Mimicry and Classical Allusion in V.S. Naipaul's The Mimic Men
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Mimicry and Classical Allusion in V.S. Naipaul's The Mimic Men
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5
Mimicry and Classical Allusion in
V. S. Naipaul’s The Mimic Men
Emily Greenwood
The most definitive feature of antiquity is our absence.
Joseph Brodsky1
We among the blacks who received a good education learnt what we
knew from the classical writings of Western civilization. We knew that the
principles which were enshrined in those classical works did not apply in
the Caribbean. But when we went abroad we found to our astonishment
that they did not apply there also.
C. L. R. James2
I have read that it was a saying of an ancient Greek that the first requisite
for happiness was to be born in a famous city. It is one of those sayings
which, because they deal with the particular and the concrete, like the
instructions on a bottle of patent medicine, can appear flippant, except to
those who have experienced their truth. To be born on an island like
Isabella, an obscure New World transplantation, second-hand and barbarous, was to be born to disorder. From an early age, almost from my first
lesson at school about the weight of the king’s crown, I had sensed this.3
V. S. Naipaul 4
Joseph Brodsky’s statement about the relationship between antiquity and the
present is easily inverted: if the most definitive feature of antiquity is our
absence, then it follows that an important aspect of this relationship will be
1
Brodsky 1995: 272.
Personal communication with Reinhard Sander, 26 January 1979; quoted in Sander 1988:
112, with n. 24 (114).
3
Plutarch attributes this saying to the author of the epinician ode for Alcibiades, whom he
takes to be Euripides; Plutarch Life of Demosthenes 1.1.
4
Naipaul 2002a: 127. The Mimic Men was first published in 1967. However, all references to
the novel in this article are to the 2002 edition (Naipaul 2002a).
2
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the attempt to establish a presence, to pursue dialogues between modernity
and antiquity in spite of gaps, distance, and absences. The second epigraph to
this chapter reflects on such an absence or gap, in the form of C. L. R. James’s
realization that the ideals contained in the classical texts, which he had
studied as part of the colonial curriculum in Trinidad, were absent in British
society.5 As a colonial subject, not only was James not an equal in British
society, but the British themselves were not equal to the ideals they professed.6
However, in his published work James never made the additional leap of
questioning to what extent these ‘principles’ enshrined in ancient Greek
literature actually applied in the ancient societies in which they were first
expressed.7 On the contrary, James’s Athens is the ideal Athens of Pericles’
funeral oration, without the Thucydidean critique, and he secures a presence
for the Caribbean in Greece by constructing an analogy between the demographic structure of the Caribbean islands of Trinidad and Barbados and the
ancient Greek city-state (which he depicts as a homogeneous entity).8
In The Mimic Men (1967), James’s fellow Trinidadian, V. S. Naipaul,
exposes the gap in this analogy between Athens and Trinidad by pointing to
the anomaly between being born in a famous (Greek) city and being born in
‘an island like Isabella,9 an obscure New World transplantation, second-hand
5
James attended Queen’s Royal College in Port of Spain, Trinidad, from 1911 to 1918. He
gives an account of his schooling in the early chapters of Beyond a Boundary (James 1994 [1963]:
1–46). For discussion of James’s classical education in the context of the British West Indies, see
Greenwood 2009: ch. 2, passim.
6
James’s disillusionment with London is recorded in his Letters from London (James 2003;
the letters were originally published in the Port of Spain Gazette in 1932). For criticism of social
inequality in Britain (contrasted with Athens), see James 1980: 168.
7
For James the classical roots of Western civilization lay overwhelmingly in ancient Greece,
specifically in Athens. James’s most explicit discussion of ancient Athens is the essay ‘Every Cook
Can Govern: A Study of Democracy in Ancient Greece’ (James 1980: 16–74, first published in the
journal Correspondence in June 1956). On p. 167, after quoting from Pericles’ funeral oration
(Thucydides 2.35–46), James makes the following claim: ‘Marx and all the men who have written of
a society of democracy and equality had to place it in the future. For our Greek, this conception of
the city was not an aspiration. It was a fact.’ James sidesteps the problematic issue of the institution
of slavery in ancient Greece by arguing that critics who mention Greek slavery ‘are not so much
interested in defending the slaves as they are in attacking the democracy’ (ibid., 164).
8
James 1980: 186–7; discussion in Greenwood 2005: 78–9.
9
There has been much critical discussion about the relationship between the fictional island
of Isabella and the islands of the Caribbean archipelago. The inspiration for the name Isabella
may come from the detail that Columbus named an island in the Bahamas ‘Isabela’ (modern
Crooked Island), after the Spanish sovereign Queen Isabella I, on his first voyage to the
Caribbean (see Theroux 1972: 105). However, John Thieme points out that the name may
allude to islands called ‘The Isabels’ in Conrad’s Nostromo (Thieme 1987: 111). Hayward 2002:
68 sees strong parallels with the contemporary history and politics of British Guiana, while
Cudjoe 1988: 243 argues that Isabella is a composite of, and representative of, all societies in the
transition from colonialism to postcolonialism. For the historical/biographical information
behind Naipaul’s novel, see King 2003: app. A, 207–8.
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and barbarous’, where the students are made to study the remote achievements of famous Greeks, not to mention the more proximate culture of
Britain (the reference to the king’s crown), the imperial power that was
both geographically absent and inaccessible, and yet everywhere present in
the form of legal, economic, and cultural imperialism. Both the comments of
James and Naipaul reflect the psychology of the colonial subject for whom
civilized principles such as freedom are sublimated, along with culture, as part
of a larger colonial fantasy.10 The shattering of the illusion in postcolonial
criticism comes in the realization that these ideals of culture and civilization
are a fantasy for the colonizers themselves, as well as for the Athenians or
Romans whose remote civilizations are appropriated to support the myths of
order at the heart of modern European empires.
Whereas C. L. R. James uses an ideal image of Athens to bring into view the
disappointing reality of London as metropolitan capital, Naipaul uses the
myth of Rome to achieve a similar effect. In this chapter I will examine
Naipaul’s ironizing use of classical allusions in The Mimic Men (1967), a
novel that explores the mimic dependency of colonial societies. I will suggest
that Naipaul uses classical allusions to show that not only were the British in
the Caribbean themselves mimics of the cultures of Greece and Rome, but
also that the presence of mimicry in these very cultures reveals the absurdity
of the appropriation of the civilizations of Greece and Rome in the service of
colonial mythmaking.
T H E M I MI C M E N
Naipaul’s novel, published in 1967 and written during a fellowship at Makerere University in Uganda 1965–6, is a fictional autobiography or, in the words
of Helen Hayward, ‘a novel masquerading as an autobiography’ (2002: 69).
The novel is narrated by a first-person narrator, R. K. Singh, who is writing his
memoirs from the perspective of exile in London, having been forced out of
politics in his native Caribbean island of Isabella. The title of the novel refers
to Singh’s obsession with the condition of imitative dependency in colonial
10
For parallels between James and Naipaul, see the latter’s review of James’s seminal work on
cricket, Beyond a Boundary (1963). Naipaul writes, ‘Our backgrounds were dissimilar. His was
Negro, Puritan, fearful of lower class contamination; mine was Hindu, restricted, enclosed. But
we have ended up speaking the same language; and though England is not perhaps the country
we thought it was, we have both charmed ourselves away from Trinidad’ (Naipaul 1972: 22); the
review was first published in The Encounter in September 1963.
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society according to which nothing is original, leading to a profound sense of
psychic alienation where colonial subjects are not real, or not real men.11
But it is not only colonial subjects who are embroiled in a drama of colonial
shame and fantasy, impersonating alien ideals. Under the influence of imperialism and colonialism, filtered through Singh’s first-person narrative, all the
characters in the novel are affected by cultural mimicry. The mimicry extends
to the metropolis as well, where everyone—not just the immigrants and the
foreign women tourists with whom Singh flirts—is reduced to a racial caricature.12 Even when characters in the novel show allegiance to other cultures,
such as Ralph Singh’s father who becomes a Hindu Guru (Gurudeva), their
actions are ridiculed by the narrator as mimicry of a code that they do not
properly possess or understand.13 Browne, one of Ralph Singh’s Afro-Trinidadian peers, mimes his own blackness in degrading school performances.14
For Ralph Singh, life in the colony of Isabella is schizophrenic because everything that takes place on Isabella takes place in relation to two remote cultural
centres: primarily in relation to Britain, and more specifically to London, as the
seat of colonial government, but also in relation to India, the ancestral and
spiritual home of the East Indian population in the Caribbean who arrived in
the region in the 1880s as indentured labourers. The notion that everything that
happens is a flawed copy or re-enactment of foreign manners, values, and
institutions leads to the suspicion that reality occurs elsewhere and that life in
the colonies is a fantasy in which everyone pretends to be what they are not. The
narrator anglicizes his name (Ranjit Kripalsingh) to R. R. K. Singh, inserting
the name Ralph, while secretly reading and fantasizing about Ancient Asiatic
and Persian Aryan culture.15 When the narrator loses a race at the school sports
day for which he has trained assiduously, playing the role of the professional
athlete, and is credited by one of the schoolmasters with good sportsmanship in
apparently allowing someone else to win, his sense of shame at this fraudulent
11
The term ‘psychic alienation’ is used by Frantz Fanon in Black Skin, White Masks (1952) to
describe the crisis of personal identity and selfhood of the black man in colonial society. See
Fanon 1986: 10, ‘At the risk of arousing the resentment of my coloured brothers, I will say that
the black is not a man.’
12
Mustafa 1995: 104–5 argues that Ralph Singh’s cosmopolitanism in London is reduced to a
series of ‘fetishistic’ sexual relations with these women.
13
On the ambivalence of Naipaul’s depiction of Hinduism in The Mimic Men, see Thieme
1987: 132–8.
14
Naipaul 2002a: 99; see French 2008: 38 for the incident on which this is based—a
performance that Naipaul witnessed at a Christmas concert in 1941.
15
Naipaul 2002a: 100–1 (Singh’s name); ibid., 104–5 (Singh’s fascination with Aryan culture). For discussion of Singh’s reinvention of his name, see Thieme 1987: 132, Feder 2001: 189,
and King 2003: 71–2. There is a precedent for the anglicizing of a Hindu name in the epilogue to
the earlier novel The Mystic Masseur (1957), where the protagonist Ganesh Ramsumair changes
his name to G. Ramsay Muir (Naipaul 2001a: 208).
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semblance precipitates his meditation on the ‘saying of an ancient Greek that the
first requisite for happiness was to be born in a famous city’ (127). In contrast, to
be born in a country like Isabella, which he describes as ‘an obscure New World
transplantation’ is ‘to be born into disorder’ (ibid.). And yet the order of the
imperial metropolis disintegrates up close; Ralph Singh is disappointed by
London and the English identity that he has fashioned for himself, and Singh’s
English wife Sandra is herself disorientated and overwhelmed by London.16
REV I SI N G T H E MY T H O F ROM AN O RDER
The civilization of ancient Rome functions as an ever-present counterpoint in
the novel. There is an attempt to reproduce this civilization in Singh’s
construction of a Roman villa—modelled on the House of the Vetii in
Pompeii—on his home island of Isabella:
I was looking through a picture book about Pompeii and Herculaneum. I was struck
by the simplicity of the Roman house, its outward austerity, its inner, private
magnificence; I was struck by its suitability to our climate; I yielded to impulse.17
As Anthony Boxill observes, Singh gives us all the information we need to
deconstruct this ideal villa; the architecture is dissonant, with an illuminated
swimming pool in place of the impluvium.18 This absurd villa embodies the
hollowness of a return to an idealized past, and its collapse is indicative of the
unreality of ancient Rome as a vanished civilization, rather than as a fixed and
timeless reality against which to measure the shortcomings of the present. Singh’s
remark about the suitability of the architecture to the local climate merely serves to
highlight more fundamental incongruities. Not only is the architecture incongruous, but the template of the Pompeiian villa is also unsettling, particularly when
we reflect that these villas were themselves gaudy edifices whose ruins now stand
tinged with tragedy because of the accident of Vesuvius’s eruption. What is more,
cracks of a different kind undermine Singh’s villa, as he reveals to the reader that
‘I had built it a few years before, when my marriage was breaking up’ (38–9). As
though the motif of ruin at the core of this Roman house was not explicit enough,
Singh’s housewarming party turns into a scene of vandalism as the guests run riot
16
See King 2003: 73. King (ibid.) relates Singh’s disappointment at the reality of life in
London to Naipaul’s comments in An Area of Darkness at his own regret in making London the
centre of his world, only to become decentred and alienated.
17
Naipaul 2002a: 74.
18
References to the Roman villa: Naipaul 2002a: 38–9, 74, 76–9, 199, 203–5.
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in the swimming pool and break the furniture and windows (76–9). The alienness
of the villa is reinforced by the fact that, while there, Singh takes to reading Martial
as an extension of his Roman posturing. There is nothing inherently fake about an
East Indian reading Martial in the Caribbean—Martial is no more out of place in
the Caribbean than he is anywhere else in the contemporary world—nor is the
architecture of Pompeii, for that matter. The falsity comes from Singh’s use of the
accoutrements of a vanished civilization in the construction of his Caribbean
cultural identity, in order to project ‘the picture of a man’:19
The blue-and-white Hong Kong raffia chairs and table, the drinks, the illuminated
swimming-pool, the Loeb edition of Martial: all this had been meant less to overawe
Browne than to create the picture of a man who, whatever might be said about recent
events in his private life, had achieved a certain poise. The Martial can be easily
explained. I had taken up my Latin again. It was my own therapy. The acquisition in
easy stages of a precise, dead language, through an easy author, was curiously
soothing. It called for effort; it filled the time; it led from one day to the other.20
Like the Hong Kong raffia chairs, Martial is a cultural import. Naipaul’s allusive
play here is particularly subtle: Singh makes light of the significance of Martial,
suggesting that the choice of the Epigrams is dictated by linguistic criteria alone.
Several critics have commented on the figure of Singh as a ‘limited’ or ‘unreliable’
narrator;21 this certainly seems to be borne out by his transparent appropriations
of Roman culture and his approach to Martial as a way of reviving his schoolboy’s
command of Latin (‘I had taken up my Latin again’), learned from Major Grant at
Isabella Imperial.22 John Thieme rightly states that ‘Throughout, [Singh’s] allusions to Latin authors and his adoption of a Roman life-style seem to involve the
calculation of a highly artificial persona.’23 And yet behind the narrator Singh is
the author Naipaul, responsible for choosing a Roman poet from the Roman
province of Hibernia (Spain) whose satiric visions of Rome challenge the very
ideals of civilized Roman order repeatedly evoked by Singh.24
19
Feder 2001: 191–2 comments on Singh’s Roman posturing. On Singh’s performance of self
in The Mimic Men, see Lindroth 1984.
20
Naipaul 2002a: 203–4.
21
See, e.g., Thieme 1984: 514–18, Hassan 1989: 263, and Greenberg 2000: 227–8.
22
Naipaul 2002a: 24, 140–1.
23
Thieme 1987: 120.
24
Much has been written about the blurring of fiction and autobiography in Naipaul’s
oeuvre (see especially Hayward 2002: ch. 2). The Mimic Men frequently alludes to Naipaul’s
own experience, and Singh’s Latin reading is no exception: Feder 2001: 192 (n. 21) cites an
extract from Naipaul’s correspondence with Paul Theroux, in which the former is gratified that
Theroux has taken up his recommendation of Martial: ‘I’m glad you have got on to Martial at
last; he is a delicious writer and brings Rome back more vividly than others.’ The letter is dated
21 Feb. 1967, the year in which The Mimic Men was published.
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The version of Rome in The Mimic Men reflects the turmoil of the shift
from a colonial to a postcolonial society. It is significant that specific allusions
to Rome and Latin literature occur at crisis points in the novel. We have seen
how the Roman villa furnishes a stage for the collapse of Singh’s marriage, and
also provides a backdrop for his crumbling career as a politician. Correspondingly, the beginning of Singh’s impulsive marriage to Sandra is punctuated by
a specific Latin allusion to Virgil’s Aeneid 2.274:
The dark romance of a mixed marriage! Think of me sitting in the Holborn bar,
drinking Guinness for strength, holding an evening paper for the ordinariness it
suggested—cheatingly, the greyhound edition, it being too early for the others—
and being really very frightened. So at the time I thought of myself. I stood away from
the pensive figure and considered him and his recent, terrible adventure. Quantum
mutatus ab illo! The words ran through my head until they were meaningless, until
they became the emotion of loss and sadness and sweetness and apprehension. So
nemesis came to the dandy, the creation of London, the haunter of British Council
halls, art galleries and excursion trains. Quantum mutatus ab illo!25
The Latin phrase quoted here occurs in the second book of Virgil’s Aeneid in
the context of Aeneas’ flight from Troy. Against all odds, the Trojan prince
clings to a nostalgic vision of Troy’s power and fights to save his city, overwhelmed by the Greek forces and the overarching imperative of the fate
whereby he is destined to leave Troy and found the future city and civilization
of Rome. One of the messengers sent to stir Aeneas to leave Troy is the ghost
of Hector (2.268–97), once the foremost Trojan warrior, heroized in Homer’s
Iliad, now a gory wreck of a man. Aeneas reacts with disbelief to this vision of
Hector, which forces him to confront the gap between his ideal image of Troy
and the devastating reality:
ei mihi, qualis erat, quantum mutatus ab illo
Hectore qui redit exuuias indutus Achilli
uel Danaum Phrygios iaculatus puppibus ignis! (274–6)
What a sight he was! How changed from the Hector who had thrown Trojan fire on to
the ships of the Greeks or come back clad in the spoils of Achilles.26
In Virgil the phrase ‘quantum mutatus ab illo’ refers to Hector, whereas Singh
uses it self-reflexively to refer to his own demise. This passage has been
interpreted as a mock-heroic allusion to the Aeneid, where the self-pitying
use of the Latin phrase exposes the banality of Singh’s experience through
juxtaposition with an epic past.27 The repetition of ‘quantum mutatus ab illo’
25
26
27
Naipaul 2002a: 51–2.
Translation by West 1991: 38.
Thieme 1987: 119, Feder 2001: 186.
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is indeed melodramatic and self-pitying, and yet this is another instance of
a classical allusion, which although used superficially by the narrator, serves a
deeper purpose for Naipaul.
In Virgil the comment about Hector’s transformed appearance, focalized
through Aeneas, can also be understood in terms of Aeneas’ consternation for
his own situation. The exclamation ‘ei mihi’ (‘woe is me’) draws our attention
to Aeneas and reminds us that Hector’s tragedy is his tragedy too. David West’s
translation glosses over the grammar of the phrase ‘ei mihi’, which is a selfregarding expression of personal distress. Although the phrase ‘quantum
mutatus’ (‘how changed’) in the past tense refers to Hector’s fate, it is also a
proleptic marker for the changes that Aeneas will have to undergo in the poem
as he leaves behind his Trojan identity in the process of becoming Roman.
The more we dwell on Naipaul’s engagement with Virgil at this point in the
novel, the more appropriate the allusion seems. Viewed as an alter-Aeneas, Singh
has just failed in the fulfilment of his supposed destiny, through becoming
married to Sandra—a Dido figure. Singh muses that the marriage to Sandra
diverts and indeed subverts his planned trajectory in life: ‘Also, it might have been
that as a result of my marriage to Sandra I had begun to surrender the direction of
my life, not simply to her, but to events.’28 Although Virgil’s Aeneas avoids
marriage with Dido, his progress towards Italy and the goal of a future Rome is
beset with anxiety about cultural identity. Aeneas is faced with a choice between
trying to found a new Troy, in the image of the old, and founding a new
civilization altogether.29 The former option (a new Troy) is exposed as a nostalgic
illusion as the poem depicts the attempts of other Trojan exiles—Helenus and
Andromache—to do just this, and exposes the falsity of their attempt. Their
reconstruction of the citadel of Troy is described as an imitation (‘simulata’).30
But if this is a ‘mimic Troy’, to use Jenkyns’s phrase (1998: 439), Rome is no less an
artificial construction that has to be imagined into existence, and Roman cultural
identity is a behaviour that Aeneas must learn through observing others.31 In
28
Naipaul 2002a: 53.
See Syed 2005: 210.
30
Aeneid 3.349–50: ‘paruam Troiam simulataque magnis Pergama’ (‘a little Troy, a citadel
modelled on great Pergamum’). See Jenkyns 1998: 438–9 on the falsity and futility of Helenus’
second Troy. Compare Naipaul’s observations about the ‘fraudulence’ of attempts by the local
East Indian population to re-create India in Trinidad: ‘East Indians, British Indians, Hindustanis. But the West Indies are part of the New World and these Indians of Trinidad are no longer of
Asia. The temples and mosques exist and appear genuine. But the languages that came with
them have decayed. [ . . . ] There is no Ganges at hand, only a muddy stream called the Caroni.
[ . . . ] It is the play of a people who have been cut off.’ (Naipaul 1972: 35; the essay ‘East Indian’
was first published in the Reporter, 17 June 1965).
31
Syed 2005: 209, ‘the Aeneid seems almost consciously to draw attention to the artificiality
involved in its own definition of Roman identity’.
29
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Reed’s words, ‘lacking a final nationality, [Aeneas] most plainly embodies the
desirer of the national identity that the poem aims at’.32
The Aeneid that emerges from recent scholarship is not a receptacle of secure
Western cultural identity, but rather a poem in which the intermingling of Asia
and Europe, represented by the cities of Troy and Rome, destabilizes the idea of
a simple cultural and national identity. As Craig Kallendorf observed at the
conclusion of his study of appropriations of the Aeneid’s pessimistic vision in
early modern European culture, the historical context for the Aeneid was the
turbulent transition from the Roman Republic to the Empire, and consequently
the poem lends itself to contexts of change and revolution.33 It is easy to imagine
how the famous pessimistic sensibility of Virgil’s Aeneid might have appealed to
Naipaul in the composition of a novel, which the Jamaican novelist John Hearne
noted for ‘the unremitting integrity of its pessimism’.34
Ralph Singh’s insecurity about his cultural identity is closely bound up with
anxiety about his masculinity. In fact his perception of the colonial predicament
entailing a status of dependency, reliant on a borrowed culture, leads to the sense
that the world of the ex-colony is not real and that he and the other citizens of
Isabella are not real men. Another of the classical allusions in the novel occurs
after an encounter with a German-Swiss woman, Beatrice, with whom Singh
enters into a short-lived, unconsummated fling. Singh clearly feels emasculated
by Beatrice; reflecting on their first date he is appalled at his passivity:
I returned to the boarding-house in an agony of disturbance. I doubted whether I even
knew what she looked like. I had fallen in so completely with her mood. She had led;
I had followed.35
When Beatrice returns the Isabella dollar note that he had given her as a token
of intimacy, he speculates about her reasons for rejecting him:
She had sensed more than the absurdity of our relationship; she had sensed its
wrongness. And, perhaps, she had seen the absence of virtue.
Let me explain. Virtus: how could anyone who had gone through Isabella Imperial
and studied Latin with Major Grant fail to know the meaning of that word?36
32
Reed 2007: 173.
Kallendorf 2007a: 216.
34
Hearne 1977: 31.
35
Naipaul 2002a: 23.
36
Ibid. 24. See Feder 2001: 186 on the significance of the typographic arrangement of this
paragraph: ‘Implicit in the contrast between the capitalized Latin and the lower case English is
Singh’s ideal image of himself and his inability to live up to it in his relations with the people he
comes to know.’
33
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In supplying the Latin etymology of virtue, Singh offers only an implicit
explanation, which presupposes the reader’s knowledge of Latin. The Latin
etymology, according to which virtue is the property of being a man (vir),
makes it clear that it is manliness and its absence that are at stake here. There
is a childish aspect to Singh’s recourse to Latin and his pointed reference to his
classical schooling; it is as if he seeks refuge in colonial clubbability, founded
on a classical curriculum.
Again an incidental, apparently superficial, Latin quotation may conceal a
profounder use of classical allusion. Given that Singh later identifies himself
with Aeneas, his lack of virility in this passage may also suggest Aeneas, whose
infamous bottling out of his relationship with Dido casts a shadow over his
virility in the Aeneid. Although Aeneas’ dutiful adherence to the realization of
a future Roman civilization establishes an alternative model of virtus in the
poem, it still does not entirely recuperate his manliness. Once the Trojan
Aeneas leaves home, he encounters subjective stereotypes about gendered
ethnicity, such as Iarbas’ famous sneer that Aeneas and his companions are
only half-men (semiviro comitatu; Aeneid 4.215).
Singh’s rhetorical question is significant (‘how could anyone . . . fail to
know . . . ?’): he talks of knowing the meaning of the word rather than
embodying the quality of virtus.37 This distinction echoes one of the novel’s
central themes: the gulf between words and reality, and between words and
action, which the narrator identifies as being inherent in the postcolonial
politics of the ex-colony of Isabella, where real independence and power to act
is an illusion: ‘We lack power, and we do not understand that we lack power.
We mistake words and the acclamation of words for power; as soon as our
bluff is called we are lost.’38
In a retrospective statement about the novel in his Nobel lecture, Naipaul
claims that the book is ‘about colonial shame and fantasy’ and argues that ‘it
was not about Mimics. It was about colonial men mimicking the condition of
manhood, men who have grown to distrust everything about themselves.’39
While Naipaul’s attempt to distinguish between ‘mimicry’ and ‘mimicking
manhood’ is not wholly convincing, his remark highlights the recurrent
intersection of gender and ethnicity throughout his works. This is evident
in the recent novel, Half a Life (2001), where the protagonist Willie Chandran
discovers the courage that had eluded Singh in The Mimic Men. In some
respects Willie and Singh are parallel narrators: Willie is East Indian whereas
37
See Thieme 1987: 118–19 for the use of the word ‘virtue’ elsewhere in the novel.
Naipaul 2002a: 6.
39
Naipaul, ‘Two Worlds’, The Nobel Lecture, 7 Dec. 2001 (Naipaul 2004: 181–95, quoting
from p. 193).
38
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Singh is West Indian. They both have their lives derailed by women and
endure periods of time in London, the colonial metropolis, during which they
experience painful disillusionment about colonial cultural identity. Willie
takes flight from London with a Portugese Mozambican woman and spends
eighteen years in Mozambique in a society not unlike the multiracial society
of Isabella in The Mimic Men.40 Expatriate Portugese society in the novel is
afflicted with the same anxieties about hierarchy, status, and the authenticity
of identity, and it is against this backdrop that a character called Correia offers
Willie the prospect of a career as politician-cum-entrepreneur, reminiscent of
Singh’s ill-fated career in Isabella in the earlier novel. Correia appeals to the
familiar idea of virtus: ‘You could do what I do, Willie. It’s just a matter of
courage.’41 Instead, Willie pursues courage in the field of sexual conquest, first
with local prostitutes and then through an adulterous affair with Grac¸a, an
unhinged woman from the local expatriate community. Willie’s version of
courage is to divorce Ana and to take flight again: ‘When Ana came to the
hospital courage came to me, and I told her I wanted to divorce her.’42 The
novel ends with an affirmation of virility, and the simultaneous demonstration of his lack of virtus, in the sense that Willie lacks a clear sense of his own
identity and in that sense perceives himself as not a man, not a person. His
courage is exposed as an illusion, as virility and virtus are shown to be quite
different things.
As with classical allusions in The Mimic Men, which expose the pretence of
borrowed cultural identities, in Half a Life Rome and Roman culture also
function as metaphors for the mirage of colonial grandeur. When Willie Chandran arrives in London as a foreign student he is disconcerted by the ‘disjunction
between expectation and experience’, which Helen Hayward has identified as a
recurrent motif in Naipaul’s exploration of colonial, and postcolonial, cultural
displacement.43 Willie compares Buckingham Palace unfavourably to the palaces of Indian maharajas:
He thought the maharaja’s palace in his own state was far grander, more like a palace,
and this made him feel, in a small part of his heart, that the kings and queens of
England were impostors, and the country a little bit of a sham.44
He also begins to poke holes in the fiction of a Western civilization descended
from ancient Rome: when he enquires about the black academic gowns which
40
For analogies between the society of Isabella and the society of colonial Mozambique, see King
2003: 192.
41
Naipaul 2001c: 171.
42
Ibid. 227.
43
Hayward 2002: 41.
44
Naipaul 2001c: 52.
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they have to wear on formal occasions at his London college, one of the
lecturers tells him ‘that it was what was done at Oxford and Cambridge, and
that the academic gown was descended from the ancient Roman toga’.45 His
research in the college library reveals that the dress of Islamic seminaries was
the more likely model for the academic gown, ‘and that Islamic style would
have been copied from something earlier. So it was a piece of make-believe’
(ibid.).
Elsewhere in Naipaul’s oeuvre, appropriations of Roman culture are used
deceptively to lend apparent probity to self-serving colonial interests.46 Michael
Gorra cites the misquotation of Aeneid 4.112 in The Bend in the River (1979),
where a colonial steamship company glosses over its self-serving presence in
Zaire with a Latin inscription on one of its memorial monuments, alleging
divine approval for the mixing of peoples: ‘Miscerique probat populos et foedera
jungi’ (‘he approves the mixing of peoples and forming of treaties’).47 But the
inscription omits the context for the quotation and alters the grammar, turning
what in the Aeneid is an indirect question in the subjunctive ‘si Iuppiter . . .
misceriue probet populos aut foedera iungi’, into a statement of fact in the
indicative.48 Gorra remarks that in the Aeneid ‘the gods emphatically do not
approve’, and notes that when Salim, Naipaul’s protagonist, discovers the misquotation (p. 69), ‘he both marvels at and is appalled by the way the imperial
powers have manipulated the past in the service of their rule. It means that the
city is based on a lie.’49 However, as Imraan Coovadia has shown in a recent
article, Naipaul’s use of this misquotation from the Aeneid is even more
penetrating than previous studies have realized.50 This particular misquotation
has a Caribbean providence: exactly the same misquotation of Aeneid 4.112 was
used (and possibly coined) as an early motto for Trinidad by Sir Ralph Abercromby, the British general who took Trinidad from the Spanish in 1797.51 In
45
Ibid., 59.
For further discussion see Greenwood 2009: ch. 3.3.
47
Naipaul 2002b: 62, Gorra 1997: 98. See especially Thieme 1987: 186–8. Like Thieme, King
2003: 124–8, comments on the Virgilian intertext and traces parallels between Aeneas and Salim, the
protagonist of A Bend in the River. See also Mustafa 1995: 143–4.
48
In the Aeneid the relevant lines are spoken by Venus, Aeneas’ mother, in response to a
dissimulating speech from Juno: ‘sed fatis incerta feror, si Iuppiter unam/ esse velit Tyriis urbem
Troiaque profectis,/ misceriue probet populos aut foedera iungi’ (4.110–12) (‘But I am at the mercy
of the Fates and do not know whether Jupiter would wish there to be one city for the Tyrians and
those who have come from Troy or whether he would approve the merging of their peoples and
the making of alliances’; West 1991: 84).
49
Gorra 1997: 98.
50
Coovadia 2008: passim.
51
See Coovadia 2008: 3: ‘When Abercromby conquered Trinidad from Napoleon’s Spanish
allies, he provided the island with a badge which was subsequently included in the flag of united
Trinidad and Tobago. The top section shows a British trading ship arriving in harbour. At the
46
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A Bend in the River Naipaul relocates this misappropriation of Virgil to another
theatre of imperial power—Zaire rather than Trinidad—but the implication is
the same: Roman culture has been repeatedly appropriated by colonial powers as
a way of shoring up their authority through deceptive recourse to alleged
classical precedents.
Over the course of Naipaul’s novels we see a sustained process of ironizing,
and indeed satirizing, of the artificiality of the relationship between British
colonial power and Greco-Roman classical antiquity.52 In The Mimic Men,
Major Grant, the Classics teacher at Isabella Imperial—modelled on Naipaul’s
own teacher at Queen’s Royal College in Trinidad53—commits a racist faux
pas in Latin, in the course of trying to extract the meaning of the Latin colour
adjective caeruleus out of Browne, one of Singh’s black classmates. Grant’s
slip, an inadvertent pun on Browne’s blackness, gives the lie to the idea that a
classical education bestows nobility on those who master it (Naipaul 2002a:
140–1). On this occasion the potential hollowness of the Classics is suggested
by the fact that the Major retreats into his edition of Virgil, turning away from
the complicated racial politics of Isabellan society.54 In Half a Life the vacuity
of many colonial appropriations of the Classics is exemplified by the name of
Willie’s slick Jamaican peer, Percy Cato, the aetiology of whose name is
explained in a letter from Willie’s sister Sarojini:
This man says he knows you. He is a Latin American from Panama and his name is
Cato, because his family has spent much time in the British colonies. He says that in
the old days people gave their slaves Greek and Roman names as a joke, and his
ancestor was landed with the name of Cato.55
In the version of his identity that Percy has told Sarojini, he has shifted from a
Jamaican of mixed parentage to a Latin American from Panama, who has
assumed a Latin American revolutionary identity. In this context the absurdity
of his classical name (‘a joke’) is a symbol for the fluid constructedness of all
bottom is printed the revised Virgilian motto which, by force of misquotation, confers classical
prestige on what is publicised as benevolent British rule.’ The motto was jettisoned at Independence in 1962.
52
See Suleri’s apposite description of Naipaul’s ‘highly sophisticated ironizing of imperial
mythmaking’ (Suleri 1992: 155). On the connection between mimicry and satire in Naipaul, see
Ball 2003: 59–60.
53
See White 1972: 159, ‘from the obituary which appears in the Q.R.C. Chronicle for 1949 it
is not difficult to guess that Captain Achilles Daunt, who joined the school in 1920 and who
taught Naipaul Latin and English from 1945 to 1947, must be the original of Major Grant.’ See
also p. 000 above.
54
Naipaul 2002a: 141: ‘Major Grant went red. He fitted his monocle carefully into his eye
and looked down at his Vergil.’
55
Naipaul 2001c: 129; Percy Cato is first introduced on p. 61 of the novel.
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identities.56 Accordingly, rather than serving as a model for the integrity of the
imperial metropolis, Naipaul’s revised Rome—the Rome of Aeneas the Asian
immigrant—is remodelled as a symbol of chaotic cosmopolitanism, as in the
following passage from The Enigma of Arrival:57
Cities like London were to change. They were to cease being more or less national
cities; they were to become cities of the world, modern-day-Romes, establishing the
pattern of what great cities should be, in the eyes of islanders like myself and people
even more remote in language and culture. They were to be cities visited for learning
and elegant goods and manners and freedom by all the barbarian peoples of the globe,
people of forest and desert, Arab, Africans, Malays.58
Hayward remarks that ‘Naipaul courts controversy with the term “barbarian”’.59 However, Naipaul’s relentless exposure and ridiculing of the old
colonial certainties implied by terms such as ‘civilized’ and ‘barbarian’
means that there is little sting in these deeply ironical terms.
Even in triumphalist writings on empire the potential for the breakdown of
colonial order is apparent, with events threatening to diverge from myths of
imperial identity. This tension is evident in The English in the West Indies
(1887), a bigoted travel account of the Caribbean by the Victorian English author,
historian, and biographer James Anthony Froude. Froude’s book promotes an
ideal of imperial masculinity, and yet it also represents a crisis in this very
masculinity. The subtitle—The Bow of Ulysses—refers to Froude’s thesis that
proposals to grant self-government to Britain’s colonies in the West Indies reflect
the emasculation of contemporary politics with the ascendancy of orators and the
decline of men of action.60 In Froude’s argument, ‘Ulysses’ symbolizes the character of previous generations of Englishmen who fought to acquire and preserve the
empire and who, Froude points out, were able to string the bow of Ulysses.61 The
56
Compare Hayward 2002: 72, who argues that Naipaul’s predilection for autobiographical
revisions through fiction implies a fluid conception of personal identity: ‘His multiple reworkings of the materials of his life suggest, moreover, the provisionality of constructions of the self.’
57
In an article on the new cosmopolitanisms of Naipaul and Edward Said, Joan Cocks
suggests the phrase ‘negative cosmopolitanism’ as a description for Naipaul’s own version of
cosmopolitanism (Cocks 2000: 50).
58
Naipaul 2002b: 130. For comment see Hayward 2002: 42.
59
Hayward 2002: 42.
60
Froude 1888 [1887]: 14, ‘I do not believe in the degeneracy of our race. I believe the present
generation of Englishmen to be capable of all that their fathers were and possibly of more; but
we are just now in a moulting state, and are sick while the process is going on. Or to take another
metaphor. The bow of Ulysses is unstrung. The worms have not eaten into the horn or the
moths injured the string, but the owner of the house is away and the suitors of Penelope
Britannia consume her substance. . . .’ Froude made this argument for great-Britainism in the
context of a political climate dominated by the Gladstonian policy of little-Britainism.
61
See ibid.: 31, ‘The bow of Ulysses was strung in those days.’
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subtitle of Froude’s book, and the metaphor of epic masculinity on which it
depends, undoubtedly suggests another subtext: a racist sneer at the masculinity of
Britain’s colonial subjects in the Caribbean.62 But the fact remains that the
occasion for writing is a crisis in British masculinity which cannot therefore
function as an ideal with which to contrast the masculinity of Britain’s Caribbean
subjects. Froude’s mimicry of the Classics through his high-handed epic allusions
is as fake as the pretenders to Ulysses’ bow who are the objects of his criticism.
Some of the most vituperative attacks on Naipaul’s ‘racist’ ethnography of
his native Caribbean and the Third World more generally have exploited his
alleged affinity for Froude’s vision.63 Rob Nixon concludes that ‘in the
decisiveness and scope of his racism, Naipaul concedes little to Trollope and
Froude’.64 Several critics have seized on Naipaul’s choice of a quotation from
Froude’s work as the epigraph for his first travel work: The Middle Passage: A
Caribbean Journey (1962), an account of travels in the West Indies in 1960–1,
sponsored by the government of Trinidad and Tobago.65 Naipaul chose as his
epigraph the notorious passage in which Froude denied personhood to the
populations of the Caribbean: ‘There are no people there in the true sense of
the word, with a character and purpose of their own.’66
However, as Michael Gorra has suggested, Naipaul’s reason for placing this
passage at the head of his work may not have been motivated by the ‘relentless
negativity’ and racism that Rob Nixon discerns in this work (1992: 46). Instead,
Gorra points to prevailing regional anxieties in the 1950s and 1960s about how
to create national, Caribbean identities in the absence of a ‘native civilization’
and in the shadow of colonial rule.67 According to Gorra’s revisionist reading of
Froude’s passage as quoted by Naipaul, the sense is ‘Not that there are no people
in the Caribbean, but that there is not a people, that there is not a Caribbean
people as such. Just who are they?’68 Gorra concedes that the difference between
Naipaul’s response to this crisis of national identity and the response of other
contemporary Caribbean writers, such as Derek Walcott, is that while they have
adopted creolization as a positive model for cultural identity, Naipaul has clung
to the negative model of a region void of a coherent cultural identity.69
62
See Richmond 1982: 129 on the jingoism of Froude’s subtitle.
See especially Nixon 1992: 43–51. More generally, see Nixon 1992: ch. 2.
64
Ibid.: 50.
65
See Dissanayake and Wickramagamage 1993: ch. 2.
66
Froude 1887: 306. For further discussion of this passage see Greenwood 2007: 203, with n. 22.
67
Gorra 1997: 78; Gorra takes the phrase ‘native civilization’ from C. L. R. James’s essay on
Caribbean federation, first published in 1958 (James 1984: 97).
68
Gorra 1997: 79.
69
Ibid.: 81. On Derek’s Walcott’s artistic conception of the Caribbean nation see Breslin
2001. On the difference between Naipaul and Walcott in this context, see Terada 1992: 79.
63
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Naipaul’s fascination with Froude is such that the Victorian writer features
in The Mimic Men (pp. 80–2), where Naipaul interpolates the fictional island
of Isabella into the itinerary of Froude’s travel narrative.70 The irony of this
interpolation is that Froude has become part of the historiography of Isabella,
giving Isabellans a sense of their past through the work of this ‘imperialist
pamphleteer’, and yet Froude’s work emphatically denies any native history to
the Caribbean. An ex-colony that derives its sense of its own history from
Froude’s book is in a very confused state indeed. In view of Froude’s status as a
colonial mythmaker, it is no surprise that he turns up in The Mimic Men.71
It is time to move beyond the critique of Naipaul’s engagement with
Froude, which sees Naipaul in sympathy with the racist, Victorian colonial
gaze, or the critique which attributes to Naipaul the same flaw of ‘imitative/
mimic dependency’, which it accuses him of projecting onto the Third
World.72 Neither critique leaves room for subtle readings of Naipaul’s own
exploration of imitative dependency. As Anthony Boxill mused in a perceptive
review discussion of A Flag on the Island (1967) and The Mimic Men:
In these two works Naipaul seems to be asking himself how can a society which is
profoundly mimic produce anything which is not itself mimic; how can a man who is
not sure what he is produce anything which is genuinely his own.73
Rather than contempt, Boxill discerns sympathy:
In fact, throughout both these novels there is great sympathy and understanding for
the predicament of the modern West Indies. How can a small country lacking in
resources be expected to withstand the onslaught of the American plastic world? How
can a society nurtured in mimicry and self-disgust by a history of slavery and
colonialism remain uncontaminated by the unreality of its controllers?74
Conversely, for Selwyn Cudjoe, the fact that Singh’s persona as writer is linked
with the concept of mimesis implicates Naipaul in the same relationship of
mimetic dependency.75 However, author and narrator are not identical, and to
claim that they are is a false critical move. Moreover, this line of interpretation
70
See White 1972: 165; White points out that in his fictional description of Froude’s visit to
Isabella, Naipaul merges two different episodes from Froude’s narrative—one from Froude’s
travels in Dominica, and one from his travels in Trinidad.
71
In the Caribbean reception of his work, the idea of Froude as a fraud dates back to J. J.
Thomas, whose 1889 rebuttal of Froude’s book bore the title Froudacity: West Indian Fables by
James Anthony Froude Explained by J. J. Thomas.
72
On Naipaul’s colonial gaze, see Nixon 1992: 131–2 and ch. 6, passim. On Naipaul’s own
mimetic dependency, see Cudjoe 1988: 102.
73
Boxill 1976: 13.
74
Ibid.: 16.
75
Cudjoe 1988: 102.
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confuses mimicry with artistic mimesis.76 Although I disagree with Cudjoe’s
identification of Singh the writer with Naipaul the author, his claim goes right to
the heart of the matter: is the climate of mimetic dependency so all-encompassing that in his analysis of the subject, Naipaul, too, is condemned to mimicry,
forfeiting originality and insight? Can judgement only come from the outside; is
there no legitimate space for an internal critique of imitative dependency in
Caribbean letters? According to Cudjoe’s analysis, Naipaul is arrested in ‘the
mirror stage of development’, unable to ‘assume a social identity separate and
distinct from that of the mother (country)’.77
Naipaul’s conception of mimicry in The Mimic Men has been read in several
different ways: for Homi Bhabha, the novel’s treatment of mimicry explores the
ambivalence of colonial cultural mimicry that both sublimates a desired culture
through imitation and yet, in the process of imitation, exposes the fantasy
behind this culture. In Bhabha’s reading, colonial mimics such as Ralph Singh
generate what he calls a ‘double vision’ that disrupts the authority of colonial
discourse (2004: 126); this ‘double vision’ refers to the fact that the otherness, or
difference, of colonial mimics is visible in their ‘flawed colonial mimesis’ (ibid.
125), thereby deforming the culture which is the object of imitation.78
In an essay entitled ‘The Caribbean: Culture or Mimicry’, originally published
in 1974, Derek Walcott understands Naipaul as lamenting the inescapable and
unproductive mimicry of all Caribbean culture (Walcott 1997). While Naipaul
does sometimes articulate this view, most notably in his damning conclusion in
The Middle Passage that ‘nothing has ever been created in the Caribbean’,79 the
representation of mimicry in Mimic Men is more sophisticated than this.
Walcott argues that Naipaul’s theory of mimicry entails that all art in the
Americas—not solely the Caribbean—is derivative (Walcott 1997: 53).80 In a
76
Contrast Lindroth 1984: 529, who sees mimesis as a way out of the cycle of mimic
dependency: ‘Ralph recreates himself as a “free man” [p. 300] and certifies himself as artistmagician who has passed from the mimicry of fraudulent pretence to the mimesis of authentic
creative performance.’
77
Ibid.: 111.
78
See Nixon 1992: 156–8 for a discussion of Bhabha’s theorization of colonial mimicry in
relation to The Mimic Men. Nixon does not accept that Naipaul’s model of mimicry is capable of
the sophistication demonstrated by Bhabha: ‘Naipaul’s account of “mimicry” leaves no room for
retaliatory, knowing, partial, appropriations’ (ibid.: 157). See also Mustafa 1995: 106.
79
Naipaul 2001b: 20.
80
‘[I]f I understand Mr Naipaul correctly, our pantomime is conducted before a projection
of ourselves which in its smallest gestures is based on metropolitan references. No gesture,
according to this philosophy, is authentic, every sentence is a quotation, every movement either
ambitious or pathetic, and because it is mimicry, uncreative. The indictment is crippling, but,
like all insults, it contains an astonishing truth. The only thing is that it is not, to my mind, only
the West Indies which is being insulted by Naipaul, but all endeavor in this half of the world, in
broader definition: the American endeavor.’
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careful discussion of Walcott’s essay,81 Rei Terada attributes a larger thesis to
Naipaul, drawing on the whole of Naipaul’s oeuvre:
It is already clear in Naipaul that the English in India were not really English. In the Indian
context their mannerisms were absurd; Anglo-India even when it existed was a ‘fairytale
land’. Shouldn’t we take the next step of wondering whether the Indian context merely
underscored an absurdity that existed in England itself? Weren’t real English clubs, for
example, largely mimicking prior English clubs, a distant subculture of mythic grace?82
It is precisely this idea of an originary culture of ‘mythic’ grace, and mimetic
homage to this culture that Naipaul satirizes so relentlessly, both in his own
life and that of others.
P E RI C L E S ’ MY T H IC AL AT H E N S A S I M I TAT I V E S OC I E T Y
At the beginning of this chapter we saw how Athens was used by Trinidadian
writers such as C. L. R. James and Eric Williams as a stable locus of civilization.
Indeed, Naipaul’s narrator Ralph Singh also contrasts the disorder of the
colonial society in which he finds himself with the ideal of the ‘famous’ city of
Athens (p. 000 above).
In recent decades classicists have relentlessly exposed the gap between the
Athenian ideal of Athens, and whatever of the reality we can glean from
surviving texts and material culture. In a new reappraisal of the ‘ideal’ Athens
of Pericles’ funeral oration, and the psychic experience of the Athenians to
whom the oration is addressed, Victoria Wohl examines the slippage between
the eroˆs (passionate love) which the Athenians are encouraged to feel for their
powerful city (2.43.1), and the pathological eruption of this eroˆs when they
focus their longing on an imperial venture in Sicily in Book 6 of Thucydides’
History. Furthermore, Wohl draws an analogy between the Athenians, whom
the general Nicias warns not to be duseroˆtes toˆn apontoˆn—‘impossibly enamoured with absent things’ (6.13.2)—and modern readers who turn and return
repeatedly to an Athens which ‘is itself a distant and elusive object’.83 Wohl
questions what ‘our own histories of Athens’ seek in Athens: ‘Do we seek in
Athens itself what the Athenians sought both in Sicily and in the tyrannicide
legend, a secure and masterful masculinity, a free and autonomous subject, a
81
Terada 1992: 18–25.
Ibid.: 19.
83
Wohl 2002: 214 See, generally ibid., ch.1 (on Pericles’ Funeral Oration), and ch. 4 (on the
Sicilian Expedition). Wohl stresses that the object of ‘Athens’ diseased longing for what is absent’
is not just Sicily, but the very ideal of democratic masculinity itself (ibid.: 173).
82
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cure for contemporary anxieties?’ (ibid.) Soundings from the Caribbean
reveal that readers have indeed sought ‘a secure and masterful masculinity’
in both Athens and Rome (Singh’s virtus), as well as the ideal of ‘free and
autonomous’ subjectivity.
Although Froude does not mention Pericles’ funeral oration in Thucydides
among the numerous classical works that he cites in The British in the West
Indies,84 it is nevertheless revealing to compare his argument that Englishmen
need to play the role of Ulysses to the empire, personified as Penelope
(‘Penelope Britannia’), with Pericles’ vision of the Athenians ‘gazing at the
power of Athens in operation on a daily basis and becoming her lovers’
(Thucydides 2.43.1).85 Pericles proclaims that Athens is what ‘the heroism
of these [men] and their like have made her’ (2.42.2), but the logic is circular
insofar as the Athenians of the funeral oration are shaped by their consciousness of their identity as Athenians and the expectation of living up to (and
dying for) Athens. Victoria Wohl expresses this idea well when she writes that
the deeds of Athens’ war dead ‘take their visibility from the city whose
greatness they reflect: Athens is the paradeigma [2.37.1], the original of
which everything else—the dead, the living, the logos—is an imitation’
(Wohl 2002: 39).86 In Thucydides’ account of the late fifth-century bce, the
conduct of Athens in both its domestic and foreign policy seldom lives up to
the ideal image of the funeral oration.
According to this reading of Pericles’ funeral oration, the ‘famous’ city of
Athens in which Ralph Singh sought a model of civilized order is subject to
the same disorder as colonial societies, the same gap between ideal and
actuality that is ‘an intrinsic component of an imitative society’.87
C ON C LU S I ON
Notwithstanding the different languages in which classical scholarship is
written, and the growing body of work on classical reception, it is still
84
There is a passing reference to Thucydides at Froude 1888: 172.
There is some ambiguity in the Greek text here, since the pronoun ‘her’ can refer to
‘power’ or to ‘Athens’—both are feminine nouns. I assume that the pronoun refers primarily to
Athens and that Pericles is urging Athenians to become lovers of the city, whose power is one of
her most attractive qualities. This is the reading taken by Hornblower 1991: 311, ad loc.; see also
Monoson 2000: 73. Wohl 2002: 57, with n. 61, preserves the ambiguity and argues that, when
translating the pronoun ‘her’ we should not separate the city and its power.
86
See also Wohl 2002: 76.
87
Quoting Ball 2003: 59.
85
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common to proceed as though there is only one history of Greco-Roman
antiquity. However, insofar as this history is manifestly influenced by modern
nationalisms and empires, it is important to acknowledge that these same
nationalisms and empires have provoked quite different histories that have a
place in the historiography of ancient Greece and Rome.
All the same, there is no reciprocal exchange between Greco-Roman antiquity and the Caribbean, not least because, as Joseph Brodsky reminded us,
‘While antiquity exists for us, we for antiquity, do not’ (1995: 267). But there
is also no reciprocal exchange because images of Athens and Rome in the
Caribbean have been filtered through a colonial ideal, in which these civilizations were appropriated to legitimate the cultural imperialism that was
embodied latterly in the British Empire.
While nationalism retains force as a historical category, globalization
studies dispute the extent to which nationalism matters in the era of transnationalism. From the perspective of postcolonial studies, the nationalisms that
played such an important part in independence struggles in the twentieth
century are receding as the result of a paradigm shift away from the categories
of ‘nations’ and ‘national sovereignty’, a shift that occludes the extent to which
the new global ‘empire’ is itself a reinvention of first-world nationalisms.88 As
Vilashini Cooppan has argued, the current trend for diaspora studies poses a
healthy counterargument to the postnational or supranational model of
globalization. Diaspora studies have redefined the study of nations, but they
have not done away with the category of the nation: ‘The critical lens of
diaspora has undoubtedly altered the terms in which we think nations, forcing
us to see them as more culturally heterogeneous, more spatially unbounded,
more fractured and fissured by the constant flows of the global into and out of
the space of the state.’89
I contend that Naipaul’s ‘negative cosmopolitanism’ is the perfect complement to this diasporic rethinking of nationalism.90 If we accept Cocks’s view,
and I acknowledge that many of Naipaul’s readers do not, that Naipaul ‘grasps
the heterogeneity and intricate intermixtures of peoples, along with their
reciprocal aversions and affections, cruelties and generosities’ (2000: 48),
then his collective body of work speaks urgently to present debates about
the formation of diasporic, national cultural identities.
To return to Naipaul’s use of the misquotation of Aeneid 4.112: many of
Naipaul’s critics imply that he has a violent aversion to creolization and the
concept of ‘misceri populos’. Whereas in fact, Naipaul resurrects this misquo88
89
90
For the articulation of this new global ‘empire’ see Hardt and Negri 2000.
Cooppan 2005: 87.
See p. 0000, above.
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Emily Greenwood
tation of Virgil precisely to show that colonial empires, whether in the
Caribbean, India, or Africa, had a tendency to simplify complex realities, to
turn a deliberative proposition (si . . . probet) about the legitimacy of one
culture’s interference with and imposition on another, into an affirmative
statement (probat). Many readers, myself included, reject Naipaul’s pessimistic
response to this proposition, but he cannot be accused of oversimplification.
Given that modern studies of the phenomena of empire and imperialism
continue to attribute the invention of empire to Rome, Naipaul’s re-reading
of Virgil in The Mimic Men serves an important historiographical purpose in
the modern Caribbean, exposing the gap between colonial appropriations of
the classics and the deeply ambivalent messages contained in these texts.91
91
For a facile appeal to Virgil as a spokesperson for an idealized vision of empire in the
context of ancient Rome, see Hardt and Negri 2000: 167.
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