The Demography of Race and Ethnicity in The Netherlands: 27 An Ambiguous History of Tolerance and Conflict Melissa F. Weiner Considerable debate (and fear) over expanding Race in The Netherlands immigrant populations exists in The Netherlands, especially since school populations in the largest Before describing racial demography in The cities are nearly 50 % non-Dutch. But contrary Netherlands, “race” in The Netherlands must to popular and political discourse in The first be addressed. Many Dutch scholars and pol- Netherlands, the nation remains overwhelmingly icy makers reject the applicability of the term white (and Christian) with nearly 80 % of all resi- “race,” or the existence of racism, in their society dents of white Dutch background (Table 27.1).1 (Essed and Nimako 2006; Grosfoguel and Historically, The Netherlands has simultane- Mielants 2006; Hondius 2009; Mielants 2009; ously welcomed and repressed religious minorities van der Valk 2002; van Dijk 1993). In The and exported oppression overseas through colo- Netherlands there is no “race” box to check nialism of Indonesia, Suriname, and the West when filling out census or voter registration Indies and the slave trade. The Dutch state, in part- forms or when applying for a job. Instead, policy nership with corporations, recruited guest workers makers and scholars alike prefer the term “eth- from Turkey and Morocco and enacted progressive nicity” which evokes notions of culture but fails multicultural policies to contend with ethnic dif- to account for hierarchical power and value ferences, particularly in education and employ- implications central to racial identities and ment, which have since the 1990s been rescinded. racialization processes embedded in Dutch soci- This history of racial, ethnic and religious conflict ety (Cornell and Hartmann 2007; Essed and and ambivalent tolerance, has produced ambiva- Nimako 2006; Essed and Trienekens 2008; Omi lent citizenship (Cain 2010) for many Dutch and Winant 1994). This preference for “ethnic- minority groups, particularly post-colonial ity” over “race” finds most scholars explaining subjects. immigrants’ socioeconomic disadvantage as a function of their “inferior” or “backward” cul- 1 The Netherlands meticulously documents its population tural differences, while simultaneously obscur- with regular press releases from the national Centraal ing the reality of institutional racism (Essed and Bureau voor de Statistiek (www.cbs.nl), upon which data Nimako 2006; Essed and Trienekens 2008; for this chapter primarily relies, in regards to topics rang- ing from general demographics, to health, crime, and Wodak and van Dijk 2000). Categories used in employment. this chapter reflect existing categorization within The Netherlands featuring ethnicity. However, M.F. Weiner (*) this chapter argues that these ethnic categories Department of Sociology, The College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, MA, USA have been racialized through institutional struc- e-mail: mfweiner@holycross.edu tures, described in depth below, privileging R. Sáenz et al. (eds.), The International Handbook of the Demography of Race 575 and Ethnicity, International Handbooks of Population 4, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-8891-8_27, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2015 mfweiner@holycross.edu 576 M.F. Weiner Table 27.1 Dutch demographics, 2013 Group Total Total (%) 2nd Gen % 2nd Gen National population 16,779,575 100.00 1,749,892 10 Dutch (white) 13,236,494 78.88 Western 1,576,986 9.40 870,474 55 Dutch + Western 14,813,480 88.28 Non-Western 1,966,095 11.72 879,418 45 Morocco 368,838 2.20 200,721 54 Turkey 395,302 2.36 199,099 50 Turkey & Morocco 732,962 4.37 399,820 55 Dutch Antilles & Aruba 145,499 0.87 63,023 43 Suriname 347,631 2.07 165,289 48 Dutch Antilles, Aruba & Suriname 493,130 2.94 228,312 46 Other 740,003 4.41 251,286 34 Source: Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek, cbs.nl Dutch whiteness and disadvantaging both Dutch enduring stereotypes of minority inferiority and non-Dutch non-whites. ensures that deeply embedded structures of rac- Race is more than just an identity or social cat- ism go undetected and unchallenged and perpetu- egory. It is an ideology and involves the social ate racial inequality in many Western societies process of “racialization” that assigns groups to (Bonilla-Silva 2000; Feagin 2009; Winant 2001). different categories reflecting perceptions of Thus, although the Dutch eschew “race,” modern inferiority and superiority based on perceived racial identities and structures are nevertheless biological and/or cultural differences. This sys- inextricably linked to historical and contempo- tem of power relations and structurally embed- rary relations between former colonial powers ded meanings are then maintained by social and the formerly colonized. policies and practices that enforce racial bound- Although their society is, and always has aries (Bonilla-Silva 1997, 2006; Essed 1991; been, multiracial, most Dutch attribute Feagin 2006; Omi and Winant 1994). Residing “Dutchness,” and thus membership in the national largely in the covert domain of social practices community, to white Christian Europeans born in and “colorblind” policies, racial boundaries The Netherlands (Essed and Trienekens 2008). structure inequality by inhibiting minority access This is manifest in the terms, which appeared in to important social resources such as political the 1980s, used to describe Dutch, autochtonen, power, jobs, education, quality housing stock, and non-Dutch, allochtonen. The definition of healthy neighborhoods, and accurate group rep- allochtonen used by the Dutch government, “res- resentation in the media. Whites’ ability to rou- idents born elsewhere, as well as their children, tinely access these resources, and exclude even when born in The Netherlands and even minorities from doing so, constitutes privileges when one parent was born in The Netherlands” to which many are unaware they maintain (Essed and Trienekens 2008: 57), could theoreti- (Frankenberg 1993; McIntosh 1997). This “new,” cally include the child of a German diplomat who or “laissez faire,” racism allows members of the married a Dutch citizen. However, this term usu- dominant group to retain racially-informed ide- ally signifies “non-white” or “alien” (Jacobs ologies, and blame minorities’ cultural differ- 2002). Autochtoon indicates the opposite of ences, rather than structural inequalities, for their allochthoon – indigenous, native, and authentic inability to assimilate, and consign them to per- Dutch – and reflects the explicitly higher value petual outsider status (Balibar 1991; Bobo et al. attributed to this identity. In everyday discourse, 1997; Essed and Trienekens 2008; van Dijk these words stand in for “Dutch insider” and 1993). This hegemonic ideology, combined with “minority outsider.” Although a 3rd-generation mfweiner@holycross.edu 27 The Demography of Race and Ethnicity in The Netherlands… 577 Curaçaoan born in Amsterdam may only speak Categories used by the Dutch government for Dutch, act culturally Dutch, and be a Dutch citi- Western and non-Western groups make identify- zen, to European Dutch, he is considered alloch- ing some trends difficult given the diversity thoon and not “from here” (Essed and Trienekens within them, as they refer to national, or ethnic, 2008). To be “Dutch” is to be “white,” and with rather than racial, groups. While Surinamese, this identity come special privileges (Essed and Antilleans, Turks, Moroccans, and native Dutch Trienekens 2008; McIntosh 1997) in all realms of are described separately, the Dutch government Dutch society. aggregates data for other Western and non- This boundary creation and policing inhibits Western groups and the definitions of these the social acceptance of multiple-generation non- groups are not necessarily intuitive. Western European immigrants who share nativity, lan- groups include Europeans (except Turks), those guage, culture, and citizenship with “native from North America, and those from Japan and Dutch.” While current and former Afro-Dutch Indonesia. Non-western groups are all those from colonial subjects exist as ambiguous citizens Africa, Latin America, Turks, and Asians with (Cain 2010), adherence to Islam is the dominant the exception of Indonesians and Japanese. In marker of cultural difference (Ahmad 2004) addition to the problematic definition of Turks as resulting in discourse highlighting their cultural non-Western, when part of Turkey is in Europe, incompatibility with “modern” “Democratic” these aggregate categories complicate efforts to Dutch society (Mielants 2009). These privileges identify trends among Asians, between groups and exclusions have important historical anteced- from different countries, or between individuals ents, rooted in The Netherlands’ long history of from Mexico, Canada and the United States. racism, both at home and overseas, and which Although some qualitative and mixed methods impact contemporary racial demographics, strati- research addresses individuals’ and groups’ expe- fication, and conflict within Dutch society today. riences in social institutions such as education (de Haan and Elbers 2005; Leeman and Saharso 1991; van den Berg and van Reekum 2011; Researching Dutch Race and Ethnicity Vermeij et al. 2009) and employment (cf. Essed 1991, 1993, 2002; Essed and Trienekens 2008) The Dutch government and social scientific and in regards to identity formation, elite dis- scholars in The Netherlands rely primarily on course and social inclusion (Bartels 2003; Den quantitative data to address ethnicity, not race. Uyl and Brouwer 2009; Ghorashi 2009; van Dijk Although of exceptional quality in many ways, 1993; Vermeij 2004), far more is needed. The including the regularity with which reports are vast majority of research addressing race and eth- produced and articles are published, some cri- nicity is quantitative and fails to qualitatively tiques are warranted. The Dutch government’s capture minorities’ experiences with racial dis- categorization of Western and non-Western crimination in daily life and subsequent opportu- groups, the lack of qualitative research, and the nities for short- and long-term social political, lack of attention to intersections between race, and economic acceptance at the local and national class, gender, sexuality and religion all suggest level. Therefore considerable space exists to that The Netherlands is ripe for more in-depth probe both Dutch and, particularly, non-Dutch research regarding these issues. Indeed, as Rath sentiments regarding racial identities, experi- (2001) noted over 10 years ago, most research on ences, and attitudes in The Netherlands (Stevens race/ethnicity in The Netherlands is descriptive et al. 2011). and more attention could be paid to processes of Three additional methodological issues division and identity formation, role of the state regarding research about race and ethnicity in in perpetuating racial identities and ideologies as The Netherlands should also be considered. First, well as links between race, ethnicity, gender and the interpretation of statistical data (Zuberi 2008) social class. and the lack of qualitative studies regarding mfweiner@holycross.edu 578 M.F. Weiner minorities’ sentiments and experiences, particu- cultural differences between contemporary larly protest against discrimination (with the immigrant groups, who are often considered a exception of Klandermans et al. 2008), are likely single pillar. affected by the dearth of minority scholars in the Although The Netherlands’ offered Jews and universities (Mullard et al. 1991; Wekker 2009). Catholics a modicum of freedom, compared to Second, the majority of research regarding other countries, where they faced death for prac- minorities focuses on Turks and Moroccans, who ticing their religion (Buruma 2007; Lofland most assume to be Muslim, while research 2007; Mak 2001), the Dutch engaged in a variety addressing current and former colonial subjects, of social practices that belied xenophobic atti- i.e. Dutch Antilleans and Surinamese, has waned. tudes and social norms. The Dutch harshly pun- And third, most scholarship relies on large-scale ished “outsiders,” identified by language, dress, longitudinal surveys of children; More research and culture, who stepped outside the boundaries into adult sentiments, both among European of what they considered proper, staunch Dutch and those considered allochtonen, is Protestant values. The Dutch government regu- necessary. larly employed torture and physical violence for open displays of difference throughout their colonies and at home. Natives in the East A Brief History of Dutch Indies, enslaved Africans and “indentured ser- Immigration and Race, at Home vants” in South Africa, Jews, Catholics, Gypsies, and Abroad homosexuals, and other “heathens” in The Netherlands itself (Fredrickson 1981) were all Dealing with Diversity at Home subject to this violence. Throughout Amsterdam, in buildings still standing, such as the Waag and The Netherlands has a long history of immigra- the Town Hall, stood torture chambers, whipping tion and racialization (Lucassen and Lucassen rooms, and dungeons (Mak 2001). In public 2011). The Netherlands required tolerance spectacles, the Dutch utilized beheadings, hang- because of the many different groups who made ings, quartering, spiked masks, hanging cages, the nation, as a center of world trade, their home, the ladder (similar to contemporary waterboard- and led to explicit social practices to ensure a ing), thumbscrews, spiked chairs, starvation, functioning pluralist social system. The Dutch whipping, and the Judas chair. This public humil- contend with difference through the verzuilling iation served to ensure submission of those dif- (or pillarization) system, a tradition akin to “sep- ferent from the dominant group while unifying arate but equal,” which allows religious groups members of this group in opposition to an “other.” their own social, religious, and educational orga- nizations. Historically, a Catholic youth in the Jews 1950s grew up reading Catholic newspapers and The Dutch are well-known for the story of Anne watching Catholic TV programs, while his par- Frank, the young Jewish girl who, with her fam- ents listened to Catholic radio shows, after ily, was hidden by Dutch family friends and busi- attending Catholic church and playing with ness partners in an Amsterdam attic for nearly 2 friends at Catholic youth groups after a day at years during the German occupation. But relying Catholic school. The different religious pillars on Anne Frank’s story to holistically describe were then joined at the upper-most level with a Dutch attitudes towards difference and tolerance bar formed across the top of the pillars uniting of other cultures obscures the reality not just of them through political representatives who min- Dutch actions and reactions to German occupa- gled in political chambers to ensure national tion during WWII, but the entire history of Dutch cohesion across communities. This social system treatment of religious outsiders. In the case of implies homogeneity within each pillar and fails Anne Frank, the story ignores both the Dutch to address significant religious, economic, and betrayal of Anne, her family, and the van Daans mfweiner@holycross.edu 27 The Demography of Race and Ethnicity in The Netherlands… 579 and the Dutch role in Jewish persecution during in other European nations, where they were often the Nazi occupation. Throughout the war, confined to locked ghettos, social and legal prac- Germans stationed only 50 Nazi officers in the tices constructed a de facto ghetto from which entire nation to maintain order. No more were few Jews escaped. needed. Although some Dutch resisted, other The treatment of Jews throughout the government bureaucrats handed over the names Americas under the Dutch should also be consid- of every Jew in the nation and created handy ered. In the Dutch colony of New Amsterdam maps of their addresses, which Germans could (present day Manhattan), Peter Stuyvesant use to root them out. During WWII, the occupy- rejected the first Jews attempting to migrate ing Nazis, with Dutch collaboration, deported there. The Dutch West Indies Company forced more Dutch Jews for extermination, 85 %, than him to accept them but he did so grudgingly and any other nation besides Poland (cf. Croes 2006; forced them to live outside the city walls and pro- Bovenkerk 2000). This treatment during WWII is hibited them from owning land, voting, or bear- in line with Jews’ historical experiences in the ing arms (Foote 2004; Grinstein 1947). There, Dutch kingdom. they had less citizenship rights than formerly Initially, the Dutch state banned Jews from enslaved Africans who had petitioned the same entry to some provinces, with the punishment for company for their freedom (Foote 2004). settling flogging, branding, and death for first, second, and third offenses. Laws were later Catholics amended so that Jews could enter but only if Catholics in The Netherlands fared better than “their behavior was beyond reproach, and pro- Jews but were also subject to fierce discrimina- vided they were capable of earning an honest liv- tion. Dutch religious tolerance, even for ing” (Lucassen and Penninx 1998: 79). When the Christians was limited to different types of Dutch state established religious freedom and Protestantism and freedom of religion only political equality in 1796, the 30,000 Jews in The extended to groups content to practice in hiding, Netherlands (representing 10 % of the popula- as did Catholics. True cosmopolitanism, often tion) did not find equality. Excluded from guild posited as a feature of Dutch society, requires that membership, as advocated by the Court of citizens accept public expression of difference. Holland, Jews were barred from the lucrative fish The Dutch did not afford Catholics living in trade. As a result, half of Amsterdam’s Sephardic The Netherlands during its Golden Age this Jews during this era were so poor that they relied privilege. Public discrimination occurred as the on begging to survive. By the end of the 1800s, Dutch engaged in anti-Catholic riots, tortured two thirds of Ashkenazi migrants did the same. and murdered Catholic priests in the late 1500s, The canals, so much a part of Amsterdam’s land- and excluded Catholics from towns and scape, segregated Jews with bridges raised at provinces (Lucassen and Penninx 1998; Mak sundown (Mak 2001). Even as Jews attempted to 2001; Parker 2008). assimilate into Dutch society by moving out of these ghettoes and teaching their children Dutch, The Roma anti-Jewish sentiment persisted. Anti-Semitic Gypsies, or Roma, have faced considerable per- comments could be heard on the streets, in pro- secution since their first arrival in the 1500s, fessional societies prohibiting Jewish member- when town proclamations throughout the Dutch ship, and social reform organizations, such as the provinces prohibited their settlement (cf. Society for Public Welfare, excluding them, Lucassen 1991; Lucassen and Penninx 1998). among Protestants actively attempting to convert Punishment for remaining included confiscation them, and in anti-Semitic organizations which of all possessions, public flogging, which other flourished during and after World War I (Lucassen women and children were forced to watch, or and Penninx 1998). Therefore, while Jews in The death. Even if living peacefully, they were not Netherlands were more tolerated than their peers safe. The Dutch government sanctioned Roma mfweiner@holycross.edu 580 M.F. Weiner hunts by rewarding Dutch who turned them in, Dutch literature later revealed the reality of dead or alive. No Roma were recorded in The the coffee industry to the Dutch populace result- Netherlands for the 150-year period between ing in large-scale knowledge but only small-scale 1725 and 1869. Even after this era, when rules protest. Multatuli, the pen name of Eduard eased and torture eradicated, the Dutch state did Douwes Dekker, exposed the treatment of not welcome Roma. The Ministry of Justice regu- Javanese natives as The Netherlands sought to larly expelled those living legally within The reap as many profits as possible from these lands Netherland’s borders. A 1940 regulation offi- through cultivation of coffee using virtual slave cially restricted their entry into the nation. labor. In 1860, after returning from his post, he Problems for Roma continued through the Nazi wrote Max Havelaar, Or the Coffee Auctions occupation with many rounded up and sent to of a Dutch Trading Company. In great detail he concentration camps, particularly Westerbork described and challenged the Dutch to consider (Bovenkerk 2000). Throughout Dutch history, the “more than thirty million subjects [who popular cultural forms and ideology depicted were] maltreated and exploited” (Multatuli 1987 Roma as thieves and criminal, giving the public [1860]: 320, emphasis in original). The book license for their treatment of them, with chil- highlights existing perceptions of the islands’ dren’s books, in particular, often picturing them natives as heathens who were often referred to as as kidnappers, and as in many other European black (ibid 245, 251). This anti-colonialist novel countries. also reveals the Dutch government’s investment in these islands such that those who tried to end abuses were removed from their positions and Conquest and Colonialism Overseas sent home, often to die in poverty, as did the main character of this “fictional” account. Indonesia As a nation with the fastest fleets, the most reliable South Africa shipping, and the central port for much of Europe, Originally established as a way station where the Dutch dominated the sea-going trade between sailors could acquire fresh food and supplies the fifteenth and seventeenth century. In addition between The Netherlands and its colonies in to acting as a near monopoly on shipping, the Indonesia, South African society became the Dutch mobilized their shipbuilding and seafaring epitome of potential Dutch racism (cf. skills to acquire and then dominate the spice and Fredrickson 1981). Throughout much of the col- coffee trades by violently appropriating the islands ony’s history, particularly after the importation of where many of these commodities grew. The white settlers, the Dutch enslaved natives, mas- Dutch companies enslaved and massacred resi- sacred them when they resisted, and expropriated dents of Malacca, Run, Java, Sumatra, and dozens their homelands (Fredrickson 1981). The Dutch of other islands in present-day Indonesia on which imported and enslaved Africans from across the these precious commodities grew (cf. Corn 1999; continent, Madagascar, China, and India until Lape 2000). Dutch soldiers used native labor to 1834. The small Dutch population used force to build forts and houses, appropriated natives’ guarantee subservience even though, with fire- homes in the interim, and condemned those who power, Africans had few options to successfully refused to death. In the Spice, or Banda, Islands, resist. Although not always sanctioned by the under the dictatorship of the notoriously brutal Jan Dutch government, brutal enslavement and pun- Pieterszoon Coen, governor-general of the Dutch ishment for transgressions under a system that East India Company and a national hero, the Dutch resembled American sharecropping existed. killed, enslaved, or banished 90 % of the islands’ Throughout this history, the Dutch settlers original residents after which reports of heroic referred to African tribes as “abject savages,” conquests of barbarians appeared in Dutch news- “the laziest people under the sun,” “who occupy papers (ibid). the lowest position in the evolutionary scale” mfweiner@holycross.edu 27 The Demography of Race and Ethnicity in The Netherlands… 581 (Fredrickson 1981: 34, 56, 196). Whites wholly twenty enslaved Africans to the colony of Virginia believed that they “were naturally masters and in 1619. The Dutch continued trading in enslaved members of a privileged group while nonwhites men, women, and children even after it was out- were meant to be their servants and social inferi- lawed in 1814 by acting as middlemen with Spain ors” (Fredrickson 1981: 93) and established a (Postma 1972). Unlike in the U.S. and the U.K., herrenvolk democracy to maintain apartheid in The Netherlands, while a few individuals, par- social relations, prior to its official inception ticularly clergy, opposed enslavement, wide- under British rule in 1948. spread abolitionism and abolitionist movements were largely absent (Drescher 1994; Emmer Enslavement 1972). The Dutch legally abolished slavery in The Dutch West Indies Company (WIC) trans- 1863, one of the last European powers to do so, ported few enslaved Africans to The Netherlands but then required a 10-year “apprenticeship” itself since slavery was illegal on Dutch soil (Drescher 1994; Oostindie 2005), which Whites (although contemporary research challenges the paternalistically argued was necessary for the contention that no enslaved Africans lived in The enslaved to understand the meaning and respon- Netherlands [Hondius 2011]). However, during sibilities of their freedom and determine how the Dutch Golden Age, the trade in Africans much former master enslavers should be affected nearly every citizen of the nation, includ- compensated (Nimako and Willemsen 2011). ing Renaissance thinkers and artists (Horton and Only recently have the Dutch begun to address Kardux 2005; Schama 1997). Profits from the the trade and enslavement of Africans in their trade in enslaved Africans, shared by members of national history (Horton and Kardux 2005; the WIC (high-ranking government employees Oostindie 2009). But this recognition is ambiva- and wealthy, well-connected, shareholders), lent and, like contemporary textbooks, remains financed the massive explosion of Dutch art that mired in Eurocentric conceptions normalizing centered in The Netherlands in the sixteenth and enslavement and dissociating it from contempo- seventeenth centuries. These burghers used prof- rary racial identities and inequalities (Hira 2012; its from this trade to purchase artwork from the Nimako and Willemsen 2011; Small 2011; likes of Rembrandt van Rijn, Jan Steen, Frans Weiner 2014). Although largely excluded from Hals, and Johannes Vermeer. Indeed, Dutch soci- The Netherlands’ national narrative, critical ety as a whole benefitted from the WIC’s trade as scholars have recently begun offering significant the government used profits to, for example, challenges to the dominant narrative regarding found orphanages and homes for the elderly. The Netherlands’ minimal role in both enslaving Outside The Netherlands, the Dutch enslaving internationally and generating profits for the enterprise spanned the globe, across every conti- nation (Hira 2012; Nimako and Willemsen 2011; nent except Australia and Antarctica, and, as a van Stipriaan 2006; Zunder 2010). More research result, to too did the consequences of racial profit in this area, which is underway among a burgeon- and destruction. ing contingent of critical scholars, particularly The Dutch established enslaving colonies and graduate students, is needed. trading posts throughout the “new world” (Muhlenfeld 1944; Vandenbosch 1941; Vink 2003). Like coffee plantations in the Indonesia, Racist African Imagery coffee, sugar cane, cocoa and cotton plantations in the western colonies of the Dutch Antillies In The Netherlands, Africans and their descen- (Aruba, Curacao, Bonaire, Sr. Martin, St. dants represented only a miniscule proportion of Eustatius, and Saba), and Surinam supported the the population but their images have permeated Dutch empire. The Dutch also introduced popular cultural forms such as art, music, adver- enslavement to the British colonies, which now tisements, architecture, and holiday iconography constitute the United States, when they delivered for centuries (cf. Blakely 1993). For most of the mfweiner@holycross.edu 582 M.F. Weiner twentieth century, Dutch could purchase danced and sang or engaged in rape of white “tobacco, coffee, liquor, cleansers, rice farina, women. Contemporary art exhibits exoticize candy, shoe polish, metal polish, and toothpaste” “Black beauty” using colonial tropes depicting (Blakely 1993: 164) with stereotypical African Africans as objects to possess and dominate images on the packaging. Children play with (Davis 2009). cards and board games, tell jokes and eat sweet Woodcut prints, books, travel literature fea- treats (such as the negerzoen, or “Negro’s kiss,” tured Africans in tribal costumes as savages, which was only recently discontinued, although brandishing spears and roasting white children many still refer to the candy by this name) featur- over spits. These books, some dating back 300 ing images of Africans as clowns and buffoons years, reveal the longstanding use of the word (Hondius 2009). Houses throughout The “nigger” in Dutch colloquial language. Native Netherlands contain ashtrays, coin banks, dolls, South African Khoikhoi, referred to derisively as and toys, used to demean and caricaturize Hottentots, were described as “grimy, filthy and Africans (Blakely 1993). Throughout The ugly” (Blakely 1993: 149). Other Africans, both Netherlands, people encounter Moor’s heads on in Africa and in Europe, are targets of humor as buildings, Gapers in front of stores, and Smoking they attempt to understand Western technology, Moors at tobacco shops (Blakely 1993). These in need of missionary efforts to change their dissociated appendages, on buildings and family pagan practices, or sympathetic recipients of a and town coats of arms, symbolize Dutch traders’ romanticized form of slavery that never existed. capture of Africans and harkens back to the Dutch Even when just mentioned in passing, black skin colonial past, even though many white Dutch is depicted as sinister and symbolic of hypersexu- today choose to ignore them. Nor are these ality, the Moor as the devil, and Africans as prim- images new, their great-great grandparents would itive. Music of the time followed suit with Moors have encountered similar images in songs, folk- and Africans serving as servants. lore, books, and art. Children’s books, especially dictionaries, At the peak of the Dutch Golden Age, Dutch have long equated blackness with evil and infused art, music and literature communicated to the with scientific racism, describing Blacks as hav- millions of Dutch, who would never encounter an ing a strong reeking scent, an unclean lifestyle, African in person, their ascribed negative charac- prone to cannibalism, and religiously supersti- teristics and unfitness for inclusion in Dutch soci- tious (Blakely 1993; Kapelle and Tang 2008). ety (Blakely 1993; Schama 1997). Hundreds of Some stories still read to children use Black family portraits paint Blacks in servile acts, hold- bogeymen to scare children into conforming to ing parasols, placing jewelry on women’s wrists, Dutch values and enforcing conventions of what acting as a valet or butler in the background, or is right and wrong; misbehaving children are kneeling at the feet of leaders. Oftentimes they taken away from their homes and parents by exist so far in the shadows and background that Black figures, long synonymized with the devil. they are unnoticed by the untrained eye. Religious Likewise, stories of Black children who do not paintings, a dominant theme in Dutch art, often know how to behave correctly convey their lack deployed African imagery to symbolize their of sense, stupidity and the horrible fate it is to be inability to be Baptized into civilization, such Black. In “Tien Kleine Negertjes” (Ten Little that they became known as an expression of futil- Niggers), similar to the poem of the same name ity; just as leopards cannot change their spots, in the U.S., along with Ten Little Indians, finds Blacks cannot change their color, or inferior cul- Black children disappearing in horrific ways ture. Other religious motifs depicted Africans ref- symbolizing the general population’s desires to erencing the Hamitic legend, representing be rid of them. In these and other nursery rhymes, temptations and worldly evils. Others more Black children are simple objects to be counted, blatantly perpetuated stereotypes as Africans things rather than people. Still sung by teachers mfweiner@holycross.edu 27 The Demography of Race and Ethnicity in The Netherlands… 583 and children in schools today, this song remains A Case Study of “Integration”: “a cute, harmless counting exercise” (Blakely The Moluccans 1993: 67). In schools, “most basic texts have rac- ist content advanced through such fundamental The relative success of Moluccans, former resi- subjects as geography, history, and biology” dents of Dutch Indonesia, in integrating into (Blakely 1993: 198; Mielants 2009), in addition Dutch society is often pointed to as an example to explicit messages about Western superiority of the society’s openness. However, this narrative (Weiner 2014). obscures their treatment upon arrival and subse- One of the oldest images is that of Zwarte quent discrimination and isolation they experi- Piet, Sinterklaas’s Black slave/servant/helper enced for the following 25 years (cf. Dalstra (Blakely 1993; Helsloot 2012; Hondius 2009; 1983; Smeets and Veenman 2000; van Amersfoort Lindsay 2008). Children are threatened that if 2004). The 12,500 Moluccans that arrived in The they are not well-behaved, Black Pete will stuff Netherlands in 1951 were descendants of those them in his sack and drag them away. Older on the Dutch-conquered Spice Islands. Many had books refer to him as the devil, or a servant joined the Royal Netherlands East India Army caught and chained into service to St. Nicholas. that aided the Dutch in their attempts to maintain For months before December 5, shops sell Black control over Indonesia as natives sought indepen- Pete toys, cakes, balloons, candies, and other dence from its colonial ruler and over which The trinkets. Arriving by boat in mid-November, chil- Netherlands did not want to relinquish. When the dren and adults dress up like Black Pete by apply- Dutch relinquished power of Indonesia to its ing blackface (the official brand name is “Negro native populations in 1949, the Moluccans were paint”). At public events Sinterklaas is sur- left without a country. Since the Indonesian gov- rounded by dozens of Black Petes, highlighting ernment forbid their demobilization in Indonesia, the historical link to Dutch slavery with a singu- the Dutch government brought the soldiers and lar white master served by multiple “helpers.” their families to The Netherlands, “temporarily.” Like minstrel shows, these images of Black Pete Immediately upon their arrival, the Dutch as a happy servant or kidnapper explicitly juxta- made their social integration virtually impossi- pose European civilization with Black anti- ble. The Dutch government decommissioned all intellectualism and barbarism. Significant protest Moluccan soldiers on the plane. Arriving in The has arisen since 2011, led by Quinsy Gario, but Netherlands, they lacked any recompense, could 91 % of the Dutch populace are loathe to aban- not collect pensions, and could not find jobs since don this holiday tradition, claiming that it is “an laws restricted their access to work visas. The important part of Dutch heritage that should Dutch government housed them in former con- not be taken away” (Hondius 2009: 42; de centrations camps far from jobs, towns, and com- Hond 2013). munities, resulting in both social and economic Historical images institutionalized negative isolation. stereotypes of Africans as a servile population Thirty years later, seeking to call attention to spread to continental Europe and obscured their their plight, young, frustrated Moluccans who representation in a variety of jobs across the had been born on Dutch soil yet were shut out of trades. As in America (Dates and Barlow 1993; the post-war economic “Dutch Miracle,” engaged Gabriel 1998), these images generate negative in highly visible, and sometimes violent, protest. stereotypes and racial attitudes. Indeed many Moluccans occupied the Indonesian Embassy in images closely resemble those which existed in 1970, destroyed an Indonesian Airways office in the U.S. that served to justify slavery and mis- 1974, and in 1975, hijacked a train and occupied treatment of African Americans afterward the Indonesian Consulate taking 30 hostages. (Fredrickson 1971). During the train hijacking, Moluccans demanded apologies from the Dutch government for their mfweiner@holycross.edu 584 M.F. Weiner treatment and the publication and redress of their grievances. These actions called international Racial Minorities attention to Moluccans in The Netherlands in The Netherlands Today and put pressure on the Dutch government to generate policy to aid their assimilation as Racial Demographics Dutch, rather than temporary, residents, nearly 25 years after their arrival in The Netherlands Minorities’ complex history in The Netherlands (Bartels 1986). has important implications for contemporary Now in the third generation, Moluccans have demographics and stratification. While approxi- higher rates of intermarriage than other immi- mately 21 % of the population is non-Dutch, grant groups in The Netherlands (Bartels 1990). when considering Dutch citizens and immigrants However, they also have higher rates of unem- from Western nations together (many of whom ployment, underemployment and educational are from European nations and will likely be per- attainment than both their Dutch peers and ceived ethnically as Dutch since most are physi- Surinamese and Antilleans, particularly in times ologically white), only 11.7 % of the population of economic duress, as well as higher rates of is from non-Western nations (CBS 2013). Non- perceived social distance than all other groups western immigrants tend to reside in the Randstad besides Moroccans and Turks (Hagendoorn and area comprised of the four largest cities, Hraba 1989; Kleinpenning 1993; Smeets and Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague, and Utrecht. Veenman 2000; van Ours and Veenman 1999; Nearly half of all immigrant groups are of the Veenman 1990).2 Indeed, many Dutch continue second generation. The vast majority of Dutch to see Moluccans as “foreign,” which Moluccans citizens speak English as they begin learning it in themselves recognize (Verkuyten et al. 1999). the early years of primary school. Therefore Therefore, even the group that the Dutch while immigrants quickly learn Dutch in the hold up as an example of assimilation lags far schools (although acquisition depends signifi- behind white Dutch in social and economic cantly on whether Dutch is spoken at home), integration. Westerners who speak English but no Dutch have These histories of exclusion, ambiguous toler- few language problems in their daily lives.3 A ance, and outsiders’ experiences within The recent increase in Europeans, both from the EU Netherlands reveal that while immigrants have and outside it, will likely ensure the stability of a long been accepted, they have been tolerated largely white and European nation.4 Finally, and rather than embraced. This has resulting in a also contrary to popular and political discourse, national narrative featuring Dutch aphasia and the proportion of the population that is Muslim social forgetting (Bijl 2012; Horton and Kardux remains relatively small (4 % of the population; 2005; Nimako and Small 2012). In addition, CBS 2013). these histories offer useful antecedents from Antilleans, Surinamese, Turks and Moroccans which to begin an exploration of contemporary represent the four largest non-Western minority immigrant and non-white groups in The groups in The Netherlands today (see Table 27.1). Netherlands. Considering these groups alongside native white 3 There are some caveats to this. For example, government officials will not speak English on the phone and those who have not learned Dutch are not taken as seriously in 2 Most research regarding Moluccan educational and situations ranging from simply shopping to attempting to occupational attainment uses 1990 data (with the excep- acquire a job as those who have. 4 tion of van Ours and Veenman 2008, which uses data In the last 5 years, the population from Eastern Europe, from 2000). Therefore, it may be outdated and the contin- particularly Poland, Bulgaria, and Romania, has doubled ued integration of this immigrant group warrants contin- due to the in-migration of nearly 150,000 from these ued research. nations. mfweiner@holycross.edu 27 The Demography of Race and Ethnicity in The Netherlands… 585 Dutch reveals a racial hierarchy in The labor migrants (Böcker 2000). Turkish immigra- Netherlands, with former colonial subjects nes- tion increased again when many sought asylum tled between Dutch on the top and Turks and after a 1980 military coup. Throughout their Moroccans on the bottom, resulting in corre- migration, most immigrants came from devel- sponding access, or lack thereof, to social oped areas and were literate. Moroccans (Crul resources and opportunities. and Doomernik 2003; Nelissen and Buijs 2000), Surinamese and Dutch Antilleans (largely many of whom are Berbers who experienced dis- from Curaçao) began arriving in The Netherlands crimination and marginalization in Morocco, in large numbers in the mid-1970s and 1980s, originate in the densely-populated, rural Rif respectively, as a result of Surinam’s indepen- region, where a lack of educational facilities dence and the Antilles’ economic downturn results in high illiteracy rates. After the nation’s (Lucassen and Penninx 1998; Oostindie 1988; independence in 1956, a number of factors Van Niekirk 2007). The first immigrants were coalesced to produce large-scale migration – dis- light-skinned elite members of society. However, satisfaction with minimal representation in diminished economic opportunities on the Moroccan politics leading to rebellion against islands, particularly for those considered low- rulers resulting in further marginalization in skilled workers, has resulted in continuous immi- nation’s economy, war in Algeria, and decoloni- gration among those hoping for better educational zation in Tunisia which limited opportunities for and economic opportunities in The Netherlands. seasonal labor within the immediate region. Large-scale immigration has been facilitated by When European nations sought laborers in the these islands’ status as current or former Dutch mid-1960s, the Moroccan government directed colonies. While Antillean immigrants are Dutch them to the Rif for the dual goals of staunching citizens and speak Dutch, their Afro-Caribbean the area’s political opposition while background inhibits their ability to “blend in” to simultaneously relieving economic duress. As Dutch society resulting in continued socioeco- occurred with the Turks, large-scale immigration nomic disadvantage. The same is true of ended in 1974 when the Dutch decided it no lon- Surinamese, who have not been citizens since the ger needed Moroccan laborers. But migrants nation declared its independence in 1975.5 seeking family reunification continue to arrive. Though they experience discrimination in multi- Differences in educational background and initial ple social contexts, the 347,631 Surinamese and reasons for immigration have jettisoned in 145,499 Antilleans no longer reside on the lowest importance for the, approximately, 395,000 rungs of the socioeconomic ladder (Essed 1991; Turks and 369,000 Moroccans in The Netherlands, CBS 2013). This place is currently reserved for representing less than 3 % of the Dutch popu- Turks and Moroccans. lation (CBS 2013; van de Worfhorst and van Turks’ and Moroccans’ immigration to The Tubergen 2007). Netherlands as guest workers began in the 1960s (Crul and Doomernik 2003; Lucassen and Penninx 1998). Though often aggregated since Racially Stratified Educational both are largely Muslim, their immigration histo- Outcomes ries are quite different. Turks arrived in small numbers from larger cities beginning in the Educational outcomes in The Netherlands reveal 1960s. When the Dutch economy surged begin- significant inequality between students of differ- ning in 1968, The Netherlands aggressively ent ethnic groups. The Dutch school system, recruited less urbanized workers until 1974, after which includes a variety of primary and second- which the nation no longer admitted them as ary school options, generates considerable differ- ences in educational attainment. All schools in 5 In 1975, the Dutch government gave Surinamese five The Netherlands are public and are either “regu- years to decide whether to apply for Dutch citizenship. lar,” denominational (Jewish, Hindu, Muslim, mfweiner@holycross.edu 586 M.F. Weiner Protestant, or Catholic), or pedagogical (i.e. rooted in segregated primary education using Montessori, Dalton, or Waldorf-based (Gramberg 1998; Heath et al. 2008). pedagogy). The Dutch Ministry of Education Residential segregation, “white flight” away allocates funding based on the immigrant from “black” schools, and immigrant parents’ and parental education status of students with lack of knowledge about school choice has pro- schools receiving more money for children of duced diminished educational opportunities, and immigrants and parents with lower educational in-school conditions in Dutch cities resembling backgrounds. those in New York City’s South Bronx (Crul The verzuilling, or “pillarization,” system, 2007; Doomernik 1998; Koopmans 2008; Ladd institutionalized by Article 23 of the Dutch et al. 2009; Paulle 2005; Pels 2001; Vedder 2006). Constitution, allows individual groups the free- In segregated “black” and “white” schools, dom to found schools and determine the content minority students in The Netherlands lag behind and structure of curriculum in their classrooms, their white Dutch peers in placement in higher provided they also include the Ministry of secondary educational tracks, high school gradu- Education’s set of basic curriculum components. ation, and college attendance to form an ethnic Parents can enroll their children in any school. queue with white Dutch students at the top, Conflict over Muslims schools, which produce Antilleans and Surinamese in the middle, and similar educational results as non-Muslim Turks and Moroccans at the bottom (Driessen schools (Driessen and Bezemer 1999), has 2000; Gramberg 1998; Hustinx 2002; resulted in the closing of Muslim schools Kalmijn and Kraaykamp 2003; Mollenkopf throughout the country. However, many Muslim 2007; Penninx 2006; Rijken et al. 2007; van Ours schools face shortages of students because of par- and Veenman 2003). ents’ fear of negative images of the schools in the Regardless of test scores, teachers dispropor- media and because of their desires for them to tionately recommend minority youth to highly attend a mixed ethnic and religious school, which segregated vocational secondary education tracks is more likely to occur in regular public as well as resulting in three quarters of Moroccan and Catholic and Protestant public schools. Turkish, and over two thirds of Surinamese and After primary school, which usually consists Antillean students educated in VMBO schools, of one classroom for each grade (SCI 2008) stu- compared to only half of white Dutch students dents have a variety of secondary school options (Crul and Schneider 2009; van de Werfhorst and akin to tracking systems in many Western nations van Tubergen 2007; Yazer and Kalkan 2007). In (Cheng et al. 2007; Turner 1960). These include the lowest of level of VMBO schools, described lower vocational (VMBO, the least selective), as “prison-like” and “the garbage can of the edu- intermediate general (HAVO), and university cational system,” and which emphasize social preparatory (VWO, the most selective). Although control over education, teachers confer over 80 students can theoretically move from the VMBO scolds to students per hour (Crul and Doomernik to the VWO track, few do given the need to com- 2003: 1051; Crul 2007; Paulle 2005; Pels 2001). plete a “bridge year” for each move that can add Although only 6.7 % of the student population, years to educational progress. Track assignment minorities represent 30 % of “special needs” stu- is based on national standardized test scores dents and are often placed in VMBO schools (CITO) and the primary school teacher’ recom- lacking aid sufficient to promote academic suc- mendation. Parents unhappy with their child’s cess (Brug 2006). These experiences, combined recommendation can appeal to either the teacher with discrimination at the hands of peers and or principal. However, language differences and teachers, lead to alienation, frustration, and cor- lack of cultural resources inhibit immigrant par- respondingly high drop out rates for minority ents’ ability to advocate on behalf of their chil- youth (Crul 2007; Leeman 2007; Leeman and dren, which compounds existing inequalities Saharso 1991; van Ours and Veenman 2003). mfweiner@holycross.edu 27 The Demography of Race and Ethnicity in The Netherlands… 587 Compared to the small proportion of white times as likely, to be unemployed than their white Dutch students (6 %) who leave school without a Dutch peers with similar educational qualifica- diploma, 17 % of Moroccans, 21 % of Turks, tions (Crul and Doomernik 2003; Crul and 23 % of Antilleans and 11 % of Surinamese do so Schneider 2009; Snel et al. 2005; Thränhardt (Crul and Holdaway 2009; Crul and Schneider 2004; van Ours and Veenman 2003; Vasta 2007). 2009; De Graaf and Van Zenderen 2009). At the Employment-based discrimination is both other end of the educational spectrum, nearly overt, with employers preferring to hire white 20 % of white Dutch students pursue university Dutch citizens, particularly in visible positions, study but only 10 % of Surinamese and Antillean and paying them more than minorities in similar and between 5 and 7 % of Turkish and Moroccan positions, and covert, with job agencies giving students do similarly (Brug 2006; Lechner 2008; white Dutch citizens more help in finding jobs Tolsma et al. 2007; van de Werfhorst and van than immigrants and minorities (Bovenkerk et al. Tubergen 2007). Although some find that, con- 1995; Essed 2002; Houtzager and Rodrigues trolling for parents’ education and social class, 2002; Vasta 2007). Given their knowledge of minority students have achievement dispropor- Dutch culture and language, and a slight prefer- tionately higher than Dutch students of similar ence for their group, Surinamese and Antilleans, social class, the preponderance of minority stu- have entered the professions in small, though sig- dents with lower class backgrounds promises to nificant, numbers. However, once employed, inhibit their educational attainment for years minorities face isolation, exclusion, and overt to come (Snel et al. 2005; Thränhardt 2004; van and covert discrimination from peers, colleagues, de Werfhorst and van Tubergen 2007; Vasta supervisors, and subordinates (Essed 2002). 2007). Minority women appear to outperform Those who challenge this culture of racism face their male peers (CBS 2010; Crul and Doomernik repercussions, such as low performance evalua- 2003; Crul and Holdaway 2009; Ouarasse and tions, decreased opportunities for promotion, and van de Vijver 2005) and Surinamese students have high rates of psychological stress (Essed 2002). shown improvement since 2003 (CBS 2010). Popular arguments that the established popu- However, a dearth of minorities among the lation has fostered “illegal immigration,” and ste- professorate in The Netherlands (Mullard et al. reotypes of these groups “violent,” “dishonest,” 1991; Wekker 2009) will likely affect minority “intrusive,” “slackers,” “complainers,” and nei- college completion rates (Ramnares 2010). ther law abiding nor assimilable into society, find both Turks and Moroccans experiencing overt discrimination in schools, in public, and in the Racialized Socioeconomic labor market (Engbersen and van der Leun 2001; Stratification Heath et al. 2008; Lechner 2008; Sniderman and Hagendoorn 2009). Thus, even though they rep- Segregated education and the racial hierarchy of resent a small percentage of the population, fears educational outcomes have profoundly impacted of these groups loom large on the political stage minorities’ socioeconomic opportunities in The and in the public imagination. Netherlands. Competing with native Dutch for Persistent economic disadvantage in The scarce positions, Turks and Moroccans who have Netherlands, has produced low-income 2nd- and the lowest educational outcomes of minority 3rd-generation residential and economic immi- groups are increasingly disadvantaged in The grant enclaves with Turks, Antilleans, Netherlands’ service economy (Crul and Surinamese, and Moroccans (Euwals et al. 2007; Doomernik 2003; Crul and Schneider 2009) and Hartog and Zorlu 2009; Koopmans 2008; experience high levels of unemployment (Vasta Pettigrew and Meertens 1996). These enduring 2007). Surinamese and Antilleans are twice as inequalities in the educational and economic likely, and Turks and Moroccans are nearly four domains, combined with persistent negative mfweiner@holycross.edu 588 M.F. Weiner racial attitudes, have profoundly limited minori- episode, focused on Dutch immigration policy ties’ life chances and socioeconomic integration. by pitting individuals who did not receive asy- lum (including an aeronautical engineer and a languages graduate student), against each Immigrant Policies and Their Effects other for €4,000, while the losers received bul- on Race let-proof vests and tulip bulbs. The show, meant to critique Dutch immigration policy, garnered Immigrant policies, rooted in both historical ver- international media attention. For those seeking zuilling and contemporary multicultural policies, to stay in the country, restrictive immigration initially attempted to equalize resources and legislation has enhanced difficulties in acquir- opportunities and allow for collective identity ing citizenship. While the Dutch government maintenance and cultural retention but have previously paid for recent immigrants to take instead contributed to unequal opportunities and the language and culture courses necessary to racialization of targeted groups (De Zwart and pass the citizenship exam, they no longer do so Poppelaars 2007; Lucassen and Penninx 1998; (Jacobs and Rea 2007). Immigrants who have Modood 2007). To decouple resource inequality been in the country for 10 years are currently and stigmatization of devalued identities, welfare being sought by the government and will need programs provided immigrants with job training, to pass this exam if they intend to stay. Since housing, and Dutch language courses rooted in 2009, immigrants must swear an oath to Dutch each community to minimize ethnic dissociation values and, since July 2011, be able to sing the and alienation, facilitate rapid socioeconomic Dutch national anthem. In addition, immigrants integration and discourage Dutch prejudice of must prove that they have either 2 years voca- immigrants (Carle 2006; Entzinger 2003; tional training or work experience, income, and Penninx 2006; Vermeulen and Penninx 2000). will no longer be able to maintain dual citizen- However, implementation of anti-discrimination ship (Radio Netherlands Worldwide 2011). A laws and voluntary agreements to promote minor- judge recently ruled that spouses of Dutch ity employment has been erratic and ineffective citizens living abroad do not have to pass Dutch resulting in these policies’ failure to facilitate language and culture tests in their home coun- immigrant integration (Mielants 2009; Penninx try first, as the government had proposed. This 2006). Since the 1990s, without addressing policy burdened potential immigrants from deeply embedded structures of racism inhibiting poor countries, where women are more likely immigrant integration, politicians and the public illiterate, particularly given that spouses from have expressed frustration with immigrants’ richer nations (other EU countries, the U.S., “slow” integration believing them to be too sepa- Canada, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and ratist and a drain on national welfare benefits. New Zealand), were exempt. This has resulted in a corresponding shift towards The Dutch Ministry of Education’s attempts policy necessitating immigrants’ rejection of to address educational inequalities, like national native cultures to experience the benefits of policies, have shifted from multiculturalism, Dutch society (cf. Ali 2008; Scheffer 2000). which allowed for bilingual instruction and inter- These policies, which limit benefits and enhance cultural education curriculum, to assimilation punitive measures, have exacerbated racial strati- (Driessen 2000; Rijkschroeff et al. 2005; Vasta fication (Carle 2006; Lechner 2008; Vasta 2007). 2007). In rapid success, the Ministry of Education Like many Western European nations, The stopped promoting ICE curriculum, which was Netherlands has recently begun experiencing a never universally implemented, and advocated political shift to the right, with policies reflect- rapid language assimilation. In 2007–2008, the ing growing attitudes that immigrants comprise Ministry of Education finalized a new Dutch too high a percentage of the population. A History canon emphasizing the nation’s role in recent television show, which only ran one European history and 50 people and objects that mfweiner@holycross.edu 27 The Demography of Race and Ethnicity in The Netherlands… 589 “represent” The Netherlands. While appearing as units within the Canon, the freedom of education Contemporary Racial Attitudes laws allowing teachers significant autonomy to and Implications implement curriculum within their own class- rooms finds few teachers introducing the nation’s Racial images and a history of unequal treatment, history of conquest and exploitation of minori- compared to native, Christian white Dutch, have ties, women, and the working classes in The produced racial ideologies in The Netherlands Netherlands to their students (de Vos 2009), even not indistinct from other Western nations. though studies find students of all races inter- Although the Dutch eschew the word “racism,” ested in learning about these historical phenom- research finds that it persists among a consider- ena (Grever et al. 2008). The government has able segment of the population. For example, defunded the canon beginning January 2014, while most Dutch reject overtly discriminatory thereby, for all intents and purposes, eliminating statements, between 10 and 20 % believe in bio- it (NRC Handelsblad 2013). Dutch educational logical differences between the Dutch and minor- authorities’ failure to address in-school mecha- ities, and 30–50 % demonstrate aversive racism nisms, such as school culture and teacher prac- (i.e. do not want them as neighbors, classmates, tices, that affect racial differences in educational or an intimate partner; Kleinpenning and attainment, combined with scholars’ tendency to Hagendoorn 1993). Similarly, the Dutch rate attribute these differences to cultural deficien- high on subtle forms of racism (Pettigrew and cies, rather than discrimination, inhibits research- Meertens 1996) which have the potential to ers and policy makers alike from identifying convert to blatant racism and impact policies specific mechanisms of minority underachieve- when used by politicians to frame contentious ment (Alkan 2001). issues such as immigration (Buruma 2007; While some scholars and policy makers blame Lechner 2008). migrants for their inability to socioeconomically Subtle racist attitudes have impacted support integrate into Dutch society, a burgeoning contin- for social policies designed to promote racial gent of Dutch critical race scholars highlight equality. Recent surveys find decreased support institutionalized racist policies and practices for multicultural policies and welfare programs inhibiting immigrants’ and non-whites’ socioeco- (Penninx 2006; Vasta 2007), and an increased nomic integration (cf. Alkan 2001; Cain 2007; willingness to blame inequality on immigrants Essed 1991; Essed and Nimako 2006; Essed and rather than structural forces inhibiting their inte- Trienekens 2008; Hondius 2009; Nimako and gration (Mielants 2009) resulting in policies Willemsen 2011; van der Valk 2002; Vasta 2007). which place the onus of integration on immi- Multicultural policies, these scholars argue, have grants (Carle 2006; Entzinger 2003; Lechner failed because of inadequate implementation, 2008; Vasta 2007). Race and racial differences inattention to specific needs of immigrant groups, are likely to become more salient in the future as and perhaps most important, negligence of the recent research finds the Dutch exhibiting explicit effects of racial discrimination on immi- increased nativism, prejudice, and social segrega- grant integration. Furthermore, these policies, tion, particularly with regard to Muslims (Carle were generated by a political system embedded 2006; Sniderman and Hagendoorn 2009; in a society structured by racism, since they Verkuyten 2008). address neither underlying racist structures nor Negative racial attitudes also find immigrants existing discrimination, they replicate, rather experiencing frequent interpersonal discrimina- than rescind, inequality (De Zwart and Poppelaars tion in public places (on the street, in stores, and 2007; Vasta 2007; see also Bonilla-Silva 1997, on public transportation) from the general public, 2006; Feagin 2006, 2009). business owners, and the police (Boog et al. 2006; mfweiner@holycross.edu 590 M.F. Weiner Crul and Doomernik 2003; Hondius 2009; Ghorashi and van Tilburg 2006; Vasta 2007; Leeman and Saharso 1991; Siebers 2009; Van Verkuyten and Thijs 2002). Niekirk 2007). This overt and covert racism testi- fies to Dutch perceptions of Surinamese, Antilleans, Turks, and Moroccans as outsiders Conclusion and the “continuing significance of race” (Feagin 1987) in Dutch life. This “migrant hostile dis- A national identity based on the belief that they course” in the media negatively affects immi- are tolerant and racism-free (Brown 2012; grants’ career trajectories leading to downward Hondius 2009) exists alongside historical exclu- segmented assimilation and maintains racial clo- sion and contemporary inequalities rooted this sure at the highest levels of society (Siebers 2010; history of ambiguous tolerance and will likely Vermeulen 2010). Furthermore, some argue that continue to impact the socioeconomic integration contemporary commitment to pillarization, a sys- of non-Dutch. Currently representing less than tem of “voluntary segregation,” especially in the 20 % of the population, non-whites in The face of increased society-wide secularization, Netherlands face increasing anti-immigrant atti- justifies racial inequality without addressing rel- tudes and legislature which may enhance these evant power inequalities that inhibit minority groups’ difficulty in multiple social realms, par- integration and socioeconomic success in mod- ticularly education and employment. With minor- ern Dutch society (Pettigrew and Meertens 1996; ities’ lower educational and occupational Sturm et al. 1998). attainment now entering the third generation, While The Netherlands has historically been policies that do not assist immigrants in integrat- a nation of immigrants (Lucassen and Lucassen ing, a culture of discrimination in the workforce, 2011), there is no language available for migrants longstanding racial hostilities, and a global eco- to claim multiple identities (i.e. Ghanaian Dutch) nomic crisis resulting in increased job competi- (Ghorashi 2009; Mollenkopf and Hochschild tion in all sectors, these phenomena have the 2010). Although roughly 30 % of all immigrants potential to entrench racial stratification for gen- identify as Dutch, and many have integrated ele- erations to come. More research into racializing ments of Dutch society into their own lives (Crul mechanisms, particularly from a qualitative per- and Doomernik 2003; Den Uyl and Brouwer spective would not only enhance sociological 2009; Ouarasse and van de Vijver 2005; van Wel understandings of these phenomena but lead to et al. 2006; Verkuyten and Slooter 2008), the improved socioeconomic integration and out- necessity of being either Dutch or something comes for racial minorities in The Netherlands. else, but not both, will likely have important This should include ethnographic studies of implications both psychologically and socioeco- schools, work places, public venues (for interac- nomically (Weiner 2011). Although children, tions with the police), interviews with students teens, and adults express elements of hybrid and parents, and community leaders of color identities (de Leeuw and Rydin 2007; Ghorashi (particularly those involved in the burgeoning 2009), experiencing discrimination in the social movements addressing race in The Netherlands decreases immigrants’ commitment Netherlands such as Comité 21 Maart and Zwart and identification with the host nation (Verkuyten Piet Niet), and content analysis of contemporary and Yildiz 2007). Unable to be seen as fully popular cultural media, and government policies. Dutch by a nation that consigns non-whites to Furthermore, the Dutch history of colonial wealth outsider status (Ghorashi 2010; Weiner 2014), accumulation and its impact on contemporary discursive racism will continue to justify the ubiq- socioeconomic inequalities and racialized ideol- uitous public, education- and employment-based ogies and images must continue to be excavated discrimination across the skills spectrum, including to fully document the role of colonial era policies among the highly educated (Bovenkerk et al. 1995; on racial realities in The Netherlands today. mfweiner@holycross.edu 27 The Demography of Race and Ethnicity in The Netherlands… 591 Bovenkerk, F., Gras, M. J. I., Ramsoedh, D., Dankoor, M., References & Havelaar, A. (1995). Discrimination against migrant workers and ethnic minorities in access to Ahmad, A. N. (2004). Home front. Mute, 1(27), 30–32. employment in The Netherlands (International Ali, A. H. (2008). Infidel. New York: Free Press. 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