, dated between 654 and 659), that were found in Caucasus still dominate151, four pieces of the former (Drag&sani, with three specimens, and Valea Teilor, with only one) and six of the latter (Gala^i, with four specimens, Priseaca, with two) indicate that these silver coinage have reached the Lower Danube area in the mid-600s. However, the most interesting phenomenon of Constans IFs silver coinage related to Eastern Europe are his miliaresia. All known specimens come from the Zemiansky Vrbovok hoard (17). Besides two other hexagrams, the hoard itself seems to have been primarily made up 149 Jones, Later Roman Empire, 316; Grierson, Byzantine Coins, 104; W. Hahn, Moneta Imperii Byzantini. Von Heraclius bis Leo Hl./Alleinregierung (610-720), Vienna 1981,99. 150 Noonan, «Russia», 271-287; see Pohl, Die Awaren, 273: those allied with Heraclius were Turks, not Khazars. Khazars, rather than Arabs, may have been responsible for the conclusion and perhaps the concealment of the last Caucasian hoards of hexagrams (Leninakan, Marganeti, KoS) around 660 (Pohl, Die Awaren, 272). 151 Silver stray losses in the Caucasus area are exclusively hexagrams of either Heraclius or Constans II; see Kropotkin, Klady, 30-31. Ill florin curta of these miliaresia. Die-links prove that the miliaresia group could be divided into two subgroups of coins with different obverses and reverses152. This further suggests that the Zemiansky Vrbovok hoard probably represents gifts or bribes153 and that miliaresia of Constans II may have been struck in limited amount, specifically for shipment to some «barbarian» chieftain at the northern frontier of the empire. It is tempting to associate the date of the miliaresia in the Zemiansky Vrbovok hoard (659) with Constans IPs campaign of 658 against the Thracian and Macedonian «Sklavianiae», but the distance between the two renders any such explanation very dubious. However, -since the hoard's last coin is a specimen of Constans IPs last series (Yannopoulos III 1 = MIB III 152-154), issued in 659-668, one may think of a later moment for the transfer of the whole collection from the imperial mint and/or treasure to its owner. This is the moment when accumulation starts in the Priseaca hoard (6 specimens), which may indicate that year 660 represents a significant political moment, perhaps in connection with the proclamation of Heraclius and Tiberius as co-emperors. What is important, nevertheless, is that silver coinage during Constans II seems to have preserved, at least in part, its ceremonial character. This function is more evident in the case of Constantine IV's hexagrams, all of which (except two specimens in the Sukko hoard)154 were found in the Lower Danube area. All three series of the reign are represented in the Priseaca hoard: Yannopoulos I 1 and 2 = MIB III 62 a-b (668-669) with five specimens, Yannopoulos II 1, 4, and 5 = MIB III 64-65 (669-674) with 97 specimens (two also in Valea Teilor and Gala^i) and Yannopoulos II = MIB III 66-68 (674-680) with 31 152 A. Fiala, «K objavu miliarense Constansa II. z pokladu zo Zemianskeho Vrbovku», Numismaticky Sbornik, 17 (1986), 17-19 and fig. 2-3. 153 Bonev, «Na£alo», 63; E. Kolnikova, «Problemy tovarovo-penaznych vztahov na Slovensku v 5.-10. storoci», Slovenskd Numizmatika, 10 (1989), 27-29. Similarly 20-carat solidi of Justinian I and of the period from Phocas to Constans II were minted in order to be sent as tribute, bribes or gifts to buy peace from and ensure good relations with the barbarians on the empire's northern frontier, in southern Russia. See Kiss, «Goldfunde des Karpatenbeckens», 121; Smedley, «Southern Russia», 129. 154 K.V. Golenko, «Klad vizantijskih monet VII v., naidennyi bliz Anapy», Vizantijskij Vremennik, 26 (1965), 165 and fig. 1/6-7. 112 invasion or inflation? specimens (four also come from the Gala^i hoard). The Piua Petrii find also includes a hexagram of Constantine IV, but the type is unknown. One can hardly fail to notice that the largest group of coins of the Priseaca hoard dates to the 670s, which may indicate that coins were in fact not 'gathered', but received, all at the same time155. That the Priseaca hoard represents a considerable amount of minted silver is also suggested by the fact that it includes more than a half (142) of all known specimens of Constantine IV's hexagrams (251)l56. Except the two specimens at Sukko, there are no hexagrams of Constantine IV found in the whole of Eastern Europe, other than those from Romania (Priseaca, Valea Teilor, Galaji, Piua Petrii)157. No hexagrams were found south of the Danube river, except the Valea Teilor hoard,58. Hoards of copper (Balgarevo, Bakirkoy) and gold (Catal?a, Belopoliane)159 occur in the eastern Balkans before 620 and could indicate the Avars' presence in Thrace in the decade preceding the siege of Constantinople in 626. The copper hoards found in Nesebar and Nova Nadezhda may, in turn, be associated with Leontios' revolt and the political unrest at the end of Justinian ITs first reign (695-717)160. As for the Silistra hoard, it includes primarily silver jewels, including one earring with star-shaped pendant of the late sixth-century. The three silver coins are one 155 B. Mitre a, «Date noi cu privire la secolul VII. Tezaurul de hexagrame bizantine de la Priseaca (jud. OU)», Studii $i cercetari de numismatica> 6 (1975), 117: no specimen looks worn, «bad» striking may be explained by means of over-used dies. 156 Cf. Hahn, «Review», 160. 157 However, solidi of Constantine IV were found in Russia (Serpovoe, Romanovskaia stanica), Crimea and the Kuban region (Uyotnoe, Ker5\ Amgata), but also to the west, in present-day Hungary (Szeged) and western Romania (§eitin, SSnpetru German, Ortisoara). See Butnariu, «Raspindirea» (see above, n. 8), 213 pi. VII. Cf. Nudel'man, «Nekotorye nabljudenija» (see above, n. 43), 37; Bonev, «Nacalo», 65. 158 No details are known about the two silver coins in the Belopoliane hoard, but judging from its closing date, there are only a few chances that these two specimens are not miliaresia. 159 For contemporary hoards of gold in the Aegean area, see M. Oeconomides and P. Drossoyianni, «A hoard of gold Byzantine coins from Samos», RN, 31 (1989), 145-182. 160 According to Cavdar Bonev, the hoard of solidi found in NesebSr evidences the raids of the Bulgars, immediately before Constantine IV's campaigns (Bonev, «Na£alo», 66). 113 florin curta miliaresion of Justin II and two silver tokens of 1/2 siliqua minted in Constantinople161. The latter do not represent money, but seem to have performed a propaganda function, perhaps in connection with the anniversary of either Rome (April 21) or Constantinople (May 11) or with consular ceremonies162. Their occurrence on the Lower Danube river should not pose any problem, since it is known that in Silistra was also found a rare specimen of Constantine IV's leaden seal with the first occurrence of the later widely used title ek Beau fiaoi'kzvq163. The presence of the emperor on the (former) Danube frontier in 680 is also confirmed by historical sources164. The ceremonial connotations of the Silistra tokens may have something to do with the festive atmosphere that surrounded the defeat of the Arabs at Constantinople in 678. According to Nicephorus, «when this news had reached the peoples that live in the West, namely, the chief of the Avars and the princes of neighboring nations further west, they <too> sent ambassadors to the emperor bearing gifts and asked for peace» 165. It is perhaps now that the last solidi of Constantine IV entered the Avar chaganatel66. It would however be a mistake to explain by the same token the presence of the hexagrams north of the Danube river. As already shown, the bulk of the coins in the Priseaca hoard date to 669-674, just to the time when the Arab fleet organized by Mu'awiya inflicted the first serious defeats to the Byzantines, prior to the siege of the capital in 674167. Hexagrams from Priseaca and other related hoards may therefore represent bribes or gifts sent to the Bulgars, who had recently advanced to 'Onglos' and become an important political and military factor in the 161 Published as 1/8 siliqua of an Italian mint, see S. Angelova and V. PenCev, «Srebarno salcroviSte ot Silistra», Arheologija (Sofia), 31 (1989), no. 2, 40. Cf. Hahn, Moneta Imperii Byzantini (see above, n. 142), 156. 162 Hahn, Moneta Imperii Byzantini (see above, n. 142), 156. 163 I. Barnea, «Sceau de Constantin IV empereur de Byzance, trouve a Durostorum», Revue Roumaine d'Histoire, 20 (1981), 627 (who dated the seal to ca. 680). 164 Theophanes 6171, tr. Harry Turtledove, Philadelphia 1982, p. 56; Nikephoros 36. 11, ed. Cyril Mango, Washington 1990, p. 90-91. See A. Stratos, To B^dvnov oxov Z' cucovoc, V, Athens 1974, 108-110. 165 Nikephoros 34. 31-37, p. 86-87. 166 Pohl, Die Awaren, 278. 157 Bonev, «Na5alo», 68. 114 invasion or inflation? area'68. This is also suggested by the association of hexagrams with silver earrings with star-shaped pendant of a type usually found in the Middle Avar period169. If this interpretation proves to be correct, then we should admit that by sending hexagrams to Asparukh and his Bulgar warriors, Constantine IV was aiming at ensuring good relations with the new barbarians at the empire's northern frontier, in the difficult circumstances of the Arabs besieging Constantinople '70. He must have acted in the same way as in Kuver's case171. After Mauros, Kuver's shrewd companion, was accepted to Thessalonica, the emperor sent him a standard and acknowledged him as leader of those who have followed him to the Macedonian metropolis. The testimony of Miracula Sancti Demetrii is confirmed by Mauros' leaden seal with his title of patricius and archon of the Sermesianoi and Bulgars m. The emperor's attitude in both cases may have been caused by his concern with maintaining stability in the Balkans, while concentrating all his forces in defeating the Arabs. This interpretation, if proved to be correct, may then provide new evidence for the long-debated issue of where Onglos was located. The distribution of finds, all west and south-west of the Prut river l73> and the presence of the emperor's seal in Silistra/Durostorum may confirm the older idea that the Byzantines fought Asparukh's Bulgars in present-day Wallachia,74. But, more important, this new interpretation may shed a 168 See Theophanes 6171, p. 56. m Cilinska, «Frauenschmuck» (see above, n. 57), 71; see Curta, «*Vetel-Cosoveni'» (see above, n. 26), 249-250 and 256 fig. 6/5, 8, 9. 170 For the chronology of Asparukh's advent to the Lower Danube, see Bonev, «Nacalo», 63-67. 171 Kuver's advent in Macedonia could be dated shortly before or during the siege of Constantinople by the Arabs; cf. BeSevliev, Protobulgarische Periode, 163. 172 For the whole episode, see Miracula Sancti Demetrii II 5. 292, ed. P. Lemerle, Paris 1979, p. 230. See also Stratos, To Bv^dvciov, 1-88; BeSevliev, Protobulgarische Periode, 161-166; G. Zacos and A. Veglery, Byzantine Lead Seals, I Basel 1972, no. 934. Pohl, Die Awaren, 278-279: a patricius with the same name would later be appointed head of the fleet besieging Chersonesus in 710/1. 173 The traditional historiographical view is that Asparukh settled in southern Bessarabia, between the Prut and Dniester rivers, see BeSevliev, Protobulgarische Periode, 176-177 (with all references); Pohl, Die Awaren, 277. 174 P. Diaconu, «Le probleme de la localisation de l'Onglos», Dacia, n.s., 14 (1970), 325-334. Contra: Fiedler, Studien, 21-22. 115 florin curta new light on related archaeological finds, some of which have intrigued scholars by their unusual character. The large, 'exotic' curved fibula of Cosovenii de Jos, dated to the early seventh century, was found together with two earrings with star-shaped pendant, one similar to that of Zemiansky Vrbovok, the other identical with that of Priseaca175. There are only a few similar fibulae, but all seem to have been found in the eastern Balkans176, that is from the main theatre of operations in 680/1. The dating, the context and the distribution of this group of fibulae clearly show that they do not belong to the 'Slavonic' brooches. Rather than an 'index-fossil' for invasions, they may be associated with status symbols and ceremonial gifts in connection with the advent of the Bulgars at the Lower Danube and the Byzantine attitude toward it in the 670s and early 680s. A new perspective based on a global consideration of hoards found in Eastern and Southeastern Europe leads us to an interesting conclusion concerning the questions, are there any regularities in the hoarding activity recorded in various provinces or beyond the frontier, in barbaricuml And if so, how could these regularities be explained? Hoarding patterns certainly exist, but not because of the action of any external cause related to the invasions of Cutrigurs, Avars, or Sclavenes, They result from historical convergences combined with basic, economically set limitations on the political and military efforts of the sixth- to seventh-century empire. Collecting together a 'treasure' of coins in cash was a response rather to general tendencies occurring on 175 For a detailed discussion of the Cosovenii de Jos find, see Curta, «*Ve^el-Co§oveni,» (with all references). For the silver ear-ring with star-shaped pendant from Zemiansky Vrbovok, see also B. Svoboda, «PokIad byzantskeho kovotepce v Zemianskem Vrbovku», Pamdtky archeologicke, 44 (1953): 38-40 and fig. 4 and 23. 176 Liuliakovo, near Burgas (Bulgaria); see S. Mihajlov, «Die Bugelfibeln und ihren historische Interpretation^ in Archaologie als Geschichtswissenschaft: Studien und Untersuchungen, ed. J. Herrmann, Berlin 1977, 317f. and pi. 7; «Constantinople» (probably the European part of present-day Turkey), a specimen from a private collection in Luzern; see J. Werner, «Neues zur Frage der slawischen Bugelfibeln aus sudosteuropaischen Landern». Germania, 38 (1960), 119 and pi. 2; a specimen with unknown location, but certainly found in Eastern Europe, kept at the State Museum of History in Stockholm; see Werner, «Biigelfibeln» (see above, n. 26), 151 and fig. 1. Cf. Curta, «'Vetel-Co§oveni'», 260-261. 116 invasion or inflation? the money market and in circulation resulting from economic change, than to wartimes or even social turmoil177. Taking copper coinage into consideration, one must admit that there are striking correlations between hoarding behavior and the evolution of this particular type of coin, with such a high degree of surplus value that it could safely be called 'fiduciary' in nature. When, following Justinian's death, the tendency was to diminish the follis and to alter its relation to gold, along with an increasing coin production178, the number of hoards of copper significantly increased and their structure began to change. As for the concealment of hoards, one should be reminded that the hoards' owners, particularly in the case of donativa-type of hoards, most probably indicating the presence of the military, may have kept their savings in cash in a hiding place custodiae causa, rather than ob metum barbarorum,79. However, the 'invasion' argument is not to be completely rejected. In certain cases, as shown above, the coincidence in both time and space between hoards' closing and recorded raids by Sclavenes, Cutrigurs or Avars is too overwhelming to decline this solution. But Blanchet's approach could hardly explain the hoarding behavior that preceded the concealment in these cases. What is meant here, therefore, is a much more cautious approach, avoiding large generalizations or 'prime-mover'-type of explanation. We often work under the hope that, if we can identify regularities and understand why they exist, we can make better sense of our knowledge about the past that we have drawn from literary sources. Unfortunately, history follows no such rules. History is a concatenation of improbabilities, not of inevitabilities, in which details are the story itself. The underlying predictability, if discernable at all, should always be tested against the existing set of data. For if numismatic evidence is more than merely illustration of historical analyses, we should then move from pointing historical events to interpreting historical processes by studying not only rates, but also sequences of change. 177 Berghaus, «Coin hoards», 17; Mikolajczyk, «Illusions», 972. 178 See for details Morrisson, «Alterazioni», 118. 179 Okamura, «Coin hoards», 51, who refers to third century hoards found at sites in Raetia and Germania Superior, which may have been deposited before their owners marched east for the Parthian wars. 117 FLORIN CURTA Catalogue 180 498-518 1. 491-518 BARZOVICA, Kyustendil district, Bulgaria; site «Zidini»; found in 1926, in a leaden box; 5 AVl81. 2. 491-518 GAMZIGRAD, Zajecar district, Serbia; found during the 1980 excavations in a building situated between the edifice with nave and porch and the temple; 41 AE, including three bronze coins issued in the third and fourth centuries, three coins issued by Theodosius II, one by Marcianus, six by Leo I, six by Zeno, seven by Anastasius, 13 illegible coins, and two leaden coinsl82. 520-530 3. 518-527 CORINTH, Greece; 478 AE183. 4. 518-527 CUDALBI, Gala^i district, Romania; found in 1931, in a ceramic pot with stone lid; 28 AE m: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 498-518 9M 2K I E 9M 2K I E 518-527 6M K 5E K 2K 6M 4K 5E TOTAL 15M 3K I 6E K 2K 15M 6K I 6E 180 In the following list of hoards, abbreviations are most currently used for metals (AV — gold, AR — silver, and AE — copper), denominations (M — 40 nummia, K — 20 nummia, IS — 16 nummia, IB — 12 nummia, I — 10 nummia, E — 5 nummia, B - 2 nummia), and mints (CON — Constantinople, NIK — Nicomedia, KYZ — Cyzicus, ANT — Antioch, ALEX — Alexandria, CAR — Carthage). 181 N.A. MuSmov, «Kolektivni nahodki na monet prezS 1925-1926 god», Izvesdja na Balgarskija arheologiceski Institute 4 (1926-1927), 323; S. McA. Mosser, A Bibliography of Byzantine Coin Hoards, New York 1935, 15. 182 D. Jankovic, «La tr£sor [sic!] de minimi de Gamzigrad», Numizmaticar, 1 (1984), 7-9. 183 Mosser, Bibliography, 20. 1841. Dimian, «Citeva descoperiri monetare pe teritoriul RPR», Studii si cercetari de numismatica, 1 (1957), 190-191; Butnariu, «Raspmdirea», 228. 118 invasion or inflation? 5. 518-527 RAKOVSKI (former Kalaclij, General Nikolaevo), Plovdiv district, Bulgaria; found in 1950, during occasional excavations for a drain-pipe; 10 AE185. 6. 518-527 HASKOVO, Bulgaria; found in 1936, during occasional excavations for the interception of a mineral spring; AE186. 7. 518-527 LIMAROVKA, Belovodsk county, Lugansk district, Ukraine; found in 1872 in a Sassanid silver kettle; AV187. 8. 518-527 MOMIN-BROD, Varna district, Bulgaria; 106 AE188. 9. 518-527 SOFIA, Bulgaria; found in 1929, together with a bronze ring; 20 AE,89. 10. 518-527 §EICA MICA, Sibiu district, Romania; found in 1856 in a hillfort; 80 to 100 AV, including two coins issued by Anastasius and Justin I, respectively m. 11. 518-527 THASOS, Greece; found in 1977 near the western sea gate; 59 AE, including three coins issued by Theodosius I, two by Honorius or Arcadius, three by Theodosius II, one by Marcianus, one by Leo I, one by Zeno, 17 nummia and one 10-nummia piece by Anastasius, another one issued by Justin I, three illegible AE, two imitations, and 23 illegible minimim. 12. 518-527 GREECE (unknown location); found prior to year 1939; 224 AE, including five fourth- and fifth-century issues, 4 nummi of Marcianus, 4 nummi of Zeno, 19 nummi of Anastasius and Justinian, 15 nummi of Justin I, 7 nummi of Tharasamund, 2 of Athalaric, 7 of Baduila and 147 nummi of sixth-century fabric or completely illegible m. 11,5 ConCev, «Kolektivni nahodki», 207. 186 T.D. Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki na moneti preza1 1934, 1935 i 1936 god», Izvestija na Balgarskija arheologiceski Institute 11 (1937), 324; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 261. 187 Kropotkin, Klady, 35 no. 231. 188 Mosser, Bibliography, 55; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 262. 189 N.A. MuSmov, «Kolektivni nahodki na moneti», Izvestija na Bdlgarskija arheologiceski Institute 6 (1930-1931), 314; Mosser, Bibliography, 81. 190 Mosser, Bibliography, 46; K. Horedt, «As,ezarea fortificata' de la §eica Mica" (r. Media§)», Studii si cercetari de istorie veche, 15 (1964), no. 2, 198. 191 Picard, «Thasos», 430-432. 192 S. Bendall, «Byzantine hoards», Coin Hoards, 3 (1977), 82. 119 FLORIN CURT A 530-540 13. 527-538 HOTIN, Cernovcy district, Ukraine; found in 1942; only 3 AE, issued by Anastasius, Justin I, and Justinian, respectively, were preserved in the private collection Fador Serafim from Radau^i (Romania)193. 14. 530 SISAK, Croatia (=Siscia); AV'94. 15. 535/6 PUCISCE, Brae island, Split district, Croatia; 119 AE195. 16. 536 BUDVA, Cetinje district, Montenegro; found prior to 1942; 59 AE196. 17. 537/8 SUVA REKA, Prizren district, Serbia; found prior to 1972, during ploughing operations, in a ceramic pot; only 40 AE were preservedl97: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 498-518 2M K 2M K 518-527 15M M 16M 527-538 20M 20M 537/8 M M TOTAL 37M M K M 39M K 18. 537/8 PRAHOVO, Negotin district, Serbia; 602 AE, including three early imperial Roman issues198: 193 Preda, «Circula$ia», 407; I. Mitrea, «Contribu^ii la cunoasterea culturii Dridu din regiunea dintre Carpa{i sj Siret a Moldovei», Carpica, 5 (1972), 122 n. 36; Butnariu, «Raspindirea», 200. 194 Mirnik, Coin Hoards, 89. 195 Mirnik, Coin Hoards, 89. 196 J. Petrovic, «Numizmaticki izvjestaji», Glasnik Zemaljskog Muzeja Bosne i Hercegovine u Sarajevu, 11 (1956), 97-102; Mirnik, Coin Hoards, 88. 197 Popovic, «La descente», 610 n. 31; D. Gaj-Popovic, «Trois tresors de monnaies de bronze protobyzantins du Musee National de Belgrade», Numivnaticar, 1 (1984), 18-21. 198 Popovic, «La descente», 610 n. 31; A. Spaer, «The Rafah hoard. Byzantine sixth century folles», Numismatic Chronicle, 187 (1978), 70; V. Popovic, «Petits tr6sors et tresors demembres de monnaies de bronze protobyzantins de Serbie», Numizmaticar, 1 (1984), 58. 120 INVASION OR INFLATION? DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT Imit. TOTAL 498-518 146M 7K M 3M 150M 7K 518-527 245M 6K 9M 32M 5M M 19M 311M 6K 527-538 89M 6K 6M M 5M 101M 6K 537/8 16M K M 17M K TOTAL 496M 20K 9M 40M 5M 2M 27M 579M 20K 19. 537/8 SEKULICA, Kumanovo district, Macedonia; site «Gradiste»; found in 1966 by miners of the «Silex» mines in Kratovo; 217 AE 199. DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 498-518 58M 58M 518-527 97M 8M 11MK 116M K 527-538 38M M 39M 537/8 3M 3M TOTAL 196M 8M 12MK 216M K 20. 536-539 SAN LORENZO, Pustertal, Friuli-Venezia Giulia district, Italy; 22 AV200. 21. 538-542 SEKULICA, Kumanovo district, Macedonia; found in 1966 in a ceramic pot within the fortress at Gradiste; 159 AV201. 22. 538/9 PATELENICA, Pazardzik district, Bulgaria; site «Dalgata mezda»; found in 1956; 70 AE, but only five were preserved (one issued by Justinian in Nicomedia, and four issued by Justin I in Constantinople) 202. m A. KeramidCev, «Numizmati£ki naodi od Makedonija (1958-1978)», Zbornik (Skopje) 1975-1978, 159; Mirnik, Coin Hoards, 89; J. Kondjianov, «Dve ostavi so paleovizantiski pari od s. Sekulica, Kratovsko», Macedoniae Acta Archaeologica, 11 (1987-1989), 202-211. 200 W. Hahn, «Die Fundmunzen des 5.-9. Jahrhunderts in Osterreich und den unmittelbar angrenzenden Gebieten», in Herwig Wolfram, Die Geburt Mitteleuropas. Geschichte Osterreichs vor seiner Entstehung 378-907, Vienna 1987, 462. 201 Popovic, «Les t£moins», 460; Popovic, «La descente», 620; Kondjianov, «Dve ostavi», 199-201; Ivanisevic and Kondijanov, «Sekulica». 202 Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki» (see above, n. 94), 358-359; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 256 n. 7. 121 FLORIN CURTA 23. 538/9 SADOVIK, Pernik district, Bulgaria; found in 1946 near «Sveta voda» springs; 100 AE, all issued in Constantinople203. 24. 539/40 TURNOV, Severocesky district, Czech Republic; found prior to year 1961; 17 AE, including two pieces of Justinian, one of 10 nummia, the other of 20 nummia204. 25. 539 STARI SLANKAMEN, nowadays in Novi Slankamen, Stara Pazova district, Serbia; 5 AE205. 26. 535-540 PARVOMAI, Plovdiv district, Bulgaria; 21 AV206. 27. about 540 KA§TEL STARI, nowadays in Kastela, Split district, Croatia; found prior to 1943; 22 AE, all being K issued in Salona under Justin I and Justinian 207. No exact date (Justinian's reign, 527-565) 28. 527-562/3 ADAM ZAGLIVERIOU, Chalkidiki region, Greece; 35 AE, including one 10-nummia and 34 16-nummia pieces208. 29. 527-562/3 ATHENS, Greece; 8 16-nummia pieces 209. 30. 527-565 ASPARUHOVO (former Cenge), Varna district, Bulgaria; site «Monastir»; found in 1924; only 7 AV were preserved210. 31. 527-565 BEROVO, §tip district, Macedonia211. 32. 527-565 BIESENBROW, Angermiinde county, Frankfurt district, Germany; found in 1850, together with fragments of golden wire; about 200 AV, but only six were preserved (the last four coins being issued by Justinian)212. 201 Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki» (see above, n. 93), 318; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 256 n. 7. 204 E. Pochitonov, «Nalez mind z doby stehovani narodu v Turnove», Numivnaticky Sbornik, 8 (1964), 219-220. 205 Mirnik, Coin Hoards, 89. 206 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 256 n. 7. 207 I. Mirnik, «Skupni nalaz bizantskog broncanog novca 6. stoljeca iz KaStel Stari», Vjesnik Arheoloskog Muzeja u Zagrebu, 9 (1975), 161-166; Id., Coin Hoards, 88. m Metcalf, Copper Coinage of Thessalonica, 47. 209 Metcalf, Copper Coinage of Thessalonica, 47. 210 N.A. MuSmov, «Kolektivni nahodki na moneti prez 1924 godina», hvestija na Balgarskija arheologiceski Institute 3 (1925), 254; Mosser, Bibliography, 87; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 262. 211 Popovic, «La descente», 610 n. 33. 212 Herrmann, «Byzanz», 316; Laser, Fundmunze, 106-110. 122 invasion or inflation? 33. 527-565 BOEOTIA, Greece (no exact location); 152 AE, including 150 pieces of 16 nummia and two pieces of 8 nummia, all minted in Thessalonica213. 34. 527-565 CORINTH, Greece; found during the 1930 excavations of the Roman precinct; 742 AE (minimi)214. 35. 527-565 CORINTH, Greece; found in May 1933, in the Agora; 460 AE, including 245 illegible coins215. 36. 527-565 CORINTH, Greece; found in 1965; 90 AE (minimi), issued by Valentinianus I, Leo I, Anastasius, Justin I, Justinian, and the Ostrogothic kings216. 37. 527-565 CORINTH, Greece; found in September 1971; 626 AE (minimi), including 94 coins issued by Anastasius, 45 by Justin I, 45 by Anastasius or Justin I, five by Justinian, nine coins of fifth— or sixth-century fabric, and ten of sixth century fabric217. 38. 527-565 CORINTH, Greece; found in November 1971 in a basin along the wall of the easternmost fountain chamber cut through the south wall of the bath-fountain complex; 36 AE, including coins issued by Theodosius II, Justin I, and Justinian218. 39. 527-565 DOLNO KOBILE, Kyustendil district, Bulgaria; found in 1940; 10 AE219. 40. 527-565 DRAGOJNOVO, Plovdiv district, Bulgaria; AV220. 41. 527-565 GORNO VASSILICA, Sofia district, Bulgaria; found in 1968 in a ceramic pot, during occasional excavations for the installment of a television station; 30 AE, all issued in Constantinople221. 213 S. Bendall, «A hoard of 16 nummia coins of Thessalonica», Numismatic Circular, 101 (1993), no. 5, 152. 214 Adelson and Kustas, «Hoard of minimi», 162-163; Avramea, «No|iiaixaxiKoi 0T|Gaupoi», 52-53. 215 Adelson and Kustas, «Hoard of minimi», 163; Avramea, «No^iia^axiKoi 9T)oa'upoi», 54. 216 Avramea, «NouianctTiKoi GTjaai)poi», 54. 217 Avramea, «Nofiiap.axiKoi 0T|aott)poi», 55. 218 Dengate, «Gymnasium», 175-178; Avramea, «Nouioumiicoi 8i|aavpoi», 56. 219 T.D. Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki na moneti preza" 1940 g.», hvestija na Balgarskija arheologiceski Institute 14 (1940-1942), 282; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 261. 220 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 262. 221 T.D. Gerasimov, «Tresors monetaires trouves en Bulgarie au cours de 1968, 1969 et 1970», in Culture et art en Bulgarie medievale (VIHe-XIVe s.), Sofia 1979, 134. 123 FLORIN CURT A 42. 527-565 HADZI SINALAR, Varna district, Bulgaria; 200 AV 222. 43. 527-565 IL'IC, Temr'uk county, Krasnodar district, Russia; found in a pot with red slip buried near the eastern section of the precinct; 135 AV, including 130 third- to fourth-century pieces issued by Bosporan kings 223. 44. 527-565 KAJLASKI DOL, Pleven district, Bulgaria; 10 AE224. 45. 527-565 KAMCYIA river's mouth, Varna district, Bulgaria; 3 AE 225. 46. 527-565 KAVADARCI, Titov Veles district, Macedonia226. 47. 527-565 KlCEVO, Ohrid district, Macedonia227. 48. 527-565 KOMAKOVCI, Varna district, Bulgaria; AE 228. " 49. 527-565 KRATOVO, Kumanovo district, Macedonia229. 50. 527-565 LUGANSK, Ukraine; found in 1899; AV230. 51. 527-565 MEGARA, Attica, Greece; found near the apsis of an early Christian basilica; 15 AE (three K and 12 M, the latter being minted at Constantinople, Nicomedia, and Antioch)231. 52. 527-565 MEZEK, Svilengrad district, Bulgaria; AE 232. 53. 527-565 MIROVO GARA, Sofia district, Bulgaria; site «Kuy dere»; found in 1961 in the ancient hillfort; 8 AV 233. 54. 527-565 ORJAHOVO, Smoljan district, Bulgaria; site «St. Elijah»; found in 1934; 34 AE234. 55. 527-565 ORSK, Orenburg district, Russia; found in 1922, together with golden jewelry; AV 235. 222 Mosser, Bibliography, 38; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 262. 221 N.A. Frolova and E. 1a. Nikolaeva, «iri£evskij klad monet 1975 g.», Vizantijskij Vremennik. 39 (1978): 173-179. 224 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 261. 225 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 261. 226 Popovic, «La descente», 610 n. 33. 227 Popovic, «La descente», 610 n. 33. 228 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 262. 229 Popovic, «La descente», 610 n. 33. 230 Kropotkin, Klady, 35 no. 232. 231 P. Zorides, «Meyapa», 'Apj(. AeXx., 34 (1979), 57. 232 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 262. 233 T.D. Gerasimov, «SSkroviSta ot moneti, namereni v B&Igarija prez 1960 i 1961 g.», Izvestija na arheologiceskija Institute 26 (1963), 260. 234 T.D. Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki na moneti prezS 1933 i 1934 god», Izvestija na Bdlgarskija arheologiceski Institut, 8 (1934), 471. 235 Kropotkin, Klady, 26 no. 68. 124 invasion or inflation? 56. 527-565 OSIKOVO, Vraca district, Bulgaria; found in 1941, in the village's meadow; 84 AE 236. 57. 527-565 PAVELSKO, Smoljan district, Bulgaria; site «Kotlanica»; found in 1967; 40 AE, of which only 25 were preserved, including 2 M issued by Anastasius in Constantinople, 19 M, and 4 K issued by Justinian in Constantinople, Nicomedia and Cyzicus 237. 58. 527-565 PECSVARADI, Baranya county, Hungary; 465 AE, most of which are debased folles and cententionales of the mid-fourth century (only one follis issued by Justinian) 238. 59. 527-565 PELOPONNESUS, Greece (no exact location); found in 1948; 8 AV, perhaps part of a larger, dispersed hoard239. 60. 527-565 SATU NOU, Oltina county, Constanta district, Romania; 25 AE240. 61. 527-565 SOON, Split district, Croatia (= Salona); 110 AE241. 62. 527-565 SOLIN, Split district, Croatia (= Salona); 32 AE242. 63. 527-565 SOLIN, Split district, Croatia (= Salona); 18 AE 243. 64. 527-565 STRELECK BAY, Crimea, Ukraine; found prior to 1902; 317 AE, including issues of Anastasius and Justinian 244. 65. 527-565 TRYPI, Laconica, Greece; found in 1936; 945 AE (minimi) 245. 66. 527-565 VARNA, Bulgaria; 306 AE246. 67. 527-565 ZACHA, Triphylia, Greece; found prior to 1920; 1179 AE (minimi) 247. 236 T.D. Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki na moneti prez poslednite godini», hvestija na B&lgarskija arheologiceski Institute 15 (1946), 237; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 261. 237 Gerasimov, «S3krovigta s moneti» (see above n. 94), 233; S. Bendall, «Byzantine hoards», Coin Hoards, 4 (1978), 62. 238 BfR6—Sey, «Pecsvaradi», 171-192. 239 Metcalf, «GoId coinage at Thessalonica», 107. 240 Mosser, Bibliography, 78; Mitrea, «Un tezaur», 259. 241 Mirnik, Coin Hoards, 89. 242 Ibid. 243 Mirnik, Coin Hoards, 89. 244 Kropotkin, Klady, 34 no. 220; Sokolova, «Nahodki», 260. 245 Avramea, «Nop,taM.aTiKoi Qr\oa\>po\», 65. 246 Mosser, Bibliography, 94; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 261. 247 Adelson and Kustas, «Hoard of minimi», 159-205. 125 florin curta 68. 542-565 HAJDUCKA VODENICA, Negotin district, Serbia; found in a burnt layer inside the Roman camp, together with a small balance and lead weights, several potsherds (perhaps from the container), a fragment of a bronze plaque, a bone plate and a small fragment of glass; 30 AV (29 solidi and one tremissis)248. 69. 542-565 KOTSCHACH-LAAS, Hermagor district, Austria; about 20 AV, but only four were preserved249. 540-550 70. 541/2 GRNCAR, Pristina district, Serbia; found in December 1990, in a ceramic pot; 89 AE and 1 AV250: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 498-518 12M 12M 518-527 29M M 4M 34M 527-538 28M M M 30M 540/1 M M 541/2 M M TOTAL 70M M 5M M M 78M 71. 542/3 KATUNICA, Plovdiv district, Bulgaria; 40 AE251. 72. 543/4 KLINOVAC, Vranje district, Serbia; 23 AE 252: 248 Popovic, «La descente», 610 n. 33; V. Kondic, «Les formes des fortifications protobyzantines dans la region des Portes de Fer», in Villes et peuplement dans Vlllyricum protobyzantin. Actes du colloque organise par VEcole Frangaise de Rome, Rome 12-14 mai 1982, Rome 1984, 140; Id., «Le tresor de monnaies d'or de Hajdu£ka Vodenica (limes danubien)», in Caricin Grad 1. Les basiliques B et J de Caricin Grad, quatre objets remarquables de Caricin Grad, le tresor de Hajducka Vodenica, I, ed. N. Duval and V. Popovic, Belgrade-Rome 1984, 179-188. 249 Hahn, «6sterreich», 454. 250 V. Radic, «Ostava ranovizantijskog novca iz sela GrnCar kod Gnjilana», Numizmaticar, 14 (1991), 49-56. 251 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 259. 252 D. Gaj-Popovic, «Dve ostave bronzanog vizantijskog novca VI veka iz numizmatiiSke zbirke Narodnog Muzeja u Beogradu», Zbornik Narodnog Muzeja (Belgrade), 7 (1973), 30-32; Popovic, «La descente», 610; Gaj-Popovic, «Trois tresors», 21-22. 126 INVASION OR INFLATION? DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 491-518 5M M 6M 518-527 6M M 7M 527-538 7M M 8M 537/8 M M 543/4 K K TOTAL 18M K 2M M M 22M K 73. 543/4 STARYE BELJARY, Kominternovo county, Odessa district, Ukraine; found in 1982; 20 AE 253. 74. 543/4 TRUD (former Cirpilie, Klimentinovo), Plovdiv district, Bulgaria; AE254. 75. 544/5 DOBRA, Negotin district, Serbia; site « Monastir »; found during the 1968 excavations in the necropolis; 20 AE255: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 498-518 7M 7M 518-527 3M M 2M 6M 527-538 M M 2M 4M 538/9 K K 543/4 K K 544/5 K K TOTAL 11M K 2M K K 2M 2M 17M 3K 76. 544/5 SIMITLIJ, Blagoevgrad district, Bulgaria; found in 1936, during occasional excavations for the railroad; only 5 AE preserved256. 253 E.S. Stouarik, «Klad vizantijskih monet VI v. iz s. Starye Beljary, Odesskoj oblasti», in Severnoe Pricernomor'e (Kiev, 1984), 136-138; Id., Ocerki, 41 and 42-43 fig. 12-13. 254 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 256; P. Soustal, Tabula Imperii Byzantini 6: Thrakien (Thrake, Rodope und Haimimontus), Vienna 1991, 486. 255 popovic, «La descente», 610; D. Minic, «Le tr6sor de monnaies de bronze protobyzantin [sic] de Dobra», Numizmaticar, 1 (1984), 12-17. 256 Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki» (see above, n. 186), 323; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 259. 127 florin curta 77. 545/6 ANADOLCHIOI, nowadays residential area in Constanta, Romania; found in 1929; 383 AE, including a bronze coin issued by Maximianus, 198 minimi issued between Constantius IPs and Zeno's reigns, 45 minimi issued by Anastasius, 7 minimi issued by Anastasius or Justin I, 7 minimi issued by Justin I, 4 minimi issued by Justinian, 2 «Vandalic» minimi, 1 issued by Theodoric or Vitigis, one issued by the Ostrogothic king Theodahad, 71 illegible minimi, and 21 leaden coins 257: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 498-518 10M 2K 10M 2K 518-527 37M 9K 2E B 7M K M K 45M UK 2E B 527-538 29M 4K 5M M M K 36M 5K 527-565 2E 2E 539/40 M 2K M 2K 541/2 2M 2K 2M 2K 542/3 M K M K 543/4 M K K M 2K 544/5 M M 2M 545/6 2K 2K TOTAL 82M 23K 4E B 13M2K 2M K M K 98M 27K 4E B 78. 545/6 CRANCA, Pazardzik district, Bulgaria; found in 1941, in the ruins of an old church, in the southern part of the village; only 18 AE were preserved258. 79. 545/6 NESTANI, Tsipiana county, Arcadia, Greece; found in 1946; 5 AV, three being issued in Constantinople, one in Carthage and another one in an unknown mint259. 80. 545/6 ZLATOSEL (former Sara demirdzij), Plovdiv district, Bulgaria; found in 1936; 50 AE260. 257 Mitrea, «Un tezaur», 252-261; Gh. Poenaru-Bordea and E. Nicolae, «Minimi din tezaurul descoperit la Constanta in cartierul Anadolchioi», Buletinul Societatii Numismatice Romane, 80-85 (1986-1991), no. 134-139, 101-113. 258 Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki» (see above, n. 236), 238; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 261; Popovic, «La descente», 610. 259 Avramea, «No[ua|i,axiKoi GtiaowpoU, 62. 260 Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki» (see above, n. 186), 322; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 256. 128 invasion or inflation? 81. 546/7 BELOIAROVKA, Amvrosijevka'county, Doneck district, Ukraine; found in 1913; 50 AV26\ 550-560 82. 549/50 CVETINO (former Florovo), Pazardzik district, Bulgaria; site «Tarli»; found in 1955, in the northern part of the village; 62 AE, including four coins issued by Anastasius, nine issued by Justin I, 45 by Justinian, and four illegible coins, all issued in Constantinople, Nicomedia, Cyzicus, and Antioch262. 83. 550/1 SELCE, Bitola district, Macedonia; 267 AE263. 84. 555/6 RJAHOVEC, Gorna Orjahovica district, Bulgaria; found in 1986 in the southern area of the fortified settlement; 8 AE264: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 498-518 3M M 4M 527-538 2M M 3M 555/6 M M TOTAL 6M 2M 8M 85. 556/7 MALO GOLUBINJE, Negotin district, Serbia; found during the 1968 excavations in the Roman camp; 3 AE265: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 545/6 M M 555/6 M M 556/7 M M TOTAL M MM 3M 261 Kropotkin, Klady, 36 no. 253. 262 ConCev, «Kolektivni nahodki», 208; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 256; Soustal, Tabula, 232. 263 Popovic, «La descente», 610; Mirnik, Coin Hoards, 89. 264 I. BSCvarov, «Kolektivni monetni nahodki ot krepostta Rjahovec pri Gorna Orjahovica», Numizmatika, 24 (1990), no. 3, 33-34, 39-40 and 35 fig. 1; Id., «Monetni nahodki» (see above, n. 49), 44 and pi. II/1-5. 265 Popovic, «La descente», 611, n. 39; Id., «Petits tresors», 58-59. 129 florin curta 560-570 86. 562-565 NlS, Serbia; 11 AE266: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 498-518 M K M K 518-527 K K 527-538 M M 536-562 3IS 3IS 544/5 M M 547/8 I I 563/4 K . K 562-565 K K TOTAL 2M2K I 2K 3IS M 3M 4K I 3IS 87. 563/4 CARICIN GRAD, Leskovac district, Serbia; found in the atrium of the eastern basilica; 5 AE267: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT CAR TOTAL 518-527 M K M K 539/40 K K 541/2 M M 563/4 K K TOTAL 2M K K K 2M 3K 88. 563/4 SLATINE, Trogir district, Croatia; found in 1911; 168 AE, but only 111 were preserved268. 89. 565-573 BANISKA, Ruse district, Bulgaria; 20 AE269. 266 Popovic, «La descente», 612 n. 49; Id., «Une invasions 114; Id., «Petits tr6sors», 59-61. 267 Popovic, «La descente», 612 n. 43; Id., «Une invasions 116; Id., «Petits tresors», 61-63. 268 I. Marovic\ «Depot bizantskog novca iz Slatina (o. Ciovo) i novci Solinske kovnice u ArheoloSkom Muzeju u Splitu», Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju Dalmatinsku, 79 (1986), 285-308. 2m Jurukova, «Les invasions», 261. 130 invasion or inflation? 90. 565-573 BJALA REKA, Sumen district, Bulgaria; found in 1947; only 8 AV were preserved270. 91. 565-573 BRACIGOVO, Pazardzik, Bulgaria; found together with two cast fibulae with bent stem; 170 AE271. 92. 565-573 CATAL DERE, Tarnovo district, Bulgaria; found in 1934; about 80 AE272. 93. 565-573 GOLJAMA KOTLOVICA, Mihajlovgrad district, Bulgaria; AE273. 94. 565-573 PUSTOGRADSKO, Titov Veles district, Macedonia (= Stobi); 5 AV274. 95. 565-573 SUMEN (surrounding region), Bulgaria; AV275. 96. 565-578 CORINTH, Greece; found during the 1925 excavations in an area to the north of the great basilica; 86 AE, including 48 illegible coins, 20 minimi, and 4 nummia276: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ROME TOTAL 538-549 K? K? 568/9 M M 574/5 M M 2M 565-578 E E TOTAL 2M E M K? 3M K? E 97. 565-578 CORINTH, Greece; found in November 1971 in the «Fountain of the Lamps», near the Gymnasium; 579 AE were preserved, including four ancient Greek coins, 62 late Roman issues, and 113 nummia, issued by Anastasius or Justinian, Justin I, Justinian, Baduila, etc. 277: 270 Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki» (see above, n. 93), 320; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 262. 271 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 262; Uenze, «Gegossene Fibeln» (see above, n. 56), 485-486. 272 Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki» (see above, n. 234), 470; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 261. 273 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 262. 274 Popovic, «Les temoins», 458 and 460; Id., «La descente», 620 n. 79. 275 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 262. 276 Avramea, «No^ia^iaTiKoi 9"nGaopoi», 52. 277 Dengate, «Gymnasium», 153-175; Avramea, «No^ianctTtKo\ 9-nacu)poi», 55-56. 131 florin curta DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT } TOTAL 527-538 A if M T"J E M 2E 2M 3E 537/8 E E 542-552 5E 5E 549/50 I I 561/2 I I C f a i C 564/5 M M 569/70 K K 573/4 M M 574/5 2K K 3K 565-578 M E M E TOTAL 2M I 6E 3K M I K 2M 4E 5M 4K 21 10E 98. 565-578 KOPRIVEC, Ruse district, Bulgaria; site «Zmey kale»; found in the fortified settlement, together with a cast fibula with bent stem; 40 AE278. 99. 565-578 THESSALONIKI, Greece; 6 AE279. 100. 567/8 TOPALU, Constanta county, Romania; found on the Danube's left bank; 55 AE280: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ALE ? TOTAL 527-538 7M 3K 2M K 9M 4K 527-565 2IB 2IB 535-562 2IS 2IS 538-552 9E 4E 2E 15E 538-558 K K 538-565 3M 3M 538/9 M M 539/40 M M 540/1 M M 541/2 2M 2M 544/5 M M segue 278 Milcev and Draganov, «Arheologi£eski ostanki» (see above, n. 56), 39 and fig. 5. 279 Metcalf, Copper Coinage of Thessalonica, 50-51; Popovic, «Une invasion*, 117. 280 Dimian, «Citeva descoperiri», 191-192; Poenaru-Bordea, «Monnaies byzantines», 207; Popovic, «Une invasion*, 113. 132 invasion or inflation? DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ALE ? TOTAL 546/7 MM 2M 547/8 M M 554/5 M M 556/7 21 21 41 561/2 21 21 K K 566/7 K K 567/8 K K TOTAL 12M 3K 9E 21 3K 2IS 41 4E 2M K2E 5M K2IB 3M22M 8K6I 2IS 2IB15E 101. 568/9 CARlClN GRAD, Leskovac district, Serbia; found near the atrium's northern wall of the transept basilica; 6 AE281: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 542-547 IS IS post 562/3 K K 565-568 K K 567/8 K K 568/9 2K 2K TOTAL K 4K IS 5K IS 570-580 102. 569/70 CARICIN GRAD, Leskovac district, Serbia; found in 1952, near the northern wall of the «Columns' Hall»; 15 AE282: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 518-527. K K 535-562 3IS 3IS 546/7 K K 556/7 K K 562/3 K K 563/4 K K segue m Popovic, «La descente», 612; Id., «Une invasion», 114-115; Id., «Petits tresors», 63-64. 282 Popovic, «La descente», 612; Id., «Une invasions 115; Id., «Petits tr6sors», 64-66. 133 florin curta DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 564/5 K K 566/7 K K JU I/O 2K 2K ^ ix 568/9 2K 2K 569/70 K K TOTAL 2K 8K 3IS K K 12K 3IS 103. 569/70 CARICIN GRAD, Leskovac district, Serbia; found in 1975, in the ruins of a house near the thermae's southern wall; 7 AE283: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 562^* K K 564/5 K K 567/8 K K 568/9 2K 2K 569/70 2K 2K TOTAL 7K 7K 104. 570/1 CARICIN GRAD, Leskovac district, Serbia; found in 1979 in a ceramic pot hidden near the atrium of the transept basilica; 14 AE284: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 532-537 M M 550/1 M M 559/60 M M 565/6 2K 2K 566/7 3K 3K 568/9 K K 569/70 4K 4K 570/1 K K TOTAL M 1 IK 2M 3M UK 283 Popovic, «La descente», 612 n. 45; Id., «Une invasions 116; Popovic, «Petits tresors», 66-67. 284 Popovic, «Une invasions 116-117; Id., «Petits tresors», 68-69. 134 invasion or inflation? 105. 570/1 MACVANSKA MITROVICA, Sremska Mitrovica district, Serbia; found in 1896; 3 AE285. 106. 570/1 PIROT, Serbia (=Turres); 11 AE286: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 570/1 11M 11M TOTAL 11M 1IM 107. 571/2 ARNOLDSTEIN-Thorn-Maglern, Villach district, Austria; about 15 AV, but only six were preserved 287. 108. 571/2 ORCHOMENUS, Arcadia, Greece; found in 1913; 4 AE288. 109. 571/2 THASOS, Greece; found in July 1957, on the eastern side of the amphitheater; 119 AE 289: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 498-518 M 3K M 3K 518-527 3K K K 5K 527-538 4M 3K E M M 6M 3K E 539/40 2M M M K 4M K 540/1 2M 2M 541/2 2M M 3M 542/3 2M K 2M K 543/4 M K M 2M K 544/5 M M 545/6 M M 546/7 M M 3M 5M 547/8 M M 548/9 2M 2M 550/1 2M 2M 555/6 2M M M 4M 556/7 M M 2M segue 285 V. Dautova-RuSevljanin, «Ostave barbarskog, rimskog i vizantijskog novca iz Vojvodine», Numizmaticar, 4 (1981), 71; Mirnik, Coin Hoards, 89. 286 Popovic, «La descente», 612; Id., «Une invasions 113-114; Id., «Petits tresors», 69-70. 287 Hahn, «Osterreich», 454. 288 Avramea, «No^iia|xaTiKoi 0r|Gccupoi», 63. 289 Picard, «Thasos», 450 and 453; Popovic, «Une invasion», 117. 135 florin curta DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 557/8 4M M 5M 558/9 M M 559/60 M M 562/3 2M 2K 2M 2K 563/4 K K 564/5 K K 565/6 2M K 2M K 566/7 M 4K M 4K 567/8 M 6K M 2M 6K 568/9 3M 12K M 4M 12K 569/70 M 2K 10K M 2M 12K *>70/I -J 1 VJf I 4M 4M 571/2 2M 2M 565-578 K K TOTAL 43M I3K 38K E 6M K 8M 7M 2K 64M54K E 110. 573/4 BOZIKAS, Argolis, Greece; found in 1957; 10 AE290. 111. 574/5 ATHENS, Greece; found in April 1933 in the mill house, immediately outside the Late Roman fortification wall; 397 AE, including 12 «Vandalic» and «Ostrogothic» nummia, 27 nummia with imperial monogram, and 324 illegible nummia291: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 498-518 4E 4E 518-527 2E 2E 527-538 M K M K 550/1 M M 556/7 I I 570/1 K K 571/2 K K 574/5 K K TOTAL 2M 6E 3K K I 2M 4K 6E I Avramea, «No|iicM,aTiKoi eTiaaupoU, 60. Metcalf, «Slavonic threat», 138-141. 136 INVASION OR INFLATION? 112. 574/5 MAJSAN island, Dubrovnik district, Croatia; found in a room on the northern side of a monastic complex; 13 AE292: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 541/2 M M 544/5 M M 545/6 M M 547/8 M M 555/6 M M 566/7 M M 568/9 M M 569/70 M 2K M 2K 574/5 M K M 2M K TOTAL 7M 3K M M M 10M 3K 113. 574/5 MURIGHIOL, Tulcea district, Romania; found in 1982; 9 AE293: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 518-527 K K 556/7 M M 557/8 M M 569/70 K K 570/1 M M 571/2 2M 2M 573/4 M M 574/5 M M TOTAL 2M K 3M 2M K 7M 2K 114. 527-565 ZAGRADE (former Hisarlaka), nowadays in Garmen, Blagoevgrad district, Bulgaria (= Nicopolis ad Nestum); found in 292 Mirnik, Coin Hoards, 87; I. Mirnik, «Ostava bizantskog novca s Majsana», Numizmadcar, 5 (1982), 141-146; I. Mirnik, «Nalazi novca s Majsana», Vjesnik Arheoloskog Muzeja u Zagrebu, 18 (1985), 88 and 93-94. 293 C. Opait, «Descoperiri monetare in fortifica^ia de la Independent, jude^ul Tulcea», Peuce, 10 (1991), 477-478. 137 florin curt a room A of the building A, near the angular south-eastern tower of the precinct; 4497 AE, including 4360 nummia294: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ AO1 518 2M 2K 518-527 7M 2K 3M 597-5^8 3M K JjO/7 9M M M 540/1 2M M 541/2 5M M 542/3 2M M M 543/4 M M 544/5 2M 545/6 2M M M 546/7 K K M 548/9 2M K 550/1 2M 559H 55^/4 556/7 M M 557/8 J J // o M 56^/4 3K 569-565 2K 565/6 K 566/7 4K 567/8 M 5K 568/9 3M 10K 4M 569/70 IK 570/1 7M 2K K 5M 571/2 2K 572/3 5K 2M M 573/4 M M 574/5 K M TOTAL 45M 9K 41K 20M K 10M ANT CAR TOTAL 9M Z1V1 9K 1 11V1 OK OK jlvl OK ' 6M U1V1 AM IV1 JlVI A\/l 4M M 2K 2M K 2M 2M K M 2M M M K M K 2M K M K 3K 2K K 4K M 5K 7M 10K 7K 12M 3K M 3K 3M 5K 2M M K K 81M 55K 294 v pen£ev, «Kolektivna nahodka ot medni vizantijski moneti ot vi v. namerena pri razkop'kite na Nikopolis ad Nestum», Numizmatika, 22 (1988), no. 4, 24-38; Soustal, Tabula, 377. 138 invasion or inflation? 115. 575/6 BRZA PALANKA, Negotin district, Serbia; found in 1980, in a ceramic pot hidden near the southern wall of the Late Roman camp, near Slatinska reka river's mouth; 22 AE295: DATE CON TES KYZ NIK ANT TOTAL 539/40 M M 541/2 K K 543/4 -J 9 m*St r 3M 3M 544/5 M M 556/7 M M 563/4 K K JU //o M z. rv M 2K 568/9 K K 569/70 M M 570/1 M K K M 2K 571/2 M M 574/5 4K 4K 575/6 K K TOTAL 6M K 10K 2M 2M K 10M 12K 116. 575/6 HAGIOS NIKOLAOS, Cynouria county, Arcadia, Greece- found prior to 1935; 88 AE, including one ancient Greek coin and 84 minimi of fifth- and sixth-century fabric296: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 539/40 565/6 575/6 M K K M K K TOTAL M 2K M 2K 117. 575/6 KENCHREAI, Corinthia, Greece; found during the 1963 excavations in an area to the north of the city's harbor; 36 AE, 295 A. Jovanovic, «Un petit tresor de monnaies de bronze de la forteresse protobyzantine pres de Slatinska reka», Numizmaticar, 1 (1984), 31-35. 296 Avramea, «No^iajicxTiKoi encotDpcH», 64; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 139 florin curta including 16 illegible coins, and 3 bronze coins issued by Arcadius297: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT RAVENNA TOTAL ~~ 518-527 3E 3E 547/8 I I 570/1 K K 575/6 M M TOTAL MI K 3E M K I 3E~ 118. 575/6 MANTINEA, Arcadia, Greece; found in 1972 or 1973; 10 AE, including an illegib] e coin (probably K)298: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 538/9 3M 3M 539/40 M M 545/6 M M 552/3 M M 572/3 M M 574/5 K K 575/6 K K TOTAL 4M 2K 3M 7M 2K 119. 575/6 THEBES, Viotia, Greece; found in 1932; 219 AE, including an early imperial issue, 6 illegible coins and 6 pieces of 16 nummia299: 297 Hohlfelder, «A small deposit», 68-72; R.L. Hohlfelder, «Barbarian incursions into central Greece in the sixth century of the Christian era: more evidence from Corinthia», East-European Quarterly, 9 (1975), no. 3, 252-253; Hohlfelder, «Migratory peoples' incursions» (see above, n. 15), 335; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 298 Avramea, «NouioumiKoi 0Tiacu)poi», 62-63; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 299 Athanassopoulou-Penna, «0riacn)p6<;», 203-211; Nystazopoulou- Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. INVASION OR INFLATION? DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT CAR TOTAL 498-518 8M 8M 518-527 5M M M 7M 527-538 13M 13M 539/40 3M K M 4M K 540/1 4M 4M 541/2 2M 2M 542/3 3M K K 3M 2K 543/4 M K M 2M K 544/5 3M M M 5M 545/6 K M M 2M K 546/7 K M M K 547/8 2M M 3M 548/9 2M 3M M 6M 549/50 M M 551/2 M M 552/3 M M 555/6 M M M 3M 557/8 M 2M 3M 558/9 M M 2M 559/60 a % k 4M 4M 562/3 2K 2K 563/4 M 3K M 3K 564/5 6K M M 6K 565/6 2M 3K 2M 3K 566/7 M 5K M 5K 567/8 3M K 26K 3M 3M 9M 27K 568/9 4M K M 5M K 569/70 4M 5K M 5M 5K 570/1 4M a t r 4K 2M 6M 4K 571/2 M 2K 3M 4M 2K 572/3 M 8K 2M 3M 8K 573/4 M 7K M 7K 574/5 M 13K M 13K 575/6 K K TOTAL 73M 7K 85K 15M 10M 15M K M 114M 93K 120. 576 (?) KENCHREAI, Corinthia, Greece; found in 1963, in an area near the city's harbor; about 200 AE, but only 108 were preserved, including a coin issued by Tiberius, one by Arcadius, two by Theodosius II, three by Marcianus, two by Leo I, two by Zeno, 5 minimi issued by Anastasius or Justinian, one by Justin I 141 florin curta or Justin II, two by Justin I or Justinian, four «Vandalic» minimi, four «Ostrogothic» minimi, and 61 illegible minimi 300: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT CAR TOTAL 527-538 M M 538/9 K K 539/40 A A 547/8 K K 549/50 I I 558/9 I I 559/60 21 21 565-578 E " E TOTAL M K 41 E K A M 2K 41 E A 121. 576/7 MURIGHIOL, Tulcea district, Romania; found in 1985; 39 AE, including an illegible coin issued in the fourth century and another one issued in the sixth century301: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 498-518 5M 5M 518-527 M M 527-538 3M K K I 3M 2K I 538/9 K K 539/40 K K 542/3 M K M K 543/4 M M 562/3 K K 565-570 K K 565-578 M K M K 568/9 K M M K 569/70 M 2M 3M 570/1 2M K 2M K 571/2 2M K 2M K 573/4 2M K 2M K 575/6 M M 576/7 M M TOTAL 19M 2K 3K 4M 2K M K 4K I 24M 12K I 300 R.L. Hohlfelder, «A sixth century hoard from Kenchreai», Hesperia, 42 (1973), 90-91; Hohlfelder, «Barbarian incursions», 253; Hohlfelder, «Migratory peoples' incursions», 336; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 301 Opait, «Descoperiri monetare», 478-479. 142 invasion or inflation? 122. 576/7 NEMEA, Argolis, Greece; found in 1979 in the ancient stadium; 23 AE, including 5 minimi of fifth- and sixth-century fabric, and two coins that cannot be attributed to any one of the sixth-century emperors represented in the hoard m: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 538/9 M M 539/40 M M 543/4 M M 546/7 M M 548/9 M M 549/50 M M 566/7 2K 2K 569/70 K M M K 570/1 K K 571/2 M M 573/4 K K 574/5 M K M K 576/7 K K TOTAL 4M K 7K 2M M 2M 9M 7K 123. 577/8 ATHENS, Greece; found in 1908 near Dipylon, the western gate of the external precinct; 598 AE, including 18 E, 24 illegible coins, and 472 minimi 303; DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 527-538 M 3K M 2M 3K 539/40 2M 2M 541/2 M M 543/4 K K 545/6 * M M 546/7 2M 2M 547/8 M M 549/50 2M 2M 551/2 M M segue 302 Avramea, «Nopa^axiKol 0Tiaavpoi», 59; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 303 I.N. SvoRONOS, «Ei)pTmcc Ai7ruXo'u», Journal international d'archeologie numismatique, 12 (1908), 6-9; Mosser, Bibliography, 7; Metcalf, «Slavonic threat», 145-146. 143 FLORIN CURT A DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 554/5 M M 558/9 K v 559/60 K K 563/4 M M 565/6 M M 566/7 K Is. 567/8 K 568/9 M K M is K 569/70 2M 2K 2M K 4M 3K 570/1 M K M M IK/I IN. 571/2 K ft. 572/3 M K M M jM I/-K 573/4 K K 574/5 M K M M ill m 3M K 575/6 K K 576/7 M K M 2M K 577/8 K K TOTAL 13M 16K 8M K 8M 2M 3K 31M 20K 124. 577/8 ATHENS, Greece; found in 1971, on the Panathenaic way, at the northern edge of the Agora, together with two metal vessels, a bronze situla and a bronze oinochoe; 341 AE, including two E issued by Anastasius or Justinian, seven nummia of the first century B.C. to the fifth century A.D., 11 nummia issued by Anastasius, two by Justin I, fifteen by Justinian, nine Ostrogothic nummia, 62 nummia of sixth century fabric, and 140 illegible coins m: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 527-538 M M 538/561 K K 552/3 K K 553/4 K K 562/3 K K 564/5 2K 2K 565/6 K K segue 304 J.H. Kroll, G.C. Miles, and S.G. Miller, «An early Byzantine and a late Turkish hoard from the Athenian Agora», Hesperia, 42 (1973), 301-302. 144 INVASION OR INFLATION? CON TFS NTK KY7 ANT 9 TOTAL 567/8 M 2K M 2K. 568/9 M 2K K K M 4K 569/70 3K 3K 570/1 K K K 3K 571/2 K M M ZM I/-K 572/3 M 5K M 573/4 M 3K M zM IT/ 574/5 5K 5K 575/6 4K 4K J / u/ / 1 1 IV UK 577/8 6K 6K 565-578 4E 3K 3K 4E TOTAL 5M 4K 4E 48K 2M 2K M 3K 8M 57K 4E 125. 577/8 GROPENI, Braila district, Romania; found in May 1934, in a ceramic jug, not far from the Danube's bank; 47 AE305: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 539/40 M M K 2M K 540/1 2K 2K 541/2 M M 2M 542/3 K K 543/4 M M 544/5 M M 566/7 M M 567/8 M M 2M 568/9 2M K M 3M K 569/70 M 2K M K M 3M 3K 570/1 M K 2M 3M K 571/2 M 2M M 4M 572/3 M M 573/4 2M K M M 4M K 574/5 M K M K 575/6 M 2M 2M 5M 576/7 K K 577/8 K M M K TOTAL 12M 3K 6K 14M 2K 7M K M K 34M 13K 305 Dimian, «Qteva descoperiri», 193-194; Butnariu, «Raspindirea», 228. 145 FLORIN CURTA 126. 577/8 BOLJETIN, Negotin district, Serbia (= Smorna); found during the 1968 excavations in the Roman camp; 6 AE30*: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 544/5 M M 569/70 M M 570/1 K K 572/3 M M 574/5 K K 577/8 M M TOTAL 2M 2K 2M 4M 2K 127. 568-578 PINIOS river's dam, His, Greece; found in 1968; 6 AV, all being issued under Justin II in Constantinople 307. 128. 573-578 BATULIJA, Sofia district, Bulgaria; found in 1933; 25 AE308. 129. 573-578 BOREC (former Salalij), Plovdiv district, Bulgaria309. 130. 573-578 POPOVO, Bulgaria310. 131. 573-578 SADOVEC, Pleven district, Bulgaria311. 132. 573-578 SOFIA, Bulgaria3'2. 133. 578/9 GALATA, Varna district, Bulgaria; 54 AE313. 134. 578/9 SADOVEC, Pleven district, Bulgaria; 162 AE314: 306 Popovic, «Les temoins», 467; Popovic, «La descente», 617; Popovic, «Petits tresors», 71-72. 307 Avramea, «NojnojiaTiicoi 6T|aaDpoi», 66; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 308 Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki» (see above, n. 234), 467; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 261 and 263. 309 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 262. 310 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 261 and 263. 311 Jurukova, «Particularit6s» (see above, n. 114), 24; Popovic, «La descente», 618. 312 Jurukova, «Les invasions», 261. 313 Jurukova, «ParticuIarit6s», 226; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 261; Popovic, «La descente», 620. 314 Jurukova, «Particularites», 224;Popovic, «Les t6moins», 470; Popovic, «La descente», 617; Jurukova, «Trouvailles», 295-299. 146 INVASION OR INFLATION? DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT CAR TOTAL 498-517 5M K 5M K 518-527 8M K M M 10M K 527-538 7M K M K 8M 2K 538/9 M M 539/540 3M K M 4M K 540/1 M M 541/2 3M 2K 2M K 5M 3K 542/3 2M 2M 543/4 M 2M 3M 545/6 M M 2M 547/8 2M M M K 4M K 548/9 3M 3M 550/1 M M 551/2 2M 2M 552/3 2M 2M 553/4 M M 555/6 M M 556/7 M M 557/8 2M M 3M 559/560 2M 2M 561/2 M M 2M 565/6 K K 566/7 3M 2K M M 7M 568/9 6M 4K 3M 9M 4K 569/570 3M K 2K 3M 3K 570/1 4M K 5M 9M K 571/2 5M K 3M M 9M K 572/3 3M M 4M 573/4 K 4M 4M K 574/5 4M K 8M 4M 16M K 575/6 2M K M 3M K 576/7 6M M 7M 577/8 K K 578/9 M * * M TOTAL 78M 8K 13K 36M 9M 2K 8M K M 132M 24K 135. 578/9 TEKIJA, Negotin district, Serbia (= Transdierna); found in 1969 near the Roman camp; 24 AE315: 315 Popovic, «Les t6moins», 467-468; Popovic, «La descente», 617; Popovic, «Petits tresors», 23-26. 147 FLORIN CURTA DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 518-527 K K 527-538 K M M K Dost 562/3 K 3K 4K 563/4 K K 565-578 M M 567/8 K K 568-582 K K 568/9 2K 2K 569/70 2K 2K 569-574 K K 570/1 M M 571/2 K K 577/8 K K 578/9 K K TOTAL M K 15K M M 4K 3M 20K 136. 578/9 VELIKO ORASjE, Smederevo district, Serbia; found at an unknown date, together with a bronze buckle; 34 AE316: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 527-538 K K 538-542 IS IS 541/2 M M 542/3 M M 543/4 M M 545/6 M M 546/7 M M 2M 547/8 M M 552/3 M M 555/6 M M 556/7 K K 559/60 M M 562/3 M M 563/4 K K 566/7 M M 2M segue 316 Gaj-Popovic, «Dve ostave», 33-37; Popovic*, «Les temoins», 467; Popovic, «La descente», 617; Gaj-Popovic, «Trois tr6sors», 23-26. 148 INVASION OR INFLATION? DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 567/8 M K M K 568/9 2M M 3M 569/70 2M 2M 570/1 M M 571/2 2M M 3M M M 2M 574/5 K K 565-578 K K 578/9 M M TOTAL 15M 2K 2K IS 6M M 4M K K 26M 6K IS 137. 580/1 VELIKO GRADlSTE, Pozarevac district, Serbia (= Pincum); found in the Roman camp; 17 AE317: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 498-518 2M K 3E 2M K 3E 518-527 2M K E M 3M K E 567/8 K K 569/70 2K 2K 574/5 2K 2K 580/1 M M TOTAL 5M 2K E 5K M 3E 6M 7K 4E 580-590 138. 578-582 ADAMCLISI, Constanta district, Romania (= Tropaeum Traiani); found in 1908, together with a gold ring with cross monogram, in a ceramic jug hidden near the «cistern-basilica»; 101 AEand AV318. 139. 578-582 ATHENS, Greece; found in March 1933, in a burnt debris area near the Tholos; 18 AE, including 4 illegible coins and 5 nummia319: 317 Popovic, «Les temoins», 467; Popovic, «La descente», 617; Popovic, «Petits tr6sors», 75-77. 318 Barnea, etc., Tropaeum Traiani, 22, and fig. 2; B. Mitrea, «Decouvertes monetaires en Roumanie - 1979 (XXIII)», Dacia, n.s., 24 (1980), 376. 319 Metcalf, «Slavonic threat», 141-143. 149 FLORIN CURTA DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL J A, 1—JUJ rv K IV JU?/ t\J IV rv ^71/9 J / 1 / X. V IX. 572/3 K K CM //I 573/4 K. K ZiS. 575/6 K K 578-582 K K TOTAL 8K K ■ 9K 140. 578-582 GRABOVNIK, Mostar, Bosnia-Hercegovina; 23 AV320. 141. 578-582 HINOG, Cochirleni county, Constanta district, Romania (= Axiopolis); found in July 1899 in a room near the northern gate; 5 AV32'. 142. 578-582 OLYMPIA, His, Greece; 9270 AE (minimi) 322. 143. 578-582 RESENOVO (former Gerce bunar), Pazardzik district, Bulgaria; found in 1927 in Karakyutuk river bed; 7 AV32\ 144. 578-582 THESSALONIKI, Greece; 115 AV324. 145. about 580 ARGOS, Argolis, Greece; found in 1968 in the ancient agora325. 146. 581/2 ATHENS, Greece; found in 1908, near the north-western entrance to the Agora area, not far from the church St. George (previously the Temple of Hephaistos); 18 AE326: 320 Popovic, «Les t£moins», 466; Mirnik, Coin Hoards 88. 321 Poenaru—Bordea and Ochesanu, «Tezaurul», 177-180. 322 Avramea, «Nou.iauaiiKo\ 0Tiaaupol», 67; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 323 N.A. MuSmov, «Kolektivni nakhodki na moneti», hvestija na B&lgarskija arheologiceski Institute 5 (1928-1929), 382; Jurukova, «Particularit6s», 226; Popovic, «La descente», 620. 314 M. Oeconomides-Caramessini and J. Touratsoglou, «The 1948 Thessaloniki hoard of 6th century Byzantine gold coins: a contribution to the study of the mint of Thessaloniki», NAC, 8 (1979), 294-310; Hahn, «New light», 178-182. 325 Avramea, «Nouio>uxtikoi 0naa\)poi», 60-61; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 326 Metcalf, «SIavonic threat», 144. 150 INVASION OR INFLATION? DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 541/2 K K 545/6 M M 546/7 M M 2M 548/9 M M 553/4 M M 559/60 M M 561/2 M M 568/9 M M 2M 569/70 M M 570/1 2M 2M 571/2 M M 574/5 M K M K 580/1 M M 581/2 M M TOTAL 6M K 3M K M 4M 2M 16M 2K 147. 582/3 HAGIA KYRIAKI, Messenia, Greece; found in 1960; 257 AE, including 226 minimi 327. 148. 583/4 BITOLA, Macedonia (= Heraclea Lyncestis); found on the floor of a dwelling house (unit 5A) built over the abando- ned theater; 84 AE, including one nummion issued under Justinian m: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 527-538 M M 543/4 M M 547/8 M M 527-562 IS 568/9 K K 570/1 M M 571/2 3K I M M 3K I 572/3 2K 2K segue 327 Avramea, «NofnanctTiKoi eTiaaupob, 68; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 328 T. Janakievski, «Naodi na vizantiski moneti vo gradbite 5A i 5B od docnoantidkata mikrostanjena celina vrz rimskiot teatar vo Heraclea Lyncestis», Macedoniae Acta Archaeologica, 4 (1978), 189-196; Popovic, «Aux origines>\ 242. 151 FLORIN CURTA DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 573/4 2K M M 2K 574/5 4K 4K 575/6 M 5K M 5K 577/8 K K 578/9 fir 6K 6K 580/1 4K 4K 583/4 15K 15K TOTAL 4M 43K I IS 3M 7M 43K I IS 149. 583/4 BITOLA, Macedonia (= Heraclea Lyncestis); found on the floor of a dwelling house (unit 5A) built over the abandoned theater; 84 AE, including one nummion issued under Justinian329: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 562-565 IS IS 567/8 M M 568/9 K K 569/70 K K 571/2 K K 573/4 K K 574/5 K K 577/8 K K 580/1 K K 583/4 K K TOTAL 8K IS M M 8K IS 150. 583/4 ISTHMIA, Corinth, Greece; 270 AE 330. 151. 583/4 PRIOLITHOS KALAVRYTON, Arcadia, Greece; site «Kokori»; found in 1979; 120 AE, including 15 minimi of fifth- and sixth-century fabric331. 32y Janakievski, «Naodi», 196-198. 330 D. MacDowall, «The Byzantine coin hoard found at Isthmia», Archaeology, 18 (1965), 264-267; Popovic, «La descente», 621; Avramea, «Nom.ighcctikoi 6iiaa\)poi», 56-57; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 331 Avramea, «No^io|iaxvKoi 07ioa\)poi.», 62; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 152 INVASION OR INFLATION? 152. after 583/4 VID, Makarska district, Croatia (= Narona); found in December 1901, together with golden jewelry, between two houses in the village, about 40 to 50 m far from the building with mosaic, in the forum; 65 AV 332. 153. 584/5 BABA, Bitola district, Macedonia; found prior to 1969; 51 AE 333: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 562/3 K K 563/4 K K 566/7 M K M K 567/8 2K 2K 568/9 M 8K M 8K 569/70 7K 7K 570/1 K K 571/2 K K 573/4 M 3K M 3K 574/5 3K 3K 575/6 3K 3K 576/7 K K 577/8 K K 565-578 2K 2K 578/9 10K 10K 580/1 K K 583/4 K K 584/5 K K TOTAL 3M 48K 3M 48K 332 Mosser, Bibliography, 57; Popovic, «Les t6moins», 466; Mirnik, Coin Hoards, 89; Marovic, «Reflexions», 300; Marovic, «A hoard» (see above, n. 15), 295-316. 333 popovic, «Aux origines», 242; K. Kepeski, «Ranovizantiska ostava na bronzeni moneti od mestoto Baba kaj Prilep», Macedoniae Acta Archaeologica, 3 (1977), 181-193. 153 INVASION OR INFLATION? 152. after 583/4 VID, Makarska district, Croatia (= Narona); found in December 1901, together with golden jewelry, between two houses in the village, about 40 to 50 m far from the building with mosaic, in the forum; 65 AV 332. 153. 584/5 BABA, Bitola district, Macedonia; found prior to 1969; 51 AE 333: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 562/3 K K 563/4 K K 566/7 M K M K 567/8 2K 2K 568/9 M 8K M 8K 569/70 7K 7K 570/1 K K 571/2 K K 573/4 M 3K M 3K 574/5 3K 3K 575/6 3K 3K 576/7 K K 577/8 K K 565-578 2K 2K 578/9 10K 10K 580/1 K K 583/4 K K 584/5 K K TOTAL 3M 48K 3M 48K 332 Mosser, Bibliography, 57; Popovic, «Les temoins», 466; Mirnik, Coin Hoards, 89; Marovic, «Reflexions», 300; Marovic, «A hoard» (see above, n. 15), 295-316. 333 popovic, «Aux origines», 242; K. Kepeski, «Ranovizantiska ostava na bronzeni moneti od mestoto Baba kaj Prilep», Macedoniae Acta Archaeologica, 3 (1977), 181-193. 153 FLORIN CURTA 154. 584/5 GOREN KOZJAK, Radanje district, Macedonia (= Bargala); found in 1968 in the city's southern area, together with a golden ring with carnelian intaglio; 270 AE and 13 AV3M: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 498-518 2M 2M 518-527 4M K M 5M K 527-538 3M 3M 538/9 M M 2M 539/40 3M M 4M 540/1 M M 2M 542/3 K K 544/5 2M 2M 545/6 M M 2M 546/7 K K 547/8 M M 548/9 M M 550/1 M M 552/3 M M 554/5 M M 555/6 M M 2M 557/8 K M M K 562/3 M M 563/4 K K 565/6 7K 7K 566/7 M 12K M 12K 567/8 M 7K M 7K 568/9 3K 3K 569/70 K 7K 8K 570/1 K 4M 4M K 571/2 2M 2M 572/3 6K K K 8K 573/4 3K 2M K 2M 4K 574/5 12K M K 2M 3M 13K 575/6 7K 7K 576/7 K K 577/8 6K 6K 578/9 M 31K M 31K 579/80 4K 4K 580/1 12K 12K segue 334 Aleksova and Mango, «Bargala», 273; Popovic, «Les temoins», 460; Popovic, «La descente», 621-622; Popovic, «Une invasion», 242. 154 INVASION OR INFLATION? DATE_CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 581/2 6K 6K 582/3 5K 5K 583/4 25K 25K 584/5 10K 10K TOTAL 20M 3K 166K 13M 2K 5M 4K 7M 45M 175K 155. 584/5 PELLENE, Corinthia, Greece; found in 1936; 419 AE, including 229 minimi335. 156. 582-600 APIDEA, Laconica, Greece; found prior to 1976; 8 AV, all issued in Constantinople, six under Justin II, one under Tiberius II, and one under Maurice336. 157. 582-600 ATHENS, Greece; found during the 1947 excavations in an ostheoteke on Sophroniskos Street, not far from the Acropolis, to the south of the Temple of Olympian Zeus; 7 AV 337. 158. 582-600 SLAVA RUSA, Constanta district, Romania (= Ibida); 8 AV 338. 159. 582-602 KLEITORIA, Arcadia, Greece; site «Kouvoukli»; found prior to 1933; 86 AE339. 160. 584-602 SADOVEC, Pleven district, Bulgaria; 34 AV and 38 AE; the last coins are three solidi (582/3, 583/4, 584-602) and a tremissis (584-602), issued under Maurice's reign340: 335 Avramea, «Nonia|iaTiicoi 0Tioa-upoi», 60; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 336 Avramea, «NoutanotTncoi eri<Taupoi», 66; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 337 Metcalf, «Slavonic threat», 145. 338 Gh. Poenaru-Bordea and B. Mitrea, «Decouvertes mon&aires en Roumanie - 1988 (XXXII)», Dacia, n. s., 33 (1989), 265. 339 Avramea, «No^iancmKoi 0T|acn)pot», 61; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 348. 340 Mosser, Bibliography, 74-75; Adelson, Light-weight solidi, 83; Jurukova, «Particularit6s», 224; Popovic, «La descente», 618; Jurukova, «Trouvailles», 299-301. 155 FLORIN CURTA DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 545/6 M M 548/9 2M 2M 552/3 M M 563/4 3K 3K 565/6 K K 567/8 M K M K 568/9 2M M 3M 569/570 M M 570/1 M 2M 3M 571/2 2M .2M 572/3 M M 573/4 2M M 3M 574/5 2M K 3M M 6M K 575/6 M M 2M 576/7 M K M 2M K TOTAL 9M K 5K 8M 9M K 2M 28M 7K 161. 584-602 SADOVEC, Pleven district, Bulgaria; 25 AV, found together with two silver ear-rings with star-shaped pendant341. 162. 584-602 SADOVEC, Pleven district, Bulgaria; 125 AV 342. 590-600 163. 593/4 HISTRIA, Istria county, Constanta district, Romania (= Histria); found in 1950 in a drain near the thermae's apse; 22 AE, including two coins issued probably under Maurice and two illegible coins M3: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 527-538 K E K 2K E 546/7 1 I 551/2 K K 558/9 I I 566/7 M M segue 341 Jurukova, «TrouvailIes», 282 and 302. 342 Jurukova, «TrouvailIes», 303. 343 Preda and Nubar, Histria III, 231-233; Al. Suceveanu and Gh. Poenaru-Bordea, Histria VI; les thermes romains, Bucharest 1982, 157-158. 156 INVASION OR INFLATION? datf con 1 JL-<0 nik ky7 ant /A 1 > 1 total 1 \J 1 / »1—/ m m S7A/S K i\ k z. IV juj—j / o 7F 9F 588/9 k k CO 1 /o jy ill IV ZIV 592/3 2k 2k 593/4 m m total 2m 5k e 21 m 2k 2k k 2e 3m 10k 21 3e 164. 594/5 VELIKI GRADAC, Negotin district, Serbia; found in the eastern tower of the Roman camp's northern gate; 107 AE> including one early imperial issue 344: datf LJ r\ 11—< con tfs ntk ky7 ant total AOS S18 *f Vo—J1 o 4m 2k 4m 2k 518-527 2m 3k 2m 4m 3k 527-538 m m 538/9 2m 2m 540/1 m m 541/2 4m 4m 542/3 m m 543/4 m m 544/5 k k 545/6 m m 547/8 2m m 3m 548/9 m m 553/4 m m 554/5 m m 555/6 2m 2m 557/8 . 2m 2m 558/9 m m 561/2 m m 563/4 2k 2k 565/6 k k 2k 567/8 k k 2k segue 344 Popovic, «Les temoins», 483-484; Popovic, «Aux origines», 246; D. Minic, «Le tr6sor de monnaies de bronze de la forteresse proto-byzantine de Veliki Gradao. Numizmaticar, 1 (1984), 39^7. 157 FLORIN CURTA DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 568/9 M 3K M 569/70 5K 5K 570/1 4M 3K M M 6M \JlVl J I v 571/2 2M K 2M K 572/3 K M M K 573/4 6M M M 8M \j It 1 574/5 2M 10K K 2M I IK 575/6 5K 2M 576/7 M M 577/8 3K 3K 578/9 3K 3K •JO 1/£. M 1V1 JVI 587/8 M M 594/5 M M TOTAL 37M 7K 40K 10M 8M 2K 2M 57M 49K 165. 594/5 HISTRIA, Istria county, Constanta, Romania (= Histria); 21 AE345: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 527-538 M M 568/9 2K 2K 571/2 M M 2M 572/3 2M 2M 573/4 M M 574/5 M M 575/6 2M 2M 581/2 M M 2M 585/6 M M 587/8 M K M K 589/90 M M 590/1 M M 591/2 K K 594/5 M M 2M TOTAL 11M K 2K 6M K 17M 2K Preda and Nubar, Histria III, 229-231. 158 INVASION OR INFLATION? 166. 594/5 UNIREA (former §ocariciu), Ialomi^a district, Romania; found in 1938 on Danube's bank; 32 AE346: DATF CON TPS NIK KY7 ANT TOTAL J 00/ / ZM 7X4 jo Ho X/f Ivl SfSltQ jOo/7 Is. ir IV 7M Z1V1 OX/I 2M -IT/ ZJV jOV/ fyJ 71^ ZK. J IV/ I M 1V1 ZJV1 J / 1/Z OX4 X4 1V1 JlVl X4 1VI X4 ivl S74/S ZM JV 7X4 ZIV1 JS. j / j/u IV 1VI X4 Ivl IV S76/7 IV I/" cnn/cn j/y/ou M K X4 iVJ 2M K 580/1 M K M K 581/2 M K M K 583/4 M M 586/7 K K 592/3 M M 594/5 2M 2M TOTAL 11M 5K 6K 8M M 2M 22M 1 IK 167. 595/6 BOSMAN, Negotin district, Serbia; found during the 1966 excavations, near the north-eastern wall of the Roman camp; 17 AE 347: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 566/7 M M 568/9 M M 572/3 - K K 574/5 M M 575/6 M M 576/7 M K M K 581/2 M M segue 346 I. Dimian, «Tezaurul de monede bizantine gasit la §ocariciu», Studii §i cercetMri de numismatica, 2 (1958), 413-416; Butnariu, «Raspindirea», 228. 347 Popovic, «Les temoins», 483-484; Popovic, «La descente», 624; V. Kondic, «Le tr6sor de monnaies de bronze de la forteresse proto-byzantine de Bosman». Numizmaticar, 1 (1984), 51-54. 159 FLORIN CURTA DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 583/4 M M 584/5 M M 586/7 K M M K 589/90 M M 590/1 M M 591/2 M M 592/3 M M 595/6 M M TOTAL 9M 3K 3M 2M 14M 3K 168. 595/6 CARICIN GRAD, Leskovac district, Serbia; found in 1952 on the eastern street; 16 AE 348: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 498-518 M M 569/70 M K M K 570/1 M M 571/2 M M 572/3 M M 574/5 M M 577/8 M M 586/7 K K 588/9 K K 588-591 K K 589/90 M M 595/6 4K 4K TOTAL 3M 2K 6K 5M 8M 8K 169. 595/6 RESELEC, Pleven district, Bulgaria; found in 1961; 26 AE 349: Gerasimov, «S&krovi$ta ot moneti» (see above, n. 233), 264; Jurukova, «Les 348 Popovic, «Les t6moins»» 485; Popovic, «Petits tresors», 77-79. 349 Gerasimov, «Salcrovi5ta ot moneti» (see above, n. 233), 264;. invasions», 263; Jurukova, «Trouvailles», 306-307. 160 invasion or inflation? DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 569-570 M M 1V1 570/1 2M X.1V1 571/2 M M 572/3 M K 1V1 rv 573/4 M M Z1V1 574/5 M K 1VI 576/7 M M 580/1 M M 583/4 M M 585/6 M K M K 586/7 M M 587/8 K 589/590 M M IV! 590/1 2M 2M 591/2 M M 592/3 M M 594/5 M K M K 595/6 M K M K TOTAL 14M 2K 4K 5M M 20M 6K 170. 595/6 RAKITA, Pleven district, Bulgaria; 20 AE 350: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 570/1 M M 571/2 M M 573/4 2M 2M 4M 574/5 3M 2M M K 6M K 575/6 M M 582/3 M M 590/1 M M 592/3 M M 2M 594/5 M M 595/6 M M TOTAL 9M 6M 2M K 2M 19M K Jurukova, «Trouvailles», 307-308. 161 FLORIN CURTA 171. 597/8 HISTRIA, Istria county, Constanta district, Romania (= Histria); found in 1954 in the «economic area»; 12 AE3SI: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 567/8 K K 569/70 M M 570/1 K K 571/2 2M 2M 574/5 M K M K 580/1 M M 5R7/X K K 588/9 M M 589/90 K K 597/8 M M TOTAL 3M 4K K 2M M M 7M 5K 172. 597/8 HORGE§TI, RacatSu county, Bacau district, Romania; site «Canep3rie»; found in May 1968, in a bronze jug, in the Racat5u river bed, 150 m far from village, together with a bronze chain; 57 AE352: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 566/7 M M 2M 567/8 M M 569/70 M M 570/1 5M K 2M 7M K 571/2 M K M K 572/3 2M 2M 4M 573/4 2M M M 2M 6M 574/5 M M 575/6 M M 576/7 M M 2M 580/1 2M 2M 581/2 M M 2M segue 351 Preda and Nubar, Histria III, 228-229. 352 V. CapiTANU, «Tezaurul de monede bizantine descoperit la Horge§ti, jud. Bac3u», Carpica, 4 (1971), 253-269; C. Buzdugan, «Nota* suplimentara1 despre tezaurul bizantin de la Horge§ti (jud. Bacau)», Carpica, 6 (1973-1974), 47-53; Butnariu, «RSspindirea», 229. 162 INVASION OR INFLATION? DATE CON TES NIK 114 J.V. KYZ ANT TOTAL 582/3 M M 583/4 2M 2M 586/7 M It 1 M 587/8 2M M 3M 588/9 M K K M 2K 589/90 M M It l 2M 590/1 M M 591/2 M 2M K 3M K 592/3 M 1V1 M 2M 593/4 K iv M it 1 M K 594/5 M M iVl 1VI 596/7 M M 597/8 M M TOTAL 28M 2K 2K I3M K 5M 5M K 51M 6K 173. 599/600 MOVILENI, Gala^i district, Romania; found in 1938 in a ceramic jug, near Siret river's bank; 26 AE 353: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 578/9 31 M M K 2M K 581/2 M 3M 4M 584/5 M M 585/6 M M 587/8 K K 588/9 K M M K 589/90 2M K M 3M K 590/1 M M 591/2 3M 3M 594/5 M M 599/600 . K K TOTAL 7M 4K 31 4M 4M 2M K 17M 5K 31 353 Dimian, «Citeva descoperiri», 194-195; O. Iliescu, «Tezaurul de monede de bronz de la Movileni Qud. Gala^i)», Cre^terea colectiilor BAR. Caiet selectiv de informare, 51 (1975), 20-31; Butnariu, «R5spindirea», 228. 163 FLORIN CURT A 600-610 174. 600/1 HISTRIA, Istria county, Constanta district, Romania (= Histria); found in 1950; 10 AE 354: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 565/6 M M 570/1 M M 572/3 M M 573/4 M M 579/80 M M 580/1 M ■ M 585/6 M M 589/90 M M 2M 600/1 M M TOTAL 6M M M 2M 10M 175. 601/2 BALGAREVO, Varna district, Bulgaria; found in 1959 in a ceramic pot; 21 AE355. 176. 602 PAIANIA, Attica, Greece; 5 AV356. 177. 608/9 PELLANA, Sciritis, Greece; found in May 1982; 14 AE3". 178. 602-610 BERNECZE, Nogrdd county, Hungary; found in 1862; 17 AV, including one gold coin of Honorius and another one of Phocas m, 179. 602-610 VASARAS, Laconica, Greece; site «Kalyvi»; found in 1907; 10 AV, but only one solidus issued under Phocas was preserved359. 354 Preda and Nubar, Histria III, 231. 355 T.D. Gerasimov, «Moneti s&krovigta, namereni v BSlgarija prez 1958 i 1959 g.», Izvestija na arheologiceskija Institute 25 (1962), 229; Jurukova, «Particularites», 225. 356 Metcalf, «Gold coinage at Thessalonica», 108. 357 Avramea, «Nonia^atiKoi GiiaaupoU, 64-65; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 349. 358 Fl. R6mer, «Magyar reg6szeti kronika», Archaeologiai Kdzlemenyek, 4 (1864), 164; Kiss, «Goldfunde des Karpatenbeckens», 120. 359 Avramea, «No^iia^axiKoi 9TiaaDpol», 65; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 349. 164 INVASION OR INFLATION? 610-620 180. 610-611 RANCACIOV, Calinesti county, Arges district, Romania; found in 1942 or 1943 in a ceramic pot; 200 AE and AR, but only nine coins were preserved, the latest being a K issued under Heraclius 36°. 181. 610-613 BAKIRKOY, Istanbul, Turkey36'. 182. 610-613 DONJA VREZINA, Nis district, Serbia362. 183. 613 CARICIN GRAD, Leskovac district, Serbia; found in 1953 in the window of a house to the south-east of the forum; 6 AE 363: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 603/4 K K 2K 612/3 M M 613 3M 3M TOTAL 4M K K 4M 2K 184. 615/6 CHALKIS, Evvoia, Greece; 16 AE364: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 574/5 K K 613/4 3K 3K 614/5 M 3M 5K M 5M 5K 615/6 2M 2M TOTAL M 5M 9K M 7M 9K 185. 615/6 NEA ANCHIALOS, Magnesia, Greece; found in 1930; 21 AE, including five illegible coins365: 3fi0 Gh. Poenaru-Bordea and P.I. Dicu, «Monede romane tirzii §i bizantine (sec. IV-XI) descoperite pe teritoriul jude^ului Arge§», Studii §i comunicari numismatice, 9 (1989), 79 no. 85 and pi. HI/95. 361 Popovic, «Aux origines,» 247 n. 67. 362 Popovic, «Les temoins,» 495; Popovic, «Une invasion,» 247. 363 popovic, «Aux origines», 247; Popovic, «Petits tresors», 80-81. 364 Metcalf, «Aegean coastlands», 22; Popovic, «Aux origines», 248. 365 Metcalf, «Aegean coastlands», 21-22; Popovic, «Aux origines», 248. 165 FLORIN CURTA DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 612/3 3M 4M 7M 613/4 4M M 5M 614/5 3M 3M 615/6 M M TOTAL 11M 5M 16M 186. about 616 ATHENS, Greece 366. 187. 616/7 THASOS, Greece; found in the Dionysion; 19 AEf67: DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT ? TOTAL 612/3 2M M 3M 613/4 M 3M 4M 614/5 3M M 2K 4M 2K 615/6 2M M 3M 616/7 2M K 2M K TOTAL 8M 3M 3K 4M M 16M 3K 188. 620 SOLOMOS, Corinthia, Greece; found in 1938; 346 AE, including a K issued in Thessaloniki in 574/5, a M issued in Constantinople in 605; 140 M, issued in Constantinople, 56 M, issued in Thessaloniki, 37 M, issued in Nicomedia, one M, issued in Cyzicus, and 8 K, issued in Thessaloniki, all under Heraclius 368. 189. 610-620 BELOPOLIANE (former Akalan), Kardzali district, Bulgaria; found in 1913, together with golden jewelry; 420 AV and 2 AR 369. 620-630 190. 613-629 CATAL^A, Turkey; 152 AV 370. see nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les SIaves», 349. 367 Mosser, Bibliography, 87; Picard, «Thasos», 451^52. 368 Avramea, «Nop,ia|xaxiKOi Griaaupob, 58-59; Metcalf, «Aegean coastlands», 14; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 349. 369 Mosser, Bibliography, 1; Popovic, «Aux origines», 248; Soustal, Tabula, 198. 370 Mosser, Bibliography, 18; Metcalf, «Aegean coastlands», 14-15; Popovic, «Aux origines», 248. 166 INVASION OR INFLATION? 191. 613-629 FIRTU§U, Eliseni county, Harghita district, Romania; found in 1831; about 300 AV371. 192. 613-629 GORNA ORJAHOVICA, Bulgaria; found in 1957 in a vegetable garden in the village; 10 AV 372. 193. 613-629 POTKOM, Zrmanja district, Croatia; found prior to 1938; 5 AV 373. 194. 613-629 SOLOMOS, Corinthia, Greece; found prior to 1956; 6 AV, including three solidi issued under Phocas in Constantinople, and three other issued under Heraclius in Constantinople374. 195. 613-629 UDE§TI, Suceava district, Romania; 3 AV 375. 196. 615-629 BARTYM, Ber'ozovka county, Perm district, Russia; found in 1950, in a Sassanid silver kettle; 264 AR376. 197. 615-629 SESTAKOVO, Suksun county, Perm region, Russia; found in 1851, together with silver and gold jewels; 24 AR, including eleven Sassanid issues, two coins issued in Bactria, and eleven Byzantine coins 377. 630-640 198. 630-641. MAISTROV, Sol'onoie county, Zaporozhye district, Ukraine; only one golden coin was preserved 378. 199. 630/1 SOLIN, Split district, Croatia (= Salona); found during the 1976 excavations in «Voljak» factory's yard, in the eastern part of the ancient city; 51 AE379: 371 S. Ferenczi, «Der Firtoscher Fund byzantinischer Goldmunzen», Siebenbiirgische Vierteljahresschrift, 62 (1939), 59-78; Butnariu, «Raspindirea», 231. 372 Gerasimov, «Kolekhivni nahodki» (see above, n. 94), 263; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 263. 373 I. Mirnik, «Skupni nalaza novca iz Hrvatske IX. Skupni nalaz Herklijevih zlatnika iz Zrmanje», Vjesnik Arheoloskog Muzeja u Zagrebu, 23 (1990), 163-171. 374 Popovic, «Aux origines», 248; Avramea, «Nouicr|iaTiKoi OtiaaupoU, 58; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, «Les Slaves», 349. 373 A. RaDULESCU, «Casa cneziala" de la Ude§ti», Magazin istoric, 2 (1979), no. 11, 49; Butnariu, «RSspTndirea», 231. 376 K.B. Kazamanova, «Bartymskij klad vizantijskih serebrjanyh monet VII veka», Numizmaticeskij sbornik, II, Moscow 1957, 70-76; Kropotkin, Klady, 26 no. 69. 377 Mosser, Bibliography, 65; Kropotkin, Klady, 26 no. 70. 378 Kropotkin, Klady, 31-32. 379 Marovic, «Reflexions», 293-314. 167 FLORIN CURTA DATE CON TES NIK KYZ ANT TOTAL 527-538 I 554/5 I 561/2 I 566/7 M M 567/8 K K 568/9 K K 569/70 3K 2M 2M 3K 572/3 M M 573/4 M M 2M 574/5 K - K 583/4 K M M K 584/5 K K 585/6 2M 2M 586/7 M M 587/8 M M 589/90 M M 590/1 M M 592/3 M M 593/4 K K 604/5 M M M 3M 607/8 M M 612/3 2M 2M 614/5 M M 630/1 K K TOTAL 10M 2K 31 7K 8M M K 2M 21M 10K 31 200. MAKUHIVKA, Poltava district and region, Ukraine; gold objects found together with one single gold coin of Heraclius and his sons 38°. 201. 641 HUNGARY (unknown location, but known as «VADA$, Neaua county, Mure§ district, Romania»); 52 AR and 6 AV381. 202. 641-662 OBAR§ENI, Voinesti county, Vaslui district, Romania; found in 1945; 34 AE38'2. 203. 659-668 DRAGA^ANI (surrounding area), Valcea district, Romania; AR 38\ Kropotkin, Klady, 178. Butnariu, «RaspTndirea», 231; Kiss, «Goldfunde des Karpatenbeckens», 121. Dimian, «CTteva descoperiri», 196; Butnariu, «R&spTndirea», 230. Butnariu, «Raspindirea», 230. 168 INVASION OR INFLATION? 204. 668/9 ZEMIANSKY VRBOVOK, Stredoslovensky district, Slovakia; found together with silver objects, including earrings with star-shaped pendant; 19 AR 384. 205. 660-670 KRNOV, Severomoravsky district, Slovakia385. 206. 660-670 STEJANOVCI, Sremska Mitrovica district, Serbia; AR386. 207. ca. 668 NEREZlSCE, Brae island, Split district, Croatia; found in 1919; only 7 AV were preserved387. 208. 668-673 VALEA TEILOR, Izvoarele county, Tulcea district, Romania; 2 AR, probably part of a larger hoard 388. 209. 669-673 SUKKO, Anapa county, Krasnodar district, Russia; found in 1955; 20 pieces, but only 3 solidi of Constans II, two solidi and two hexagrams of Constantine IV were preserved 389. 210. 668-685 SILISTRA, Bulgaria; found in 1986, during occasional excavations on «Komsomolski» avenue; 3 AR, together with 21 silver ear-rings and two silver rings 390. 211. 668-685 PIUA PETRII, nowadays in Giurgeni, Ialomi^a district, Romania; AR391. 212. 668/685 VARTOP, Dolj district, Romania; found in 1939 (coins being scattered); 2 AR 392. 670-680 213. 674-681 GALATI, Romania; found in 1946, together with potsherds; 12 AR 393. 384 P. Radomersky, «Byzantske mince z pokladu v Zemianskem Vrbovku», Pamatky archeologicke, 44 (1953), 109-122; Huszar, «Das Miinzmaterial», 103; Butnariu, «R3spindirea», 231; Fiala, «K objavu». 385 Popovic, «Aux origines», 252 n. 89. 38f. popovic, «Aux origines», 252 n. 89. 387'F. Bulic, «Skroviste zlatnih novaca, nasasto u Nereziscima», Vjesnik (Split), 43 (1920), 199; Marovic, «Reflexions», 302. 38S E. Oberlander-Tarnoveanu, «Monede bizantine din secolele VII-X descoperite Tn nordul Dobrogei», Studii si cercetari de numismatica, 1 (1980), 163-164. m> Kropotkin, Klady, 22 no. 26; Golenko, «Klad»; Kropotkjn, «Novye nahodki», 168; Yannopoulos, L'hexagramme, 106. 3l>0 Angelova and Pencev, «Srebarno sSkroviste», 40. 391 Yannopoulos, L'hexagramme, 105. 392 B. Mitrea, «Decouvertes monetaires en Roumanie, 1976 (XX)», Dacia, n. s., 11 (1977), 380-381; C. Chiriac, «Despre tezaurele monetare bizantine din secolele VII-X de la est sj sud de Carpa^i», Pontica, 24 (1991), 374. 393 Dimian, «CTteva descoperiri», 196-197; Butnariu, «R2spTndirea», 230. 169 FLORIN CURT A 214. 674-681 PRISEACA, Olt district, Romania; found in 1965, in a ceramic pot, together with two fragmentary silver ear-rings with star-shaped pendant; 141 AR 394. 215. 674-681 SOFIA (surrounding area), Bulgaria; found in 1967; only 3 AV were preserved, one being issued under Constans II, Constantine IV, Heraclius, and Tiberius, another one under Constans II and Constantine IV, and the third one under Constantine IV 395. 216. 681/5 NESEBAR, Burgas district, Bulgaria (= Messembria); found in September 1947, in the yard of the church «St. George Malki»;9 AV 396. 217. 689/90 NESEBAR, Burgas district, Bulgaria (= Messembria); found in 1979 or 1980, during levelling excavations; only 8 AE were preserved, including 6 folles issued by Constans II (one in 655/6, one in 655/6 or 656/7, and four in 666-668), one piece of 10 nummia issued by Constantine IV (674-685) and a half—follis issued by Justinian II in 689/90397. 218. 685-695 HELLMONSODT, Urfahr district, Austria; 4 AE398. 219. 685-695 NOVA NADEZDA (former Gerdina, Knjagina Nadezda, and Nadezda), Haskovo district, Bulgaria; 50-60 AE399. Florin Curta 394 M. Butoi, «Un tezaur de monede si obiecte de podoabS din secolul al VH-lea descoperit in comuna Priseaca-Slatina», Studii si comunicdri (Pite§ti), 1 (1968), 97-104; Mitrea, «Date noi», 113-118, 121-122, and 124; Butnariu, «Raspindirea», 230. 395 Gerasimov, «SSkrovi§ta s moneti», (supra n. 94), 234. 396 Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki» (see above, n. 93), 321; Jurukova, «Particularites», 227; I. Jurukova, «Un tresor de monnaies d'or byzantines du Vile siecle decouvert a Nessebre», in Nessebre, II, ed. by V. Velkov, Sofia 1980, 186-190. 397 PenCev, «Kolektivna nahodka», 5-9. 398 Hahn, «Osterreich», 459. 399 Gerasimov, «Kolektivni nahodki» (see above, n. 186), 322; Jurukova, «Les invasions», 262. 170 INVASION OR INFLATION? APPENDIX: HOARDS AND SIXTH TO SEVENTH CENTURY PRICES hoard value (in solidi) commodity Sadovec (no. 160) Goren Kozjak Prahovo Grncar Sekulica (no. 19) Thebes Sadovec (no. 134) Anadolchioi Thasos (no. 109) Veliki Gradac 72 70 36.8385 30 15 13.3595 5 3 to 8 1.6708 1.2206 1 0.6074 0.4950 0.4060 0.3405 0.3333 0.3150 0.25 0.2210 0.1000 1 silk cloth (late sixth century) 1 slave (eunuch, ca. 531) 1 slave (more than 10 years old, qualified, ca. 531) 1 camel (late 6th century, Egypt) ransom price for prostitutes in Constantinople, redeemed by Theodora in 548 I mule (6th to 7th century, Egypt) 1 pork (Egypt, 6th century) 1 military mantle (Illyricum, ca. 534) two months wage (Egypt, 6th cent.) ransom price per prisoner, de- manded by the Avars (598-600) monthly wage of a mason (6th to 7th cent.) alms per woman, distributed in and around Jerusalem (early sixth century) 1 cloth (7th century) 1 pair of leather shoes (late fifth century) 171 FLORIN CURTA hoard value (in solidi) commodity Topalu Athens (no. 123) Suva Reka Veliko Orasje Gropeni Horge§ti Mantinea Hi stria (no. 163) Caricin Grad (no. 102) Thasos (no. 185) Rakita Nea Anchialos Tekija Bosman Veliko Gradiste Caricin Grad (no. 103) Nig Hi stria (no. 174) Chalkis Murighiol (no. 113) Pirot Histria (no. 171) Malo Golubinje Athens (no. Ill) Caricin Grad (no. 87) Boljetin 0.1183 0.1165 0.1117 0.0950 0.0908 0.0845 0.0319 0.0308 0.0305 0.0292 0.0287 0.0238-0.0278 0.0267 0.0261 0.0251 0.0241 0.0222 0.0212 0.0190 0.0190 0.0184 0.0167 0.0153 0.0150 0.0147 0.0141 0.0136 0.0116 1 modius (between 11.389 and 17.084 kg) of wheat (6th cen- tury, Egypt) minimal subsistence level of a prostitute in Constantinople (ca. 550) 172 INVASION OR INFLATION? hoard value commodity (in solidi) Kenchreai (no. 120) 0.0103 Caricm Grad (no. 101) 0.0093 Athens (no. 139) 0.0088 Caricin Grad (no. 183) 0.0083 Corinth (no. 96) 0.0072 Caridin Grad (no. 101) 0.0070 Hagios Nikolaos 0.0063 Kenchreai (no. 117) 0.0044 Cudalbi 0.0028 (fractions of solidi calculated after Hahn, Moneta Imperii Byzantini, I, 27 and II, 14-17; prices after Morrisson, «Monnaie et prix,» 239-260). 173 FLORIN CURTA KEY TO FIGURES 1. The distribution of sixth- to seventh-century Byzantine copper (AE), silver (AR), and gold (AV) coin hoards in Eastern Europe. 2. The mean number of sixth- to seventh-century Byzantine coin hoards found in Ea- stern Europe. Condensed intervals: A - 498-518; B - 518-527; C - 527-538; D - 565-578; E - 578-582; F - 582-600; G - 584-602; H - 602-610; I - 610-620; J - 613-629; K- 615-629; L- 630-641; M- 641-662; N- 659-685. 3. The distribution of sixth- to seventh-century Byzantine coin hoards in the Balkans, plotted by provinces: a - over twenty hoards; b - fifteen to twenty hoards; c - ten to fourteen hoards; d - five to nine hoards; e - two to four hoards; f - no hoards. Encircled numbers: 1 - Aquis and its hinterland; 2 - Dacia Ripensis; 3 - Dacia Mediterranea; 4 - Dardania; 5 - Praevalitana; 6 - Epirus Nova; 7 - Epirus Vetus; 8 - Achaia (without Peloponnese); 9 - Rhodope; 10 - Europe; 11 - Haemimons; 12 - Moesia Inferior; 13 - Scythia Minor; 14 - Thrace; 15 - Macedonia; 16 - Thessaly; 17 - Achaia (Peloponnese); 18 - Moesia Superior; 19 - Bassianae and its hinterland; 20 - Dalmatia (map drawn after Ivanov, «Oborona,» 38). 4. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Achaia: 1 - Corinth (no. 96); 2 - Corinth (no. 97); 3 - Athens (no. 111); 4 - Hagios Niko- laos; 5 - Kenchreai (no. 117). For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 5. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Achaia: 1 - Mantinea; 2 - Thebes; 3 - Kenchreai (no. 120); 4 - Nemea; 5 - Athens (no. 123). For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 6. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Achaia: 1 - Athens (no. 124); 2 - Athens (no. 139); 3 - Athens (no. 146); 4 - Chalkis; 5 - Nea Anchialos. For condensed intervals, set fig. 2. 7. The mean number of coins per year (<a, b) and the frequency (c) of mints represented in hoards found in Achaia: CON - Constantinople; TES - Thessalonica; NIK - Nicomedia; KYZ - Cyzicus; ANT - Antioch; OTH - others. For condensed in- tervals, see fig. 2. 8. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Macedo- nia: 1 - Suva Reka; 2 - Sekulica; 3 - Grncar; 4 - Thasos (no. 109); 5 - Bitola (no. 148). For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 9. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Macedo- nia: 1 - Bitola (no. 149); 2 - Baba; 3 - Goren Kozjak; 4 - Thasos (no. 187). For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 174 FLORIN CURTA KEY TO FIGURES 1. The distribution of sixth- to seventh-century Byzantine copper (AE), silver (AR), and gold (AV) coin hoards in Eastern Europe. 2. The mean number of sixth- to seventh-century Byzantine coin hoards found in Ea- stern Europe. Condensed intervals: A - 498-518; B - 518-527; C - 527-538; D - 565-578; E - 578-582; F - 582-600; G - 584-602; H - 602-610; I - 610-620; J - 613-629; K- 615-629; L- 630-641; M- 641-662; N- 659-685. 3. The distribution of sixth- to seventh-century Byzantine coin hoards in the Balkans, plotted by provinces: a - over twenty hoards; b - fifteen to twenty hoards; c - ten to fourteen hoards; d - five to nine hoards; e - two to four hoards; f - no hoards. Encircled numbers: 1 - Aquis and its hinterland; 2 - Dacia Ripensis; 3 - Dacia Mediterranea; 4 - Dardania; 5 - Praevalitana; 6 - Epirus Nova; 7 - Epirus Vetus; 8 - Achaia (without Peloponnese); 9 - Rhodope; 10 - Europe; 11 - Haemimons; 12 - Moesia Inferior; 13 - Scythia Minor; 14 - Thrace; 15 - Macedonia; 16 - Thessaly; 17 - Achaia (Peloponnese); 18 - Moesia Superior; 19 - Bassianae and its hinterland; 20 - Dalmatia (map drawn after Ivanov, «Oborona,» 38). 4. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Achaia: 1 - Corinth (no. 96); 2 - Corinth (no. 97); 3 - Athens (no. 111); 4 - Hagios Niko- laos; 5 - Kenchreai (no. 117). For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 5. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Achaia: 1 - Mantinea; 2 - Thebes; 3 - Kenchreai (no. 120); 4 - Nemea; 5 - Athens (no. 123). For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 6. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Achaia: 1 - Athens (no. 124); 2 - Athens (no. 139); 3 - Athens (no. 146); 4 - Chalkis; 5 - Nea Anchialos. For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 1. The mean number of coins per year {a, b) and the frequency (c) of mints represented in hoards found in Achaia: CON - Constantinople; TES - Thessalonica; NIK - Nicomedia; KYZ - Cyzicus; ANT - Antioch; OTH - others. For condensed in- tervals, see fig. 2. 8. The mean number of coins {a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Macedo- nia: 1 - Suva Reka; 2 - Sekulica; 3 - Grncar; 4 - Thasos (no. 109); 5 - Bitola (no. 148). For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 9. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Macedo- nia: 1 - Bitola (no. 149); 2 - Baba; 3 - Goren Kozjak; 4 - Thasos (no. 187). For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 174 INVASION OR INFLATION? 10. The mean number of coins per year (a, b) and the frequency (c) of mints represen- ted in hoards found in Macedonia. For condensed intervals, sec fig. 2. For abbre- viated mint-names, see fig. 7. 11. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Dalma- tia: 1 - Majsan; 2 - Solin (no. 199). For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 12. The mean number of coins per year (a) and the frequency of mints represented in hoards found in Dalmatia: 1 - CON; 2 - TES; 3 - NIK; 4 - KYZ; 5 - OTH. For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. For abbreviated mint-names, see fig. 7. 13. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Dacia Mediterranea: 1 - Klinovac; 2 - Ni£; 3 - Caricin Grad (no. 87); 4 - Caricrn Grad (no. 101). For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 14. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Caricin Grad/Iustiniana Prima: 1 - no. 102; 2 - no. 103; 3 - no. 104; 4 - no. 168; 5 - no. 183. For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 15. The mean number of coins per year (a) and the frequency of mints represented in hoards found in Dacia Mediterranea: 1 - CON; 2 - TES; 3 - NIK; 4 - KYZ; 5 - OTH. For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. For abbreviated mint-names, see fig. 7. 16. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Aquis and its hinterland: 1 - Prahovo; 2 -Dobra; 3 - Malo Golubinje; 4 - Pirot; 5 - Br- za Palanka. For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 17. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Dacia Ri- pensis and Moesia Inferior: 1 - Rjahovec; 2 - Boljetin; 3 - Sadovec (no. 134); 4 - Tekija. For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 18. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Dacia Ri- pensis and Moesia Inferior: 1 - Veliko Orasje; 2 - Veliko GradiSte; 3 - Sadovec (no. 160); 4 - Veliki Gradac. For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 19. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Dacia Ri- pensis and Moesia Inferior: 1 - Bosman; 2 - Reselec; 3 - Rakita. For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 20. The mean number of coins per year (a, b) and the frequency (c) of mints represen- ted in hoards found in Dacia Ripensis and Moesia Inferior. For condensed inter- vals, see fig. 2. For abbreviated mint-names, see fig. 7. 21. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Scythia Minor: 1 - Anadolchioi; 2 - Topalu; 3 - Murighiol (no. 113); 4 - Murighiol (no. 121). For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. 175 FLORIN CURTA 22. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Histria: 1 - no. 163; 2 - no. 165; 3 - no. 171; 4 - no. 174. For condensed intervals, see M 2- 23. The mean number of coins per year (a, b) and the frequency (c) of mints represen- ted in hoards found in Scythia Minor. For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. For ab- breviated mint-names, see fig. 7. 24. The mean number of coins (a) and nummia per year (b) in hoards found in Roma- nia: 1 - Cudalbi; 2 - Gropeni; 3 - Unirea; 4 - Horgesti; 5 - Movileni. For con- densed intervals, see fig. 2. 25. The frequency (a) and the mean number of coins per year (b) issued in mints repre- sented in hoards found in Romania. For condensed intervals, see fig. 2. For ab- breviated mint-names, see fig. 7. 26. The distribution of hoards dated to Anastasius* and Justin Fs reigns: A - 498-518; B - 518-527. Numbers refer to the catalogue. 27. The distribution of hoards dated to Anastasius' and Justin Fs reign in central Balkans, in relation to main roads (full line) and cities (full circles). Numbers re- fer to the catalogue (map drawn after Schreiner, «Stadte»). 28. The distribution of hoards dated to 530-540. Numbers refer to the catalogue. 29. The distribution of hoards dated to 530-540 in central Balkans, in relation to main roads (full line) and cities (full circles). Numbers refer to the catalogue (map drawn after Schreiner, «Stadte»). 30. The distribution of hoards dated to Justinian's reign. Numbers refer to the catalogue. 31. The distribution of hoards dated to Justinian's reign in central Balkans, in relation to main roads (full line) and cities (full circles). Numbers refer to the catalogue (map drawn after Schreiner, «Stadte»). 32. The distribution of hoards dated to 540-550. Numbers refer to the catalogue. 33. The distribution of hoards dated to 540-550 in central Balkans, in relation to main roads (full line) and cities (full circles). Numbers refer to the catalogue (map drawn after Schreiner, «Stadte»). 34. The distribution of hoards dated to 550-560. Numbers refer to the catalogue. 35. The distribution of hoards dated to 550-560 in central Balkans, in relation to main roads (full line) and cities (full circles). Numbers refer to the catalogue (map drawn after Schreiner, «Stadte»). 176 INVASION OR INFLATION? 36. The distribution of hoards dated to 560-570. Numbers refer to the catalogue. 37. The distribution of hoards dated to 560-570 in central Balkans, in relation to main roads (full line) and cities (full circles). Numbers refer to the catalogue (map drawn after Schreiner, «Stadte»). 38. The distribution of hoards dated to 570-580. Numbers refer to the catalogue. 39. The distribution of hoards dated to 570-580 in central Balkans, in relation to main roads (full line) and cities (full circles). Numbers refer to the catalogue (map drawn after Schreiner, «Stadte»). 40. The distribution of hoards dated to 580-590. Numbers refer to the catalogue. 41. The distribution of hoards dated to 580-590 in central Balkans, in relation to main roads (full line) and cities (full circles). Numbers refer to the catalogue (map drawn after Schreiner, «Stadte»). 42. The distribution of hoards dated to 590-600. Numbers refer to the catalogue. 43. The distribution of hoards dated to 590-600 in central Balkans, in relation to main roads (full line) and cities (full circles). Numbers refer to the catalogue (map drawn after Schreiner, «Stadte»). 44. The distribution of hoards dated to 600-620. Numbers refer to the catalogue. 45. The distribution of hoards dated to 600-620 in central Balkans, in relation to main roads (full line) and cities (full circles). Numbers refer to the catalogue (map drawn after Schreiner, «Stadte»). 46. The distribution of hoards dated to 620-630. Numbers refer to the catalogue. 47. The distribution of hoards dated to 630-680. Numbers refer to the catalogue. 177 FLORIN CURTA 178 INVASION OR INFLATION? BYZANTINE COIN HOARDS found in Eastern Europe BYZANTINE COIN HOARDS found in Eastern Europe CO CO 03 2 2 + ii- ACE BDF 1 J 630 640 650 660 N 590 600 610 620 K 665 M Years Silver Silver&Gold Silver&Copper Fig. 2 179 FLORIN CURTA INVASION OR INFLATION? HOARDS IN ACHAIA Part 1 200 8 150 + I I I l I I I l l l l l l l l l l l l i A C 541 545 555 565 575 D 585 595 B 550 560 570 579 590 600 Years 1 Fig. 4 181 FLORIN CURTA Fig. 5 182 INVASION OR INFLATION? HOARDS IN ACHAIA Part 3 14-1- HOARDS IN ACHAIA Part 3 500 Oh A i i/fru i ii i i i i i i i AC 550 560 570 579 585 595 605 615 B 545 555 565 575 D 590 600 610 620 Years 1 Fig. 6 183 FLORIN CURTA HOARDS IN ACHAIA Mints (I) AC B Q 545 555 565 575 D 590 600 610 620 550 560 570 579 585 595 605 615 Years CON I TES NIK AC B HOARDS IN ACHAIA Mints (II) i 111 l H i I 111 III Ml 111 I III I 11 I H I H rff H I) 545 555 565 575 D 590 600 610 620 550 560 570 579 585 595 605 615 Years KYZ ANT OTH MINTS (hoards found in Achaia) OTH (3.5%) n CON (35.6%) Fig. 7 184 INVASION OR INFLATION? HOARDS IN MACEDONIA Parti n h i n i t n 111 11 i r iti n m i ii*#ftVT*i ii vi 11; it i ifoi i i 1111 1111111 11 AC 545 555 565 575 585 595 B 540 550 560 570 580 590 600 Years Q 1 Fig. 8 185 INVASION OR INFLATION? HOARDS IN MACEDONIA Mints (I) 200 AC 545 555 565 575 D 590 600 610 620 B 540 550 560 570 579 585 595 605 615 Years Q CONBTES NIK HOARDS IN MACEDONIA Mints (II) MIH hi IHUfUmtHHI IIMIIinillHIIIWilH AC 545 555 565 575 D 585 595 600 610 620 B 540 550 560 570 579 590 595 605 615 Years b KYZ ANT OTH MINTS (hoards found in Macedonia) CON (32.4%)- ANT(0.9%)- KYZ{2.3%)" NIK(4.6%] OTH (3.9%) TES(55.9%) Fig. 10 187 FLORIN CURTA Fig. 11 188 INVASION OR INFLATION? MINTS (hoards found in Dalmatia) ANT/ft raa-i CON (46.7%) Fig. 12 189 FLORIN CURTA HOARDS IN DACIA MEDITERRANEA Parti Years HOARDS IN DACIA MEDITERRANEA Parti Fig. 13 190 INVASION OR INFLATION? HOARDS IN DACIA MEDITERRANEA Part 2 (Caricin Grad) 10 « 8...... "5 | 6 t 4+ n 2 2+ iui ni Ai A AC 545 555 565 575 585 600 615 B 540 550 560 570 580 590 595 605 610 a Years 3 HOARDS IN DACIA MEDITERRANEA Part 2 (Caricin Grad) A C 545 555 565 575 585 595 605 615 B 540 550 560 570 580 590 600 610 Years 1 Fig. 14 191 FLORIN CURTA HOARDS IN DACIA MEDITERRANEA Mints AC 545 555 565 575 585 595 605 615 B 540 550 560 570 580 590 600 610 YEARS Q 1 MINTS (hoards found in Dacia Mediterranea) OTH (1.9%) NIK (11. ANT (5.6%) CON (22.2%) TES (59.3%) Fig. 15 192 INVASION OR INFLATION? HOARDS IN DACIA RIPENSIS (Aquis and its hinterland) 1 I I H I I I I i 1 I I I i I I I I I I I I I I i i I i Kfr) IIti i 1 I I I i I I I I I I 1 I 1 I M I 1 i i i I A C B a 550 560 570 580 590 600 545 555 565 575 585 595 Years 1 HOARDS IN DACIA RIPENSIS (Aquis and its hinterland) 1600j 1400 - CD 1200- CD 1000 - Q-cd 800-- E E 600-1 Z3 400-200- A C 550 560 B 545 555 565 570 Years ■ r*?> m 11 l i 111111......11111 575 585 595 580 590 600 Fig. 16 193 FLORIN CURTA HOARDS IN DACIA RIPENSIS and Moesia Inferior (Part 1) 25 t- Years j- 800 CD Q> ^600- |400 + | 200- 3 HOARDS IN DACIA RIPENSIS and Moesia Inferior (Part 1) AC B 541 545 550 560 ffS 111111111111111111 m 570 581 585 595 555 565 575 D 590 600 Years Fig. 17 194 INVASION OR INFLATION? HOARDS IN DACIA RIPENSIS and Moesia Inferior (Part 2) B 541 545 555 565 575 D 590 600 Years b il|2|3i4 Fig. 18 195 FLORIN CURTA HOARDS IN DACIA RIPENSIS and Moesia Inferior (Part 3) 10i- Years Q ll|2l3 ^400 HOARDS IN DACIA RIPENSIS and Moesia Inferior (Part 3) AC 550 560 570 580 590 600 B 541 545 555 565 575 585 595 Years 1 Fig. 19 196 INVASION OR INFLATION? HOARDS IN DACIA RIPENSIS and Moesia Inferior - Mints (I) 400 111 r i l l 1117 i l 11 11 i i i i 111 m i i l It i l ffFWffffWi i l l l i i i i i i i i i m l l l l l l tl1 AC 545 555 565 575 D 590 600 B 540 550 560 570 581 585 595 Years a CON Bill TES NIK HOARDS IN DACIA RIPENSIS and Moesia Inferior - Mints (II) I I I I I I I I I nrl I I M AC 545 555 565 575 D 590 600 B 540 550 560 570 581 585 595 Years KYZ II ANT OTH MINTS (Dacia Ripensis and Moesia Inferior) ANT (2.8%) OTH (3.0%) KYZ (4.0% NIK (11.6% TES (9.5%) CON (69.1%) Fig. 20 197 FLORIN CURTA HOARDS IN SCYTHIA MINOR Part 1 Fig. 21 198 INVASION OR INFLATION? Fig. 22 199 FLORIN CURTA HOARDS IN SCYTHIA MINOR Mints (I) B 545 555 565 D 580 590 600 Years q EC0N||tES f§NIK HOARDS IN SCYTHIA MINOR Mints (II) 20 t- Years b Bkyz||ant^oth MINTS (hoards found in Scythia Minor) 0TH(1.2%h CON (66.9%) C Fig. 23 200 INVASION OR INFLATION? HOARDS IN ROMANIA HOARDS IN ROMANIA 600 -r--—-- B 545 555 565 575 585 595 600 Years Fig. 24 201 FLORIN CURTA MINTS (hoards found in Romania) ANT (6.3%) KYZ (8.8%) IES (8.8%) NIK (14.5%)" a 1 CON (61.6%) Fig- 25 202 INVASION OR INFLATION? 203 FLORIN CURTA 204 INVASION OR INFLATION? 205 FLORIN CURTA 206 INVASION OR INFLATION? FLORIN CURTA INVASION OR INFLATION? FLORIN CURTA 210 INVASION OR INFLATION? FLORIN CURTA INVASION OR INFLATION? FLORIN CURTA 214 INVASION OR INFLATION? FLORIN CURTA INVASION OR INFLATION? FLORIN CURTA INVASION OR INFLATION? 219 FLORIN CURTA INVASION OR INFLATION? 221 FLORIN CURTA 222 223 FLORIN CURTA 224
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